Page
Preface 1
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, July 13, 1709 2
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, March 6, 1710 7
Polhem to Benzelius, July 16, 1710 9
Swedberg to Benzelius, London, Oct., 1710 12
Swedberg to Benzelius, London, April, 1711 18
Elfvius to Swedberg, Upsala, July 28, 1711 25
Swedberg to Benzelius, London, August 1711 28
Oxford 35
Swedberg to Benzelius, London, August 1712 38
Holland 43
Swedberg to Benzelius, Paris, August 9, 1713 49
The Hague, Hamburg 54
Swedberg to Benzelius, Rostock, Sept. 8, 1714 55
Swedberg to Benzelius, Greifswalde, April 4, 1715 61
Return to Sweden 63
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, August 9, 1715 64
Upsala 67
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1715 69
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, Dec. 7, 1715 73
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Dec. 1715 74
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, Dec. 19, 1715 78
Starbo 83
Swedberg to Benzelius, Skrviken, Feb. 14, 1716 85
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, March 4, 1716 89
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, March 19, 1716 92
Benzelius to Swedberg, Upsala, April 2, 1716 95
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, April 1716 100
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, June 12, 1716 105
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, June 26, 1716 109
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, Sept. 1716 112
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, Sept. 5, 1716 114
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, end of Sept., 1716 117
Swedberg to Upsala Academy, Upsala, Oct. 1716 120
Preface to Daedalus Hyperboreus 122
Draft memorial on Mechanical Laboratory 123
Lund 124
Memorial on Improvements at Karlscrona, Dec. 1716 132
Three Points for the King 134
Swedberg to Benzelius, Karlscrona, Dec. 1716 135
Swedberg to Benzelius, Gothenburg, Jan. 22, 1717 138
Memorial on Salt Making, Strmstad, Jan. 1717 140
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stiernsund, Feb. 1717 144
Starbo 148
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, March 24, 1717 149
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, March 27, 1717 150
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, April 3, 1717 152
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, April 3, 1717 152
Memorial on Manufactures, Lund, June 10, 1717 155
Swedberg to Benzelius, Lund, June 26, 1717 157
Brunsbo 160
Memorial on Paper Manufacture, August 1717 161
Karlscrona 162
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, Dec. 17171 163
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, Jan. 7, 1718 165
Bishop Swedberg to Rosenadler, Brunsbo, Feb. 28, 1718 167
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brnunsbo, Jan. 1718 169
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, Jan. 21, 1718 173
Swedberg to Benzelius, Starbo, Jan. 30, 1718 178
Swedberg to Benzelius, Starbo, Feb., 1718 182
Karlsgraf 184
Swedberg to Benzelius, Wennersborg, May 1718 186
Swedberg to Benzelius, Wennersborg, August 4, 1718 189
Swedberg to Upphandlings Deputation, Wennersborg, August 4, 1718 189
Strmstad 191
Swedberg to Benzelius, Wennersborg, Sept. 14, 1718 192
Memorial on Sluice Work, Wennersborg, Sept. 15, 1718 194
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, October 5, 1718 198
Karlsgraf 199
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, December 8, 1718 202
Proposal for Redemption of Token Currency, Stockholm, Feb. 26, 1719 205
Upsala, Swedberg ennobled. Brunsbo 212
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Nov. 3, 1719 213
Swedenberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, No. 26, 1719 219
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Dec. 1, 1719 223
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Feb. 11, 1720 227
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Feb. 24, 1720 228
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Feb. 29, 1720 230
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, March 3, 1720 233
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, April 12, 1720 235
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, May 2, 1720 236
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Skinnskatteberg, June 19, 1720 238
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, July 9, 1720 240
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1720 243
Brunsbo 247
Swedenborg to Melle, Stockholm, May 12, 1721 248
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Helsingborg, June 30, 1721 255
Swedenborg to Preis, Amsterdam, Oct. 21, 1721 256
The Hague 257
Swedenborg to Preis, Leiden, Nov. 8, 1721 258
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Liege, Dec. 12/23, 1721 260
Brunswick, the Hartz, Schiffbeck 262
Swedenborg to the King, Medevi, July 14, 1722 263
Festive Ode, July 18, 1722 266
Bishop Swedberg to Rosenadler, July 10, 1722 266
Bishop Swedberg to Rosenadler, July (end), 1722 267
P. Schnstrm to Swedenborg, Autumn, 1722 271
Memorial on Copper Refining, Stockholm, Oct. 11, 1722 276
Swedenborg to Strmberg, Stockholm, Nov. 7, 1722 279
Fahlun Bergsrtts Answer to Swedenborgs Memorial, Nov. 19, 1722 281
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Dec. 7, 1722 284
Memorial on Balance of Trade, Stockholm, Feb. 5, 1723 289
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Feb. 12, 1723 297
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, March 20, 1723 299
Memorial in favor of Iron, Stockholm, Feb. 18, 1723 301
Memorial against Exclusion of Foreign Traders, Stockholm, April 2, 1723 305
Memorial on Manufacture of Steel, Stockholm, April 11, 1723 306
Memorial against Exclusion of Foreign Traders, Stockholm, April 13, 1723 310
Memorial in favor of Iron, Stockholm, May 18, 1723 315
Vote on Farming out Customs, May 24, 1723 319
Swedenborg to Benzelstierna, Stockholm, August 13, 1723 322
Swedenborg to Benzelstierna, Stockholm, Sept. 16, 1723 324
Swedenborg to Benzelstierna, Stockholm, Oct. 29, 1723 325
Brunsbo 326
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Prsthyttan, Feb. 14, 1724 327
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Prsthyttan, March 20, 1724 329
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, May 26, 1724 333
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, June 16, 1724 336
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, July 7, 1724 337
Swedenborg to Baron Ribbing, Stockholm, July 7, 1724 339
Swedenborg to Hedendahl, Axmar, August 2, 1724 339
Swedenborg to Baron Ribbing, Stockholm, August 18, 1724 342
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, August 20, 1724 343
Benzelius to Swedenborg, Upsala, August 25, 1724 344
Swedenborg to Baron Ribbing, Stockholm, August 28, 1724 345
Swedenborg to Lindbohm, rebro, Sept. 12, 1724 345
Lindbohm to Swedenborg, Axmar, Nov. 1, 1724 346
Swedenborg to Brita Behm, Stockholm, Nov. 3, 1724 346
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Nov. 9, 1724 347
Memorial to Treasury Office, Stockholm, Dec. 2, 1724 350
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Dec. 23, 1724 351
Brita Behm to Swedenborg, Stockholm, Jan. 9, 1725 352
Memorial to Bergscollegium on Behm Case, Stockholm, Jan. 13, 1725 354
Brita Behm to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Jan. 19, 1725 359
Swedenborgs Project in Behm Case, Stockholm, Feb., 1725 363
Swedenborgs Answer to Brita Behms Project 364
Memorial on Polhems Machines, Stockholm, Feb. 14, 1725 366
Memorial on Purchase of an Air Pump, Stockholm, Feb. 14, 1725 367
Memorial on Polhems Machines, Stockholm, Feb. 14, 1725 368
Jesper Swedenborg to his brother Emanuel, Brunsbo, Feb. 26, 1725 370
Memorial on Customs Duty on Air Pump, Stockholm, May 27, 1725 372
Swedenborg to Lindbohm, Stockholm, May (end), 1725 374
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, July 6, 1725 377
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, July 15, 1725 378
Benzelius to Swedenborg, Upsala, Stockholm, July 13, 1725 382
Judge Stiernmark to Swedenborg, Oggelbo, July 29, 1725 383
Brita Behm to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Nov. 16, 1725 385
Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Nov. 26, 1725 387
Brita Behm and Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Jan. 31, 1726 391
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Dec. 1, 1725 392
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, June 6, 1726 393
Swedenborg to Oggelbo Court, Stockholm, July 5, 1726 395
Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, July 9, 1726 402
Memorial to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Oct. 4, 1726 403
Vote on Wellingk Case, Oct. 25, 1726 407
Unge to Swedenborg, Wnga, Nov. 25, 1726 408
Swedenborg to Brita Behm, Stockholm, Nov. 10, 1726 410
Memorial to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Nov. 14, 1726 411
Memorial to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Dec. 13, 1726 414
Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, March 9, 1727 415
Vote on Proposed Hanover Alliance, Stockholm, March 15, 1727 418
Swedenborg and Rudbeck Memorial on Rights of Noblemen, Winter, 1727 419
Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, April 18, 1727 422
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, April 22, 1727 423
Swedenborg to A. D. Schnstrm, Stockholm, Oct. 24, 1727 425
Swedenborg to A. D. Schnstrm, Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1727 427
Swedenborg to A. D. Schnstrm, Stockholm, Nov. 27, 1727 428
Unge to Swedenborg, Wnga, March 18, 1729 431
Swedenborg to Madam Ahlgren, Stockholm, May 27, 1729 434
Swedenborg to Madam Ahlgren, Stockholm, Nov. 28, 1729 435
Swedenborg to Celsius, Stockholm, Nov. 27, 1729 436
Swedenborg to Brita Behm, Stockholm, Dec. 23, 1729 438
Bishop Swedberg to Swedenborg, Brunsbo, April 10, 1730 439
Unge to Swedenborg, Lidkping, August 24, 1730 441
Unge to Swedenborg, Lidkping, Jan. 1731 443
Bishop Swedberg to Swedenborg, Brunsbo, March 1, 1731 443
Memorial on Polhems Models, Stockholm, Feb. 26, 1732 445
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, Feb. 15, 1732 446
Henkel to Swedenborg, Freyburg, Nov. 21, 1732 450
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, April 13, 1733 451
The Kings Grant of Leave of Absence, Stockholm, April 17, 1733 452
Swedenborg to Trier, Leipzig, Jan. 5, 1734 453
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Leipzig, Jan. 19/8, 1734 454
Forskll to Swedenborg, Koskis, August 27, 1734 455
Swedenborg to a Correspondent [1734 or 1735] 456
Swedenborg to Nordberg [?1734] 458
St. Petersburg Society of Sciences to Swedenborg, Dec. 28, 1734 465
Project on War with Russia, Stockholm, summer of 1734 468
Unge to Swedenborg, Lidkping, Jan. 17, 1736 476
Unge to Swedenborg, Lidkping, April 24, 1736 477
P. Schnstrms Note of Indebtedness, Berens Forges, April 30, 1736 478
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, May 24, 1736 478
Memorial on Salary Arrangement during Absence abroad, Stockholm, May 26, 1736 480
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, June 20, 1736 481
Travels in Europe 481
Benzelstierna to Swedenborg, Stockholm, June 26, 1739 482
Benzelstierna to Swedenborg, Stockholm, Feb. 22, 1740 485
Swedenborg to Preis, Amsterdam, Sept. 10, 1740 486
Swedenborg to Royal Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, Jan. 8, 1741 487
Swedenborg to Skinnskatteberg District Court, Stockholm, May 31, 1742 489
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, June 14, 1742 490
Troili to Swedenborg, Fahlun, Oct. 7, 1742 494
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, June 17, 1743 497
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, July 4, 1743 499
The Hague 499
Swedenborg to Preis, London, March 11, 1745 499
Swedenborg to a Councillor of Chancery, Stockholm, Sept. 16, 1743 500
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, June 2, 1747 501
Draft of Letters written in Amsterdam, February 1748, to Hultman,
Broman, Benzelstierna, Unge and the Bookkeeper at this Stockholm bank 503
Appendix 506
Swedenborg leaves Holland for London, October 1748 509
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, November 25, 1749 510
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, January 9, 1750 511
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, January 20, 1750 511
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, February 10, 1750 512
Swedenborg to Count Tessin, [? Holland, 1750] 514
Swedenborg to John Hart and John Lewis (Draft letters) 515
Swedenborg to C. J. Benzelius, May 31 [1753 or 1754] 517
Draft Memorial on Distillation of Spirits, Stockholm, November 3, 1755 518
Swedenborg to an English Lord, [Autumn or Winter 1755] 520
P.M. [Pro Memoria, 1756] 521
Swedenborg to Anton von Swab, [Autumn 1755] 522
Swedenborg to Anton von Swab, [Spring or Summer 1757] 522
Swedenborg to John Lewis, [Autumn 1758]--enclosing Errata 523
Jennings and Finlay to Swedenborg, Stockholm, August 17, 1759 526
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, September 1, 1759 527
Swedenborg to von Hpken, [Stockholm], April 10 [1760] 528
Bonde to Swedenborg, Hassleby, August 7, [1760--enclosing 530
letter from Baron von Hatzell to Swedenborg [July 1760] 531
Swedenborg to Bonde, Stockholm, August 11, 1760 533
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, September 27, 1760 535
Memorial on Course of Exchange, Stockholm, November 17, 1760 537
Memorial on Course of Exchange [December 1760] 536
Appendix to Mem. of November 17, [Stockholm] December 13 [1760] 547
Memorial on Stora Deputation, [Stockholm], January 12, 1761 551
Refusal of Seat in the Secret Committee's Exchange Deputation, [January 1761] 558
Swedenborg to Nordencrantz, Stockholm, January 31, 1761 enclosing
Memorial--Extracts from Nordencrantz's book 559
Swedenborg to Carl Fred. von Hpken, draft letter, [Stockholm, February 1, 1761] 566
Nordencrantz to Swedenborg, Stockholm, February 1, 1761 567
For the Minutes--Answer to Nordencrantz, [Stockholm February 17, 1761] 568
Memorial on Export of Copper, [Stockholm, February 1761] 569
Nordencrantz Memorial in answer to Swedenborg, February 10, 1761--Extracts 571
Memorial in Defense of von Hpken, [Stockholm, February 11, 1761] 580
For the MinutesBAnswer to Nordencrantz, February 1761 581
Draft of part of Memorial containing Extracts from Nordencrantz 583
Swedenborg to C. F. von Hpken, [February 1761] 583
Swedenborg to Nordencrantz, [February 1761] 584
Nordencrantz to Swedenborg, Stockholm, February 18, 1761 585
Swedenborg to Nordencrantz, Original and Drafts, February 19, [1761] 586
For the Minutes--answer to Nordencrantz, draft and final copy [February 1761] 588
Swedenborg to a member of the Army, [Stockholm, June 1761] 590
Memorial on the Upholding and Strengthening of the Kingdom in its Freedom, [end of July 1761] 591
Oelreich to Swedenborg, Stockholm, December 31, 1761 596
Joint Memorial to College of Commerce, Stockholm, August 5, 1762 597
Swedenborg to Mennander, Stockholm. August 25, 1762 599
Joint Memorial to College of Commerce, Stockholm, November 15, 1762 600
Swedenborg to Filenius, Stockholm, January 6, 1763 602
Swedenborg to Mennander, Stockholm, August 19, 1761 603
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, October 1, 1765 606
Beyer to Swedenborg, Gothenburg, March 18, 1766 608
[Swedenborg] to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 8, 1766 610
Swedenborg to Secretary of State, Sweden, [Amsterdam, April 1766] 610
Swedenborg to Swedish Ambassador in Paris, [Amsterdam, April 1766] 611
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 15, 1766 612
Swedenborg to Beyer, London, August 22, 1766 614
Swedenborg to Royal Academy of Sciences. Stockholm, September 10, 1766 614
Swedenborg to C. J. Benzelius, Stockholm, September 16, 1766 616
Swedenborg to Mennander, [Stockholm, on or about September 16, 1766] 617
Swedenborg to Oetinger, Stockholm, September 23, 1766 620
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm. September 25, 1766 622
Oetinger to Swedenborg, Stuttgart, October 7, 1766 624
Swedenborg to Oetinger, Stockholm, November 11, 1766 626
Oetinger to Swedenborg, Stuttgart, December 4, 1766 628
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, February 1767 630
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, March 21, 1767 632
Schenmark to Swedenborg, Lund, March 22, 1767 633
Swedenborg to Schenmark, [Stockholm, end of March 1767] 636
Oetinger to Swedenborg, Stuttgart, December 16, 1767 638
Lavater to Swedenborg, Zurich, August 24, 1768 641
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, October 1, 1768 644
Swedenborg to Oetinger, Amsterdam, November 8, 1768 with enclosure on the Natural and Spiritual Sense of the Word 645
Swedenborg to Leyden University, [Amsterdam, February 1768] 649
Cuno to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, March 8, 1769 649
Swedenborg to Cuno, Amsterdam, [March 1769] 657
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, March 15, 1769 659
Hammarberg to Swedenborg, enclosing Ekebom's Attack on Writings, [April 1769] 661
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 15, 1769, enclosing Reply to Ekebom 665
Swedenborg to Beyer, enclosing additional Reply, Amsterdam, April 22, 1769 669
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 23, 1769 672
Hartley to Swedenborg, Maidstone, Kent, August 2, 1749 673
Swedenborg to Hartley, [London, August 5, 1769] 676
Swedenborg to Messiter, London, August 5, 1769 680
Hartley to Swedenborg, Maidstone, Kent, August 14, 1769 682
Swedenborg to Hartley and Messiter, being an Extract from Appendix to White Horse, London, [August 30, 1769] 685
Lavater to Swedenborg, enclosing Cryptogram, Zurich, September 24, 1769 687
Memorial to House of Clergy on Confiscation of Conjugial Love, Stockholm, October 6, 1769 689
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, October 30, 1769 691
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, November 14, 1769 695
Swedenborg to von Hpken, Stockholm, November 17, 1769 697
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, December 29, 1769 701
Swedenborg to Wenngren, Stockholm, January 18, 1770 704
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, April 12, 1770 707
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, April 30, 1770 714
Swedenborg to Tuxen, [Stockholm], May 1, 1770 717
Swedenborg to the King, [Stockholm, May 25, 1770] 721
Swedenborg to Rydberg, Stockholm, June 27, 1770 727
Swedenborg to Alstromer, [Stockholm, July 19, 1770] 729
Swedenborg to Mennander, Stockholm, July 20, 1770 730
Swedenborg to C. J. Benzelius, Stockholm, July 23, 1770 732
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, July 23, 1770 733
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 30, 1771 735
Swedenborg to the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, Amsterdam, June 18, 1771 738
Swedenborg to Venator, Amsterdam, June 22, 1771 740
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, July 2, 1771 742
Swedenborg to the Landgrave, Amsterdam, July 3, 1771--enclosing Note against Ernesti and List of Books published by Swedenborg 743
The Landgrave to Swedenborg, Pirmassens, July 1, 1771 745
Swedenborg to Mennander, Amsterdam, July 6, 1771 747
Swedenborg to Venator, draft letter, [Amsterdam, July 13, 1771] 749
Swedenborg to the Landgrave, Amsterdam, July 13, 1771 751
J. C. Sepp to the Landgrave, Amsterdam, July 25, 1771 753
Swedenborg to the Landgrave, Amsterdam, August 24, 1771 755
The Landgrave to Swedenborg, [Pirmassens, September 3, 1771] 756
Pro Memoria sent to Swedenborg by Count Rudenskjld [early in 1772] 759
Swedenborg's Answer [early in 1772] 759
Swedenborg to Wesley, London, February 1772 760
Appendices:
I An Undelivered Letter from Oetinger 763
II List of Lost Letters other than those mentioned in the Text 764
III Notes, Corrections and Additions 768
IV Authorities Cited 780
PREFACE
In translating the Letters and Memorials that follow, endeavor has been made to retain, so far as possible, the style and flavor of the originals. In the Swedish of the period covered by these letters, it was the practice of the learned to interlard their writings with foreign words to which they usually added Swedish endings--the foreign words being written in Latin script, and the Swedish, including the endings just referred to, in Swedish script. Bishop Swedberg frequently inveighed against this practice, and in this he was supported by Charles XII, both men being zealous to preserve the purity of their native tongue. The practice, however, was not altogether unjustified, since it was sometimes difficult to find a corresponding Swedish word. As Eric Benzelius expressed it, "What a thing is called in Latin, is known, but how to translate it into Swedish requires thought" (Forssell, p. 4). In two of his works, the Algebra and the Longitude, published in 1718, the patriotic Emanuel sought to meet this difficulty by the introduction of new and ingenious Swedish terms.
It should be noted, however, that many of the foreign words, used in the period here spoken of, later became incorporated into the Swedish language with a slight change of spelling, e.g., c to k.
In the first part of the present volume, I have meticulously put all foreign words in italics, in order to give the reader some idea of the literary style of the writers; but later, I have omitted italics where the foreign word differed from the Swedish merely in the matter of a letter.
Copies or photographic reproductions of all the documents translated in this work are preserved in the Library of The Academy of the New Church, where note is made of the place where the originals are to be found. Sometimes the contents of letters are given but not the letters themselves. In such cases, the letters are either lost or not available, and the contents are gathered from other letters.
A work of this kind, involving many documents gathered from various sources, would not be possible without the preceding labor of men who have industriously searched out those documents. From the first days of the Church there have been many such men--the Nordenskjld brothers, Wadstrm, and others; and, in a later generation, Dr. J. F. Immanuel Tafel, ably assisted by the researches of Dr. Achatius Kahl of Lund University.
The documents discovered by these various workers were published from time to time, usually in English translation, in the pages of the New Jerusalem Magazine, 1790, the Intellectual Repository, the Monthly Observer, and other New Church journals. But it was reserved to Dr. J. F. Immanuel Tafel to gather into a single volume all the documents thitherto published, together with many others discovered by the researches of Dr. Kahl and other scholars in Sweden. This volume, Dr. Tafel published under the title Sammlung von Urkunden, Tbingen, 1739-45. Of this work, an English translation by the Rev. J. H. Smithson was published in Manchester in 1841.
Subsequently, Mr. William White discovered several new documents which he published in his Life of Swedenborg. Then, in 1875, came the monumental work of Dr. Rudolf Tafel, Documents concerning Swedenborg, published by the London Swedenborg Society, 1875-77. This work presented in English translation all the documents thitherto discovered and, added thereto, translations of many new documents discovered by Dr. Tafel himself with the cooperation of some Swedish librarians.
The Documents concerning Swedenborg seemed well nigh to have exhausted the sources from which new documents could be found; but this was far from being the case; for, later, new documents were discovered by Prof. C. Th. Odhner, and, in an eminent degree, by Mr. Alfred H. Stroh, ably assisted by Miss Sigrid Odhner (now Mrs. Thorsten Sigstedt); and it was not only new documents that Mr. Stroh discovered, but, during his long residence in Sweden, he also brought to light many Swedish publications, old and new, which throw light on the life and work of Swedenborg.
Mention must also be made of the work of Mr. F. G. Lindh, who for some years conducted extensive researches which included archives thitherto untouched. Some of these documents were printed in Nya Kyrkans Tidning, of which Mr. Lindh was Editor, and these had the great advantage of appearing in their original Swedish. A great many of Mr. Lindh's discoveries are unfortunately still in handwritten copies. It is to be hoped that they will in time be published, preferably in one of the Swedish New Church journals; for they throw much light on certain details in Swedenborg's life. Mr. Lindh was kind enough to allow me to consult his documents. But I am particularly indebted to his valuable studies, entitled Swedenborgs Ekonomi, published serially in Nya Kyrkans Tidning, 1927-1929. They are full of information not otherwise accessible.
Owing to the work of these laborers in the field, handwritten copies, typescripts, photographs, photolithographs and phototypes of the documents concerning Swedenborg were gradually accumulated in the Library of The Academy of the New Church. But great and valuable as this Collection was, it did not become fully available to students until later years, when Miss Sigrid Odhner, following a plan laid down by Mr. Stroh, and under the direction of the Academy Librarian, the Rev. Dr. Reginald W. Brown, gathered together these documents, or notations of them, arranged them in chronological order, and secured them in five large folio binders.
With all this preliminary labor, it can be easily imagined that the work of the present translator was greatly facilitated; indeed, without it, that work would have been well nigh impossible.
For the information contained in the many notes which appear in the present volume, I am indebted to the numerous published works which, during the course of many years, have been gathered together by the Library of The Academy of the New Church. These include many published volumes unearthed by Mr. Stroh, and, in many cases, presented by him to the Academy Library.
The present volume embraces Swedenborg's Letters and Memorials up to 1748 when he commenced the Arcana Coelestia. I have now in preparation a second volume containing the Letters and Memorials written after 1748, which I hope will be ready for publication in the not too distant future.
In conclusion, I wish to express my indebtedness to Dr A. Grape, the learned Librarian of Upsala University (now retired), for many helpful suggestions; to Dr. Pelle Helm, the Editor of the valuable work now in course of publication, Ordbok fver Svenska Sprket, for much kindly help in the interpretation of certain words and expressions in the antiquated Swedish of Swedenborg's day, presenting problems which, unaided, I could never have solved; and to my secretary, Miss B. G. Briscoe, who has read the whole proof and made many useful suggestions.
ALFRED ACTON.
BRYN ATHYN, PA.
May, 1948
Emanuel Swedenborg, whose name, until the ennoblement of the family in 1719, was Swedberg, was born in Stockholm, January twenty-ninth, 1688. In 1693, his father, Jesper Swedberg, moved to Upsala, where he had been appointed by Charles XI, professor of theology at the University, and it was in this town that young Emanuel received the whole of his schooling. In 1696 his mother died, and in the following year, his father married Sarah Bergia, a wealthy and pious widow wham Swedenborg declares to have been truly a mother to him. It was in this pious home that the young Emanuel received those first religious impressions which had so great an influence on his life.
From his eighth year to his eleventh, he was under the tutorship of Johan Moraeus, a young man of twenty-four who was the nephew and protg of Jesper Swedberg, and a resident in his home. In 1699 he entered the University School. Four years later, June 1703, his sister Anna, then a girl not yet seventeen years old, was married to the learned University Librarian, Eric Benzelius, then in his twenty-ninth year. A month after this marriage Emanuel's father, having been appointed Bishop of Skara, moved from Upsala to make his home in Brunsbo (a mile or two distant from Skara), which was then, as it still is, the official residence of the Bishop of Skara.
In consequence of this removal, Emanuel now made his home with his brother-in-law, Eric Benzelius, with whom he remained for six years, and to whom he became greatly attached. During these years, and, indeed, for long afterwards, Benzelius exercised a marked influence over the mind of the young student, especially in directing him away from the old methods of scholasticism to the newer methods, then dawning, in which the facts of experience were held as the essential prerequisites to all philosophical reasoning. More especially he directed his attention to those mathematical studies which so fully occupied his mind for many years to come.
Emanuel's studies in Upsala were completed in June 1709, when he "submitted to public examination" his Selectae Sententiae.1
1 His father, then on a visit to Upsala, took part in the "Disputation" over the Selectae Sententiae which marked the close of Emanuel's university days.
Following the custom of the time, it had been the intention of Emanuel's father to send him on a foreign tour, as soon as his academic studies were finished. In fact, a passport had already been applied for in the preceding May.
Meanwhile, Emanuel and his father departed for their home in Brunsbo, taking with them Bishop Swedberg's first grandchild, the little Ericus Benzelius, then four years old. The intention was that Emanuel should stay there until the time arrived for him to leave on his first journey to foreign lands, which was to commence in the beginning of August. It was while thus waiting that he wrote the first of the many letters by him that are now extant. It was dated Brunsbo, JULY 13, 1709, and was addressed to Eric Benzelius:
Most Learned Herr Librarian,
Highly Honored d: Brother,
That I have delayed till now with so important a letter comes chiefly from my not having been sure where d: Brother would be at this time. And though I am still quite uncertain as to d: Brother's return home from the baths,2 yet because of the importance of the matter, I am equally compelled to send these lines, together with a humble request that d: Brother, in accordance with his usual goodness and his kind promise, will be pleased to give me some suggestions which might be of benefit to me in my foreign journey. Were there also some letters to d: Brother's acquaintances in England, or other kind services, I would greatly desire them of d: Brother now, since I am not likely to remain here more than 14 days, and this for the purpose of waiting for d: Brother's answer concerning this my journey. It would also be my wish, through d: Brother's recommendation, to become acquainted with some of those who are in the Collegio Anglicano [the Royal Society] wherein there are said to be 21 assessors,3 that I might thereby profitera [make advance] somewhat in mathesi, or, which is said to be their chief pursuit, in Physica and Historia naturali.
2 Acidulae Kihlenses, one of the wells in Stra. Benzelius frequently visited these baths for the sake of his health.
3 The governing body of the Royal Society consisted of 21 members. Emanuel uses the word assessores in the Swedish sense as meaning those entitled to a seat in a departmental collegium or commission.
Since I have always wished to obtain some use and advance in the studies which I chose with d: Brother's advice and approval, therefore I have also thought it advisable early to choose for myself some certain subject which, in time, one will achieve; to this, one could also bring in a large part of that which one observerar [observes] and reads in other countries. I have therefore done this in all the reading that I have done thus far. And now, at my departure, I have undertaken a certain collection (in all that concerns Mathesis) in order gradually to increase and perfect it; to wit, de incrementis Matheseos intra unum vel duo secula [concerning new things discovered and to be discovered in mathematics] or, what is almost the same thing, de incrementis Matheseos intra unum vel duo secula [concerning the additions made to mathesis within one or two centuries] which will extend to all partes Matheseos [branches of mathematics4]. This, moreover, is likely to be of advantage to me during my journey, since I can bring into it all that I may be observerande [observing of] in mathesi. This being my propos [purpose], then, if it does not displease d: Brother, I ought to expect great help and support therein from d: Brother; and also that d: Brother send me a note of whatever he may come across in this connection. It would be very useful to me if some one urged Director Plhammar to communicate his inventa before anything fatal happens to him; the mechanics there, would certainly be an adornment in materien [to the matter in hand]. I have good subsidia [resources] in Morhofvii opere Posthumo5 and a good guide to authors.
4 Namely, astronomy, optics, physics, statics, etc.
5 The posthumous work referred to is Polyhistor Literarium, Philosophicum et Practicum. It was published in Lubec in 1708, and, therefore, had come but recently into the possession of the young Emanuel. It is a classified guide to authors and books in the different fields of learning, and gives special attention to the collection of a library. It may be added that Emanuel used this work in preparing his Selectae Sententiae.
Down here I have so much improved myself that I have acquired an artem manuariam [manual art]--the art of bookbinding.
6 That is, binding in leather.
Herewith is also sent, for d: Brother's use an old coin.7 Of what class it is I know not, but it seems to me suspicious that Sanctus Ericus is inscribed thereon, who yet did not likely have that name until some time after his death.
7 Eric Benzelius was an enthusiastic numismatist, and had a large and very valuable collection of coins. Benzelius' Collection of coins was bought by the Riksbank (Wrangel 9).
Stablemaster Hal is said to have come to the extreme of foolishness in that he has clumsily castrated himself. It is thought that he will probably not live long. Whether this is true I do not know for sure; it is what is said by every one. Perhaps he will become like Origenes.8
8 In order to serve as a teacher of women, Origen rashly castrated himself--a deed which he subsequently condemned.
If there should be any one to succedera [succeed] me in my room, then I would most respectfully beg d: Brother that the papers which were left there might be gathered together and laid for keeping in the vault, for among them lie some which I assembled for Publium Syrum and which I worked hard enough on.9
9 Publius Syrus was one of the authors on whose witty sayings Emanuel commented in his Academical Disputation Selectae Sententiae. The papers here referred to are perhaps those which were subsequently bound together in a volume listed as Codex 37. The first two hundred pages of this codex contain brief sentences from Cicero, Plautus and Florus, arranged under different headings. The blank spaces on these pages were subsequently used for sundry scientific notes and excerpts.
Will d: Brother kindly give a humble greeting to all his Syskon;10 to Prof: Elvius;11 (to Prof: Upmarck,12 who seems to be annoyed at me in some way, since, at the end, he often showed himself dissatisfied with me; this I also perceived earlier, and well understand, but I hope that my fata [fates] will not become so adverse to me that I shall find access to him so difficult; Justin. L. 5, C. 2, v. 6, 7.).13
d: and highly learned Brother's
most obedient servant,
Brunsbo, 13 July [1709] Eman: Swedberg
P.S. We are expecting the Bishop of Gothenburg14 and his wife any day, not knowing whether they have proceeded or not. Little Eric sends his greeting. He is doing well here.
10 A Swedish word meaning "brothers and sisters."
11 Emanuel studied mathematics and astronomy under Professor Elfvius, for whom he seems to have had much affection.
12 Professor John Upmarck (ennobled Rosenadler, 1664-1745) lectured on elocution and politics during Emanuel's days at the University. He was an intimate and lifelong friend of Bishop Swedberg. In 1714 he married the daughter of Professor Schwede and his wife Brita Behm, Bishop Swedberg's sister-in-law.
13 "He was in the flower of his age and venerable in form; nor was he less distinguished for eloquence, even among the Athenians. But he was a man better fitted for gaining the affections of friends than for keeping them; for in the beginning the faults of his character lay hidden beneath the shadow of his eloquence" (Justinus, Hist. Philippicae, loc. cit.).
14 Olaus Ericus Nezelius (1638-1710), who married Eric Benzelius's oldest sister Margaret.
Soon after the above letter was written, news reached Skara of the frightful disaster of Pultava, where, on June 28, 1709, Charles XII had been utterly routed by the Russians under Peter the Great, and had been forced to take refuge in Turkey where he was being detained more or less as an honored prisoner. Sweden being thus virtually without a head, the utmost confusion reigned. Moreover, Denmark, spurred on by Russia, now began warlike measures for the recovery of the Province of Skne, in the south of Sweden, which they had lost to Charles X in 1658. Under these circumstances, with Denmark commanding the sea, all thought of a journey to England was out of the question and Emanuel's hope of commencing his foreign travels "in fourteen days" was suddenly dashed to the ground.
To meet the threatened Danish invasion, General Stenbock made frantic appeals to the people to rise in defence of their country; and despite the heavy conscriptions of the past, the ruinous taxation, and the utter poverty of the people, he succeeded in raising a ragged army which, in spite of its deficiencies and lack of discipline, yet defeated the Danes at the battle of Helsingborg in February 1710.
Meanwhile, Emanuel, now despairing of a foreign journey even in 1710, occupied himself in Brunsbo and Skara as best he could. Doubtless he communed with his bookbinder. Doubtless also his insatiable curiosity led him to visit the printing shop which had been established in Skara in 1707, and which printed some ambitious verses composed by him during this period. But what principally aroused his scientific interest was the presence in Skara of some gigantic bones which, on first inspection, he imagined to be the bones of some giant Swede of ancient times. Their presence in Skara was due to the activity of Emanuel's former tutor, John Moraeus.
After obtaining his medical degree in France in 1705, Moraeus had been appointed provincial physician in Skara, where he became once more a resident in Bishop Swedberg's home. Soon after his arrival, he heard of some bones that had been dug up in a parish about fifteen miles southwest of Skara. He at once visited the parish in question, and subsequently wrote Eric Benzelius that when the work of digging was finished, the bones would be sent to Skara. It was here (Lilljeborg, fversigt, 61) that young Emanuel first saw them in the autumn of 1709, and it at once occurred to him that their proper place was the University Museum in Upsala. So, in February 1710, they were duly dispatched thither, and after examination, were pronounced to be the bones of a whale.15
15 Some years later, in 1715, Swedenborg refers to these bones as affording proofs that at one time Sweden was covered over by the Flood. The bones themselves, fifty-one in number, are now preserved in the Upsala Zoological Museum where they are catalogued as the "Swedenborg Whale."
The prospect of remaining another year in Brunsbo, that is to say, until the spring of 1711 when the proposed journey to England might become possible, was anything but welcome to the active mind of the would-be traveller. He therefore welcomed the suggestion, made either by his father or by Benzelius, that he spend some of the intervening time with the Swedish mechanical genius Christopher Polhem, whose machine shop in Stiernsund was the wonder and admiration of the day.16
16 Christopher Polhem (or Plhammar, as his name was then spelled) was a brilliant mechanical genius and inventor. In 1698 he had been appointed by Charles XI Director of Mining Mechanics, and this title he retained to the end of his life. His principal activity, however, was devoted to the direction of his private works at Stiernsund, about forty miles southwest of Falun, where he enjoyed a monopoly in the manufacture of clocks, locks, machines, etc. Here he was in the habit of receiving a few pupils.
It was under these circumstances that on MARCH 6, 1710, Emanuel sent the following letter to Eric Benzelius, by the hand of his future brother-in-law Jonas Unge, who was then journeying to Upsala for the purpose of receiving the degree of Master of Theology, entitling him to occupy a theological lectorship in the Skara Gymnasium:
Highly Honored D: Brother,
Since Magister Unge intends to betake himself to Upsala to give there a specimen academicum for his receiving the Theological Lectorate, these lines will also go with him as a due respect and attention to d: Brother. This I would have done frequently if opportunity had offered and if I had been sure of d: Brother's return home.
It is now my chief desire to get a little information concerning my dessein, which is being talked of here, to be with Polhammar. If it so be that my foreign journey must needs stand over till the Spring [of 1711], then I am quite content to be with him for some time, seeing that I can probably reap more advantage there in summer than in winter; and there, everything will be so much more lively and pleasant, and my mind in better condition. I have very little desire to remain longer in this place, since I am wasting my time here almost in vain.
1 Emanuel had learned to play while in Upsala. Professor Vallerius was an enthusiastic musician who delighted to teach the students; Swedberg's father was also very fond of music.
Some time ago, all the people here were called up,2 and when the time came, the Wasbo people gathered together in a crowd, where an unheard of outrage was committed on their own bailiff3 whom they first handled roughly and then killed, and shot some 100 shots at him, so that hardly anything whole was left of him. Afterwards, they would have had the pigs eat him up had not the pastor in Horn4 reprimerat [restrained] them. Magister Faegraeus5 interfered but was threatened with the same treatment if he would not hold his peace. Two peasants and a housewife, who expressed pity over this, were also killed. The district judge, Aurell, took flight to the above mentioned Horn's rectory, and in a dark room, in the cellar; but the place was surrounded and was searched in all corners; but they had to go back again with their purpose unaccomplished. Part of them have Stationed themselves at Billingen [about fifteen miles northeast of Skara], and have threatened with death those who will go further; for the provincial governor6 was compelled to give them all home leave, because they were heard to say that they had intended to treat in the same way all their officers whom they might hive on the march.
2 That is, called up or conscripted to join General Stenbock's army.
3 According to the Swedish Historian Fryxell, this bailiff, whose name was Wahrenberg, was known as a wicked man and a bribetaker.
4 Horn is a small parish near the parish of Binneberg in the district of South Wadsbo (locally Wasbo). The disturbance began at Binneberg, and when the bailiff Wahrenberg was killed, the Pastor of Horn, Ericus H. Lundgren (1661-1715), by urgent admonitions, prevailed on the people to allow his body to be taken away (Warholm, Skare Stifts Herd. 2:110).
5 Johannes Faegraeus, curate of the church in the neighboring village Fgred, and a member of a family known in the place for generations.
6 Baron Gustaf Soop. Soop blamed the clergy for this outbreak, in that they had so devoted themselves to things of the world that they had neglected to teach the people the laws of God (Tottie, Jesp. Swedberg, 2:54).
Four or five weeks ago the giant bones were sent from here. Probably they have arrived. I wish it were so, since, in some verses which Magister Unge will probably include in his disputation, I have alluderat to them as follows:7
7 The four lines that follow are part of a longer poem in praise of Unge. Following the custom of the time, this laudatory poem was printed in Unge's Disputation, the subject of which was "The Consummation of the World."
To Upsal town a giant's mighty limbs were sent
Which, lacking brain, lacked human ingenuity.
And now our fertile land sends forth another child;
This strong in mind, that strong in muscularity.
And so it is my wish that they have not been stopped on the way. The novitien8 who took them with him, seemed to be well disposed. At this time, Brother Eleizer9 is also probably in Upsala, where I wish him luck to advance in his branches of study. Here Brother Jesper is having peculiar sickness. God help him. After sincere greetings to sister Anna, I commend d: Brother to the protection of the Most High, and remain always,
highly honored d: Brother's
humble servant
Brunsbo 1710
6 March
Eman: Swedb:
8 i.e., one who was about to enter the University for the first time.
9 Emanuel's brother Eleizer was almost two years his junior. He had entered the University in 1703 together with his younger brother Jesper.
Meanwhile, Bishop Swedberg had written to Polhem asking whether he would receive Emanuel as a resident student in mechanics. Perhaps Emanuel himself had carried this letter, or it may be that he and his father had called on Polhem on their way from Upsala to Brunsbo However this be, it is certain that Polhem had met Emanuel; for, writing to Eric Benzelius on July 16, 1710, Polhem says: "As regards young Herr Swedberg, I may confess that I have seen with immeasurable pleasure that he, like others, journeyed hither independently without any preceding contract. And then, since we found in each other delight and pleasantness, the wish for this can readily be taken for granted, especially since I have noted that he is capable of being able to help me in the work I have in hand in mechanics and the experiments pertaining thereto."
But although Polhem was attracted to the young Emanuel, he yet gave a negative answer to Bishop Swedberg's request that he accept him as a pupil. Benzelius, of course, heard of this, but he still cherished the idea of having Emanuel study under Polhem. Therefore, about the middle of June, 1710, thinking very naturally that Emanuel was still in Brunsbo, he communicated with Polhem with whom he was personally acquainted, and urged young Swedberg's case so successfully that in the letter of July 16 from which we have just quoted, Polhem wrote giving an implicit consent to the reception of the young student.*
But while these negotiations were going on, the young man whom they most nearly concerned had gone off. Evidently the would-be traveler had heard of a captain willing to chance capture by the Danes, or molestation by the French--who were then at war with the English-and he eagerly embraced this opportunity to commence his travels. Accordingly, he sailed from Gothenburg at the end of April or the beginning of May,10 all unaware of the difficulties he was to encounter on this his first voyage.
* This was written under the supposition that Emanuel was in England in May (see below at p. 11). But since he did not leave until July, Benzelius "knew that he was in Brunsbo." (I.9.) Emanuel sailed from Gothenburg shortly after the middle of July. This agrees with the date, end of July, when he had expected to sail in 1909; see p. 2 near the end. It also agrees with the date when the plague broke out in Sweden, namely, in July 1710, and because of which Swedenborg's ship was quarantined at Harwich.
10 It is significant that this year, 1710, when Swedenborg, then a young man of twenty-two, went to England where he stayed two and a half years, is the year to which he assigns the beginning of his preparation for his office as Revelator: "I was first introduced by the Lord into the natural sciences and was thus prepared; and this, from the year 1710 to 1744 when heaven was opened to me" (2 Doc. conc. Swedenborg, 257). He left England at the end of 1712 or the beginning of 1713, and his next visit to that country was in 1744-45 when he received his divine commission.
Many years later, he writes that the voyage was a somewhat adventurous one. During a fog his ship nearly grounded on a sand bank; it was bearded by a privateer which they thought to be Danish but which proved to be French; then they were shot at by an English warship which was in pursuit of this same privateer; and, finally, in the Thames, "some Swedes arrived at the ship with a yacht and talked me over into going to the city with them, whereas all who were on the ship were ordered to remain there for six weeks, because they had already learned that the plague had commenced in Sweden. As I had taken myself off from the quarantine that had been ordered, this matter was inquired into. Yet I was let off from the rope, but with the reservation that no other person would afterwards escape if he ventured to do the like" (Resebeskrifning, p. 3).
In London, while becoming accustomed to the English language, the young traveler viewed the sights of the city. He was impressed with Westminster Abbey, and his scientific curiosity was aroused by the whispering gallery in St. Paul's Cathedral. He followed the construction of this noble building, and seems to have witnessed its completion at the end of September. He was a frequent visitor at the many secondhand booksellers, and an interested and covetous observer of the many wonderful and exact mathematical instruments exhibited by the famous makers of London. Nor was there any lack of social intercourse with friends. He soon acquired a large circle of acquaintances among the members of the Swedish church, among friends and admirers of his father, and also among the members of the Royal Society, several of whom were known to his brother-in-law Benzelius. At Fulham, a beautiful village on the Thames, five miles from London, he visited the hospitable home of Doctor Edzardus, the son of his father's old friend, and the pastor of the German church in London in which the Swedes had worshiped until some months before the date of his arrival.11 Here he met a former fellow student, Erik Alstryn, the tutor of Edzardus's sons.
11 In March, 1710, some months before Emanuel's arrival in London, the Swedes in that city, who had been worshiping in the German church under Doctor Edzardus, established a fund for the building of a church of their own, and it was doubtless to this fund that the young Emanuel contributed on May 10, the fifteen shillings which is credited to his name. The Swedish church in Princes' Square was not built, however, until 1728, but a meeting house on Ratcliffe Highway was rented, and in March 1710, a Swedish pastor was chosen. (Carlson, Sv. Kyrkan i London, p. 7. See below, p. 96, note 3.)
On this contribution was based the supposition that Swedenborg arrived in London in May 1710. But during a visit to Skara in 1952, Dr. Hugo Lj. Odhner unearthed a manuscript which shows that Swedenborg arrived in London on August 3, 1710. The fifteen shillings contribution must therefore have been sent by post. The manuscript in question is a bound MS. Diary kept with great exactness by a young theological candidate, Sven Bredberg (1681-1721). He commenced his foreign journey in 1708, after receiving his Master Degree in Upsala, and arrived in London on July 14, 1710. This Diary not only gives the date of Swedenborg's arrival in London but also gives some new particulars of his sojourn there. Translated from the Swedish, the pertinent passages are as follows:
"1710 Aug. 3. A good friend invited me to go with him and meet the Bishop's son, Herr Svedberg, who together with the other Gothenburg ships was arrested on his ship by the English and put in quarantine under suspicion that they might bring with them some sickness from Sweden.... Since the merchants wanted to try out a yacht they considered buying, and would be back after two days, I went along. But when we came to the ships, we had contrary wind and storm; landed and came to All-Hallows Church which was covered with ivy. Ate and drank at the inn there. Took horses and rode on the highway from there to Gravesend...16 miles in two hours. There, in the little town, we had a generous meal and then, together, took a boat to London. (For Swedenborg's own account of his arrival in London, see page 10.)
"6--Took lodgings further up in the city nearer the Colleges, the library and the Exchange, not far from Herr Ahlberg where Herr Svedberg and Herr Ludenius (cf. p. 236n) were staying. As per agreement, I gave the man who moved my things to the new lodging on Red Lion Street, I shilling.
"16-1 was with Herr Svedberg at the Monument--now so called--a very high and beautiful monument which was erected after the frightful fire of 1666. Inside are 365 winding steps all the way up to the too; and there, outside, is a handsome and high balcony so that one can go around the column and see the whole of London.
"19--Paid cost of room for the past 14 days, 15.--...
"21--Was with Mag. Alstrin, Herr Ludenius and Herr Svedberg. I was in Westminster's great and beautiful church, and saw different graves of former kings and princes and queens standing in their state within glass. King Edward's frightfully large sword, the two old wooden chairs on which the kings sit when they are crowned, on one of which the present Queen Anne was crowned. For sitting on these chairs, detaching the sword and viewing the graves, each of us gave ninepence. Immediately afterwards we were in the Parliament House in the large hall.... There hung the many French banners which the English took from the French in the war.
"When we went out, the Chancellor drove past us with his mace, usually in front of him and now with him in the carriage. This mace, which is carried in front of him, has a lame crown at the end.
"On Casaubon's tomb was carved qui nosse vult Casabonum non saxa sed chartas legat super futuras marmori et profituras posteris.
"We visited the Guildhall where the great and famous lottery is in a very large hall with 2 great statues and other things in it, wherein were 2 blue clad lads who take out the lottery tickets ... and give them to the Secretary.
"After this we saw the high and beautiful anatomy theatre in the College of Medicine. (The College of Surgeons.)
"Then we went to Sion College or Collegium Ministerii Ecclesiastici Londonsis, and there saw the fine library, though there was here something lacking since many books had not been entered and brought into order. There were many fine documents with seals and decrees of councils, many writings of the Fathers, etc.
"Previously we were in the fine large madhouse they have here, where frightfully many mad, both men and women, sit each shut up in his little room.
"We were also in Gresham College--a College both theological, philosophical and medical, and saw in two rooms ... a serpent 21 feet long, the temple of Jerusalem as it was in former days, in small size, as long as a Bible in 4 to besides a great number of books shut up in a case, a beautiful auditorium; each of us gave 24 ore [6d] as a tip."
Surely a wearisome day, even for a young man of twenty-two and a half years. No wonder Swedenborg could write on October 13: "I have already examined with my eyes all in this city that is worth seeing."
Among the many marvels that presented themselves to the young man, what must especially have interested him and excited his admiration, was the demonstration of freedom of speech and of the press that he so often witnessed, and the absence of which, in his own country, he so often laments on his return to Sweden. This was pointedly brought to his attention by the case of Doctor Sacheverell, then agitating the English public.
Shortly before Emanuel's arrival in England, Doctor Henry Sacheverell had been condemned by the Whig Government to three years' suspension for a sermon he had delivered and published, attacking the government for neglecting to support the Anglican Church against the growing strength of the dissenters. Immediately after the sentence had been pronounced, the Doctor's sermon was reprinted, a rain of pamphlets descended upon the city, and the matter became a heated subject of debate in every place where men congregated. Emanuel's sentiments in this connection were probably well expressed by his friend Alstryn, in a letter to Professor Upmarck, dated September 1710: "So many publications are issued by both parties about the royal power over the subject and the subject's duty to the King, that I think this would be possible nowhere else than here." (Bergius, Brefsamling III p. 658)
Meanwhile, soon after Emanuel's arrival in England, he had received from Eric Benzelius a friendly letter, evidently forgiving him for his sudden departure from Brunsbo. In this letter Benzelius asks him for a poetic contribution in laudation of the learned Swedish poetess Sophia Elisabet Brenner, whose collected poems were shortly to be published under the editorship of Urban Hjrne. It may be added that Fru Brenner, the products of whose pen consisted of fugitive verses in Swedish, German, French, Latin and Italian, was regarded by her contemporaries as the Sappho of her age,--a judgment with which later generations have not agreed. She was certainly a learned woman, an avis rarissima in Sweden; but she was also modest and domestic--the mother of fifteen children.
Emanuel answered his brother-in-law in a Latin letter which the latter received on OCTOBER 13, 1710.
Dearest Brother,
A single letter would not be sufficient for my excuse, who, at the time I left for London, so often missed you and your kindness, in that up to the present I have not answered your last letter which was so full of kindness, and that I had not complied with you when you were persuading and inviting me to the delights, as it were, of Polhammar. I would have wished that it might be allowed me to cover this unkindness under the veil and name of indolence and carelessness, and so to make you the same to me as you were before.
I have not entirely renounced that journey to Polhammar, the Machaon1 of our age, but have postponed it until, with God's help, I shall return to my country; for I might be charged not only with negligence but also with a mind ungrateful to our age, if I gathered no teaching from a man so great that our country will never see his like. This island also fosters men of the greatest skill in this science, but I have not yet consulted them because I am still poor in the language. I read Newton daily,2 and I wish also to meet and to hear him.
1 Machaon, the son of Esculapius, was renowned for his skill in surgery.
2 Newton's Principia was published in Latin in 1685, but the first known mention of his law of gravitation in Upsala is contained in a Disputation under Professor Elfvius in 1703, and the next is in a Disputation, also under Professor Elfvius, in 1716. Elfvius was skeptical as to the truth of Newton's theory, and "it was first through Swedenborg's visit to England" that Newton's views came to be adopted in Sweden (Annerstedt, Ups. Univ. Hist. II. 2, pp. 323-24; see also Bring's Polhem, p. 62).
I have acquired for myself a stock of books on mathesis, though a small one, and also a certain selection of instruments which are the adjuncts and adornments of mathesis; as, for instance, a tube, various kinds of quadrants, prisms, microscopes, artificial scales, like William Hunt's and Thomas Everard's, and--what I admire, and you would also,--a camera obscura. I would that when the balance of expenses and receipts is struck off, some little money might be left over such as would suffice to buy me an air pump.
I have already examined with my eyes all in this city that is worth seeing. The magnificent temple of St. Paul was finished in all its parts a few days ago. In Westminster Abbey, when I was examining the royal monuments, I happened to see also the tomb of Casaubon,3 when I was carried away with such great love of this literary hero that I gave my kisses to his tomb; and to his remains lying under the marble, I dedicated the following lines:
3 Isaac Casaubon (1559-1614), the great Huguenot scholar and learned editor of the Greek and Latin classics. In 1610 he came to England at the invitation of James I, and remained there in the royal favor until his death, when he was buried in Westminster Abbey. Emanuel doubtless learned to admire him in the course of his Latin and Greek studies in Upsala.
Why beautify the tomb with marble,
and gold and verse
When these shall perish, while thyself
shalt e'er survive.
And yet, methinks, the stone acclaims thee
right willingly
And takes with joy the loving kiss
of passers-by.
or in this way:
The urn hath thine ashes
God and the stars thy soul;
Thy writings thy genius,
Men and the world thy fame.
Death hath dissolved thee into dust
But for thyself, thou liv'st unharmed
within our hearts.
For the rest, almost the whole city is witnessing the internal dissensions between the Anglican Church and the Presbyterians, who burn with a mutual hatred that is almost deadly. The torch and trumpet of the disturbance is Doctor Sacheverel whose name is heard from every lip, in all quarters, and his book read in every coffee house.4
4 Taberna, properly a booth or stall; perhaps Emanuel here means bookstall or bookshop; but judging from the customs of the time, coffeehouse seems the more probable meaning. In old Swedish taberna meant an inn or wine shop.
If you were to inquire about myself, dearest Brother, I know myself to be alive but not happy; for I long for you and home. If I chance to see a letter from you, you carry me back, as it were, to my fatherland, for I love and revere you not only more than my brothers but even as a parent.
I am sending you the verses to Sophia Brenner, the Sappho of our Age, that if you find anything therein worthy of correction you will, I pray, introduce the correction and amend the lines, and send them to her thus amended. Doctor Edzardus sends his most dutiful greeting to you, my dearest Brother.
God preserve you in happiness and me in life until I again meet you.
Your disciple and lover even to death,
Emanuel Swedberg
London 1710, Oct.
[Enclosure.5]
To
The only Muse of our Age,
SOPHIA ELISABETH BRENNER
when she would sing her songs anew.
5 The M.S. of this enclosure is not now preserved. It was sent by Benzelius to Urban Hjrne, and was published by him in a volume entitled De illustri Sveorum potria Sophia Elisabetha Brenner, testimoniorum fasciculus n. d. (a Collection of Testimonies to the illustrious Swedish poetess, Sophia Elisabetha Brenner).
The muses revered of old by Rome or Greece
Came each from the brain of a God;
The Pierian muse revered in Svea's land
Is fruit of her own brain alone.
The muses owe name and life to prophet bards
But she to herself and her songs.
And 'tis to SOPHIA, BRENNER owes his fame
Owes song to Sophia, the muse.
And so to the muse, to self, and to her man
A Phoenix is she.
When the lyre
Is touched by her hand, she joins to strings such songs
That one must refuse every thought
Of her as a feignd muse.
As light excels
O'er darkness, o'er shadow the frame,
So tow'reth ELIS'BETH over every muse
That dwelt in Apollyon isle.
With laurel and ivy, thee alone the Swedes
Shall crown; who to them art the first
Of lettered and learned women in their land
And possibly shalt be the last.
Had Naso or Homer haply sung of thee,
Then thou alone hadst been the muse
Instead of the host they lauded high in song.
Methinks that an age yet to come
Shall humbly bow knee, arid thee their muse adore
As almost a goddess divine.
Thy soul shall escape the fire, the last cold ash,
And ne'er shall thy bettermost part
Know aught of grim death.
But lo, for thee 'tis sleep
I speak of--but pardon thou me
The men of a future age shall think of thee
Sophia, as goddess divine.
Not then to memorial cypress, stone or brass
Commit the upkeep of thy name,
A name that shall live for e'er. The stone shall fall
But thou and thy memory survive.
While in London, the young Emanuel made it his practice to take lodgings in the homes of skilled craftsmen, and this with the idea of learning something of their trade. This indicates that he had a native genius for mechanics, and the indication is confirmed by statements he makes in some of his letters, and also in his published works. On his first arrival in London, he lodged with "a watchmaker"--probably the name he gives to a watch-chaser, or engraver of watch cases--from whom he learned the art of engraving. Later he changed to a cabinetmaker, from whom he learned the art of mounting instruments; and in the Spring of 1711 he was living in the home of a maker of mathematical instruments.6
6 Such lodgings must not be regarded as remarkable; for in Stockholm, during the meetings of the Diet, the taking of lodgings at the houses of tradesmen, and even master workmen, was not at all uncommon even for noblemen. Moreover, it must be borne in mind that inns or hotels were not so common, even in London, as they later became. Emanuel, however, had a special purpose in seeking his lodgings.
Despite his humble lodgings, however, Emanuel, owing to the position of his father who was well known to English churchmen and was also greatly admired, had friends in high places. Among the foremost of these was John Robinson, the Bishop of Bristol whom the young Emanuel visited at Somerset House, his London residence. John Robinson (1650-1723) had resided in Stockholm for nearly twenty-five years, first as chaplain to the British Legation, and then as the British resident minister.
In 1710 Bishop Swedberg published a small book describing his personal investigation into the case of a Skane servant girl, Estrid, living near Malm, who was reputed to have gone without food for six years, and without drink for eight.7 In December of the same year, he wrote to his old friend, the Bishop of Bristol, giving some particulars of this case,8 and it is not unlikely that Emanuel carried the letter to Somerset House, for his father was equally anxious with himself that he should have an introduction to good circles. Certainly he shares with Bishop Robinson the knowledge of this curious case of the Skane servant girl, as shown by his reference to it in one of his later letters to Benzelius (p. 33).
7 This case and Bishop Swedberg's investigation of it, is referred to by Swedenborg in his Animal Kingdom II, 509, xx, p. 428.
8 Bishop Swedberg's letter was translated by the Bishop of Bristol, and published in a pamphlet of 22 pages (Lond. 1711) which was reviewed in the Memoirs of Literature for June 1711, p. 256 (see also New Magazine of Knowledge, 1791, p. 365).
It was also about this time, the end of 1710 or the beginning of 1711, that he first made the acquaintance of John Flamsteed who, some thirty-five years previously, had been appointed by Charles I the first Astronomer Royal of England. Flamsteed lived at the Royal Observatory in Greenwich, which had been built for him. It was here, some nine miles from London City, that Emanuel visited him, going down the Thames by boat, which was the usual way. The house, now known as "Flamsteed House," still stands as it was when the enthusiastic young student of mathesis had his many talks with the experienced Flamsteed, then a man of over sixty-five years. The principal topic of their discussions was the experiments Flamsteed was making with a view to compiling accurate tables of the motion of the moon, and this with the ultimate aim of discovering a method of finding the longitude at sea. Indeed, it was mainly with a view to the making of such a discovery that Charles II had established the Observatory and appointed Flamsteed as its head. It would seem that this visit to Flamsteed marks the time when the ambitious young Swede was first fired with the desire to discover the longitude--a desire which continued with him for many years.
In March 1711, he received a letter from his brother-in-law Benzelius full of news and highly flattering.
9 This Collegium was "Sweden's first literary society and the pattern of all its later scientific Academies and Societies" (Forssell, p. 164-5). The name Collegium Curisorum was first suggested by Polhem (Hildebrand, K. V. A. Frhist. 91).
Furthermore, on behalf of the University, Benzelius (though without specifying the means of payment) commissions the young Emanuel to purchase certain books, a microscope, and a twenty-four-foot telescope--the latter was for magister Vallerius's10 private account. He encourages his young relative to pursue his mathematical studies, and finally he asks him to inquire of the Swedish Ambassador, Carl Gyllenborg, as to the receipt of copies of a certain book lately published by himself in Upsala, and which had been dispatched to England in 1709. He had written on the matter to Count Carl Gyllenborg, but apparently had received no reply.
10 John Vallerius (1677-1718) was then Adjunct in Mathematics and Astronomy at Upsala University (Annerstedt, Up. Univ. Hist. II, I, p. 387). He was the youngest member of the Collegium Curiosorum.
Emanuel's answer to this letter is undated, but the precise Benelius marks it "1711, APRIL 30," probably the day of its receipt. It reads:
Highly Learned Herr Brother,
Some weeks ago I received my learned Herr brother's more than pleasant letter wherein among other things it pleased me that my d: brother had such confidence in me as to place on me some commissions which I will attend to with all diligence.
As regards the 24-foot telescope, I have ordered the glasses for it from Marshal, to whom Magister Valerius wrote, and who is said alone to have the approbation of [the] Royal Society.
1 Dollars in copper coinage; they were only one-third the value of dollars in silver coinage and much below the value of the Riksdahler. Thus L1 was equal to 33-34 dahl. kop., to 11 dahl. silf. and to 4 Riksdahlers.
If my Brother would like for the library a very good antila [air pump] with a pretty good supply of apparatus belonging thereto, and also with all the improvemens which [the] Royal Society has inventerade, the book about it, price, and a list of all that goes with it, shall follow in my next. Three of them are being sent to Russia, in that the Russians considerable section in this place, busying themselves mostly with mathesis and navigation, applicerande [adapting] themselves to mores principis2 [the ways of their prince] who, when he was here, showed himself remarkably inclinerad to such subjects. He also purchased from Mr. Edmund Halley, for 80 pound, the latter's incomparable quadrant which he used to discover the southern stars at St. Helena.3 and with which he made pretty good observations of the moon and the planets in 1683, 1684, etc.
2 Peter the Great who visited England in 1697, when he devoted much of his time to the study of practical shipbuilding.
3 In 1676, at the recommendation of Charles II, the East India Company invited Halley, then a young man of twenty years, to go on a voyage to St. Helena for the purpose of astronomical observation. In the course of the voyage and at St. Helena itself, he made many important astronomical observations.
I have inquired in all the bookshops and at the auctioner [auctions] for the books committerade to me [which I was commissioned to procure] but some were not found.
Cotelerii Monumentorum Gr. Eccl. Tom. I,4 is found in a bookshope in Paternoster Row, but one must pay for it almost the price of the whole work.
4 Ecclesiae Graecae Monumenta by Joh. Bapt Cotelerius. Paris, vol. I, 1627; vol. II, 1681. This work is a collection of thitherto unpublished Greek MSS. relating to the Greek Church, with a parallel translation into Latin.
Norris Reflections upon the Conduct of Human Life, I have bought, but the earliest edition,5 since no new edition has as yet come out apart [separately], but only together with his other works, such as his Christian Blessedness, Christian Monitor, Dialogue between two Protestants, Poetick Miscellanies, etc., which can be bought for to or 24 shill. I have read through this little treatise, finding him very subtil and ingenious, but he seems to use so many ambages [circuitous paths], and not to desire to discuss what alone he treats of, holding one ever in suspens as to what may be his conclusion, and as to what he would have.
5 "Reflections upon the conduct of human life with reference to the study of Learning and Knowledge. In a letter to the excellent Lady, the Lady of Masham; by John Norris... to which is affixed a visitation sermon by the same author, London, 1690." This is the first edition; a second edition is said to have been published in 1691. Norris was the leading English representative and interpreter of Malebranche, and his Reflections present much of the teaching in the French philosopher's Rcherrche de la Verit.
Bakers Reflexions upon Learning6 I have read through three times, finding in him my greatest delight; but I wonder that he approberar [approves of] nothing, but makes all that has been inventerad [discovered] and written, incomplete and unworthy of his esteem; which, if this was not authorns [the author's] only purpose, might redound to his own vitium [injury] and to his own refutation, in that he must reckon himself among those he refuterar, so long as he is reckoned as one among all.
6 "Reflections upon learning wherein is shewn the insufficiency thereof in its several particulars, in order to evince the usefulness and necessity of Revelation. The fourth edition. By a gentleman [Thomas Baker], London, 1708." This book enjoyed remarkable popularity and went through seven editions. Swedberg's comment on it agrees with the comment made in the Dict. of Nat. Biog.
I visit daily the best mathematicos in the city here. I have been at Flamstedt's who is held to be the best astromomus in England, making continual observations which, together with the Parisiensium Observat:
7 This period of 18 years 11 days (223 lunations) is a recurring period, called the Saros, when eclipses occur with almost exact reproduction of their details (Hutchinson, Splendour of the Heavens, p. 222).
Newtonius, in his Physical Phenomenon,8 has laid a good foundation to regulate the irregularities of the moon; he has not, however, given out tables but a nudam theoriam9 [bare theory]; there he has also corrigeradt praecessionem aequinoct. Temp. access. et recess. aquarum, etc. [corrected the precession of the equinox at the time of the ebb and flow of the tides, etc.].
8 The reference is probably to Part III of Newton's Principia, entitled De Mundi Systemate. In the second and enlarged edition of the Principia, published in 1713, this third part is specifically headed "Phenomena," and it deals, though merely theoretically, with the matter referred to in our text.
9 It may be noted that Gregory, in his Astronomia, 1702, printed a "Theoria Lunae" by Newton; it was translated into English in 3 Miscellanea Curiosa, 1708, one of the works which the young Emanuel was reading at this time.
Will my d: Brother kindly ask Professor Elfvius what the meridianus or longitudo is in Upsala. I know that at one time he found it quite accurat by means of an ecclipsis lunaris; it will be of use to me. That my Brother encourages me to Mathesin is a matter I should rather be discauragerad in, since I have an immoderate desire thereto without this, and especially to Astronemien and Mechaniken. I make good use of most of my lodgings that I take here. First I was with a watchmaker, then with a cabinet-workman, and now am with an instrument masterman in brass, where I steal their trade which, in time, will be useful to me. I have lately, for my own pleasure calculated some useful tables for the latitudin. Upsalens.; also all the eclipses [symbol] et [symbol] [of the moon and sun] which are to take place from 1712-1721, being willing communicera them if this is desired.10
10 That is, desired by the newly formed Collegium Curiosorum.
11 The reference is to "Miscellanea Curiosa, containing a collection of some of the principal phenomena in Nature," [Edited by Edmund Halley] 3 volumes, Lend. 1705. A second edition was published in 1708.
When Polhammar's inventiones are published, will my Brother kindly communicera them to me, which will insinuera [serve as an introduction to] me to some mathematici whose acquaintance I desire to make. I wish I could be home, on such an occasion.
If d: Brother will kindly take it on him to order a quadrant for me from Polhammar's brother,12 it would very greatly obligera me; of 4 or 5 feet, of brass. If it is found advisable that he mark it out, he may do so in the same way that his brother marked one for Professor Spole, very accurat, which showed every 5th minut: secund [fifth second]. I think that my father13-
12 Polhammar's stepbrother was born to Polhem's mother in her second marriage. His real name was Jran Silker (Bring, Ch. Polhem, pp. 7-8), but he called himself Georg or Jran Polhammar. He was a mathematical instrument maker in Stockholm.
13 According to Mr. Stroh's printed edition of the Epistolae, this sentence would read: "I think that my father would not refuse to pay for it, if he sees anything over" [i.e., if he has any money left]: but this is conjecture, as the writing after min fader is illegible, partly owing to the crumbling away of the paper. It certainly contained about double the words printed by Mr. Stroh.
P. S. Grabii LXX14 has lately been published, but I have seen it only in octave, together with a little tractat in quarto on his Alexandrian Manuscript.l5
14 Namely, Joh. Ernest Grabe's Septuaginta Interpretum, Tomus I, edited from the Codex Alexandrinus, accurately emended and supplemented by the aid of other copies, etc. This work was published simultaneously in a folio and in an octave edition, as follows: Vol. I, fol (vols. 1 and 2 8vo) in 1707, vol. IV (vol. 7 8vo) in 1709 Vols. II and III (3-6) were published in 1719, and 1720, after Grabe's death. His uncritical "emendations" destroy the value of his work as an edition of the Codex Alexandrinus.
15 This tract was published in 1705. It is a description of the Codex Alexandrinus (then preserved in St. James's Palace) which Grabe prefers to the Codex Vaticanus. Grabe had been a friend of Eric Benzelius during the latter's stay in London in 1700 (Forssell, Er. Benz. D. y., p. 46).
Ephraim Syrus is very well edited in Oxford in folio.16 They have procured for themselves an opus of all the poets in 2 tom: fol., together with an index universal.
16 Edited from the Bodleian MSS. by Edward Thwaites, Oxford, 1709. The MS. of this work which for many years had lain in the Bodleian Library wholly unknown was discovered by Eric Benzelius during his visit to Oxford in 1700 (Forssell, p. 43)
I have a great deal to communicera with my d. Brother in Historia Lifter., but time and the paper do not permit. In my next I will give an account of all I have read in [the] History of the Learned.17
17 History of the Works of the Learned, a monthly book review, established in 1699.
I asked Count Gyllenborg as to d: Brother's books, who said he had received the letter but not the books which are at Custom Houset which is holding them there until the duty is paid. There is great hazard for me in inquiring after them, since Vitis Aquilonia is a Catholic and superstitious book; and the importation of such books is subject to severe penalty, by an act of Parliamentet in 3 William and Mary's year. If I knew they were other, I would see to it that they be released.18
18 The book in question is Johanni Vastovii, Gothi, Vitis Aquilonia seu Vitae Sanctorum Regni Sveo-Gothici Emandavit et notis illustravit, Ericus Benzelius, Filius; Upsala 1708. [Vitis Aquilonia by John Vastovius the Goth, or the Lives of the Saints of Swea Gothia. Edited and furnished with notes by Eric Benzelius jr.] It is an account of the lives of Christian saints from A.D. 813 to 1525, and is full of marvelous tales. Benzelius is sure that Vastovius, whether or not he believed the accounts that he wrote, certainly did not invent them. Benzelius' edition was a reprint with illuminating notes, of the exceedingly rare first edition, Cologne, 1622 (Forssell, p. 113)
[This letter contains no signature, for which, indeed there was barely room.]
What with his ordinary expenses and the purchasing of books, the young traveler found himself at this time somewhat in need of funds. He had not received anything from his father beyond the two hundred Riksdalers19 with which he had been provided when he started on his journey in July 1710. Perhaps, in the meantime, he had received money from the sale in England of the iron produced by the Starbo works owned by his wealthy stepmother; perhaps also he had drawn a bill on his father the Bishop, whose name would, of course, be honored by the Swedish merchants of London who had so recently placed themselves under Bishop Swedberg's episcopal care. In any event, he was feeling the need of money, and so he wrote to his father, begging for a remittance, and promising not to incommode him by drawing bills on him. Owing to the disastrous military policy of Charles XII both before and after Pultava, and to the necessity of maintaining an army of defence against the Danes, Sweden was utterly impoverished. Despite this, however, Bishop Swedberg was not a poor man, for both his wives had inherited iron furnaces; and iron, being in large demand for the export trade, commanded a high price in Swedish currency. The young Emanuel, therefore, eventually received a sufficient supply of money, and was able not only to continue his travels but also to pay for the publication of books.
19 200 Riksdalers was equal to about L50. The purchasing value of this sum can be realized when we consider that the annual salary of the pastor of the Swedish Church was L40 plus two collections (Carlson, Svenska Kyrkan i London, p. 182), while that of the Astronomer Royal was L100 (which, however, he thought a scanty income) plus the free use of Flamsteed House (Diet. of Nat. Biog.).
Emanuel's last quoted letter to Benzelius was read to the Collegium Curiosorum, and the different questions which it raised were discussed by that body at its meeting on July tenth. The conclusions reached at this meeting were very flattering to the young traveler, who, but two years previously, had been a student under the professors who constituted the Collegium. These conclusions were: That he go to Flamsteed's and carefully examine his instruments and their markings, inquiring particularly how they are used at night. That he find out their cost. That he institute inquiries as to the latest [celestial] globes, what the learned think of them, what they cost, and whether the printed paper for them could be procured so that they could be made up in Sweden. That he be encouraged to continue in his work of facilitating the calculations of the eclipses of the sun and moon, and that he report what tables he had been using.
20 Christopher Polhem's stepbrother; see p. 22, note 12.
21 See Daedalus Hyperboreus, facsimile ed.; Upsala, 1910, Pt. I, pp. 66-67.
Accordingly, in the beginning of August, Emanuel received the following letter from Professor Elfvius, dated JULY 28, 1711:
Highly learned Herr Swedberg, good old Friend and Cousin,1
1 Professor Elfvius's brother Lars was married to Margareta Schnstrm, one of Emanuel Swedberg's first cousins.
I read with great pleasure Min Herr's letter written to the Librarian, and from it I perceive not only Min Herr's prosperous condition, but also the praiseworthy diligence Min Herr uses in Mathematicis studiis [the study of mathematics] and the branches pertaining thereto. Of this I am heartily glad, and I express my wish for still further fortune therein, in fulfilling so praiseworthy an undertaking.
I come now merely with some small matters which I think to be such as I myself have a desire to know, and as will be useful to Min Herr in his proposito [proposed work].
1. That in any event, cost what it will, Min Herr be present when Observationes are being made by Flamsteed, and see how he conducts them; give a satisfactory description of his instruments and of all the apparatus belonging thereto, especially of the divisionerne [division-marks] whether they are made by a limbo mobili [movable limb] after the manner of Hedraeus,2 or as transverse lines, as were Tycho's instrumenta, or with a screw in the limb as Robert Hook so much acclaims as against Hevelius;3 also whether he uses telescopium instead of dioptrerna [the diopters], and how it is fastened; how the instrument is set parallel with the horizon; and, above all, that Min Herr makes himself well acquainted with micrometren [the micrometer] which is set in tubo in concursu focorum [in the tube where the foci meet] whereby one obtains diametros planetarum, [the diameters of the planets] etc.
2 Bengt Hedraeus (1608-1659), professor of "practical mathematics" in Upsala. His special interest was in astronomy, and for the pursuit of this he erected a private observatory--the first in Upsala. Among the instruments with which he furnished it, was a quadrant of his own invention, with a radius of 24 feet, and a movable limb whereby he could show not only minutes but also seconds.
3 Robert Hooke (1635-1702), Who had great inventive genius, advocated the use of telescopic sights as against Hevelius (1611-1687) With whom he conducted a bitter controversy culminating in a printed criticism (Animadversiones, etc., Lond. 1674) of Hevelius's instruments.
2. What came of Rob. Hook's observation, according to which, in his tractat, An Attempt to prove the motion of the earth, Lond., 1674, he would show motum terrae annum [the annual motion of the earth]; whether it receives the assent of eruditis [the learned], and whether the same observation is continuerat by others.
3. That one might obtain a list of all Flamsteed's writings. These the library would gladly possess in addition to what the Herr Biblioth. [Librarian] himself writes about.
4. I think Min Herr should apply himself somewhat to glass grinding to the least detail, that he may get to see the best procedure.4
4 This suggestion is undoubtedly occasioned by Emanuel's statement that he lodged with various master workmen in order to steal their trade.
5. What the learned Mathematici think of Newton's Principia Motuum Planetarum [Principles concerning the motion of the Planets],5 inasmuch as they seem to be pure abstractionand not physicae [physics], namely as to how the one corpus planet. [body of the planets] shall gravitera to another, etc., which seems to be unreasonable.
5 A subject dealt with in Newton's Principia.
6. Whether Flamsteed abides by the maxim. Obliquitatem eclipticae [the greatest obliquity of the ecliptic] 23"9', or by 23"30' as held by others.
7. What tabulae motuum lunae et [symbol] in ecclipsibus calculandis [tables of the motions of the moon and sun in the calculation of eclipses] are held to be the best.
As per request, there follows my observation of ecclipsis lunae [of the eclipse of the moon], 1706, 11/21 Oct.,6 together with the ecclipsis observation i Bononien [Bologna] by Manfred extracted from the Hist. Reg. Acad. Scient., Paris, 1706, p. 669....7
6 That is, October 11 Old Style, or according to the Julian Calendar, and October 21 New Style, or according to the Gregorian Calendar.
7 Here follows the observations referred to, which we omit. The text is printed in Swedenborg, Opera Quaedam, Holmae, 1907, I, p. 213.
If this eclipse has been observerat in London, one can clearly find diff. meridianorum [the difference of meridians] by collatione observationum [a comparison of the observations].
And now, with sincere commendation to God's protection, I remain ever,
My highly honored Herr's
ever ready servant,
P. Elfvius.
P.S. I recommend to Herr Swedberg's admirable curiosity to search out the above and all else that can be of service to our mathematiska wares, both among the learned and among other artifices [workmen]8 in London.
8 Undoubtedly another reference to the young Emanuel's statement as why he took lodgings in workmen's houses.
About the same time that Emanuel received the above letter, he also received a kindly letter from his brother-in-law, excusing him for his neglect in letter writing. Benzelius encloses a draft for 250 dalers kop mt., and orders the purchase of the Philosophical Transactions. Furthermore, in accordance with the instructions of the Collegium Curiosorum, he encourages young brother-in-law in his work of facilitating the calculation of eclipses; asks him as to the latest globes; informs him of young Plhammar's inability to mark a quadrant, and asks him to inquire the cost of a quadrant in London, and whether the instrument is made in Hooke's way with a screw in the limb.
Benzelius expresses concern over the continued delay in releasing his work on Vastovius, and asks his young correspondent to approach Bishop Moore9 and see if he cannot effect the release.
9 John Moore (1646-1714), Bishop of Norwich and fly, was a low churchman and of a democratic nature. His library at Ely House consisted of about 29,000 books and nearly 1,800 MSS, and he was never happier than when he could show a visitor to London its treasures (Dict. of Nat. Biog.). The Bishop made all scholars, English and foreign, welcome, freely placing his library at their disposal, and our young Swedish scholar would naturally be among his visitors.
Soon after the receipt of these letters, the young Emanuel paid a visit to Flamsteed and showed him Elfvius's observations of the lunar eclipse in October 1706. These Flamsteed at once compared with his own observations (I Doc. conc. Swedenborg 574), though with what result is not known. The young student also made diligent inquiry of Flamsteed as to the various points that had been raised by his correspondents, and in the LATTER PART OF NOVEMBER he answered both Elfvius and Benzelius in a single letter, addressed to his brother-in-law, and enclosing a letter to his father:
Highly learned Herr Librarian,
Three weeks ago, a letter was sent off by a ship that was going to Gothenburg, but had such misfortune that it came back a few days ago together with some others. Meanwhile, came d: Brother's much longed for answer to my former letter, together with the draft which was sent to me on the Bibliothekets [Library's] account, namely, 250 Dlr. Kop.1 This sum is already used in part, on the books that were ordered in my Brother's last letter, all of which have been found and paid for excepting Philosophical Transactions, which by very careful inquiry, I finally got track of. All these shall be sent either to Gothenburg or Stockholm at the next opportunity, together with a very handsome microscopium. The glasses for the tubes, I am saving until my Brother's answer, since artifices [the makers] in general say that for a twenty-four foot telescope they have never made more than two glasses, but for a six or seven foot, four are made, adding that those that consist of four glasses can be used only in the daytime, but the others at night. Flamstedii [Flamsteed's] sixteen-foot telescope consisted of two. The glasses [made] as Hevelius directs, are ready and stand all tests. When they are sent over, a bill will accompany them, together with a list of all the appurtenances to the Antliam Pneumaticam [air pump], of which I have [the] authors original. It was described by him, and set up in a tractat in quarto.2
1 At the current rate of exchange, this would be about L7 10s. od.
2 The author of this MS. was Francis Hauksbee (d. 1713), and the printed quarto was entitled "A Catalogue of an improved Air Pump." It was accompanied by a drawing. A second edition appeared in 1717, after the author's death. The fact that the young Emanuel had the "Authors original" would indicate that there was more than an ordinary business acquaintanceship between the two men. Certainly the young investigator's intense curiosity in all that pertained to mechanics would greatly attract him to Hauksbee, who was an advanced experimentalist in natural science, and a fellow of the Royal Society.
In 1709, Francis Hauksbee published his Physico-Mechanical Experments. Emanuel bought this work for the Upsala Library, and he himself read it with intense interest. Although only a small work, it is full of novel experiments which opened entirely new fields of investigation. Thus, Hauksbee shows that the light resulting from friction on amber, glass, etc., in a vacuum, is due to a new force which he calls "electricity," and which he compares to the crackling and flashing of lightning. There are also many experiments dealing with the ascent of water in narrow tubes, between smooth plates, etc., a phenomenon of which Swedenborg makes frequent mention in his works.
To get the paper for the globes is almost impossible, for they are afraid of them being copied. On the other hand, those that are made up come quite dear. For this reason, I have thought to prick off a couple myself, propriis digitis [with my own fingers] of a moderate size only, to wit, 10/12 pedis Svecani [of a Swedish foot] (these I have under way), and send the plates over to Sweden and when I come home, perhaps to make others of more value. I have already so far acquired the art of engraving,3 that I think myself capable [competent] in it. In my father's letter, I am sending a specimen of this, which was the very first I laid hand to, as regards anything that I have inventeradt.4 In addition, I have learned from my landlord to make brass instruments so that I have made a large number for my own needs. Were I in Sweden, I would not apply to any one to make the meridians for the globes and aught else pertaining thereto.
3 Literally, "pricking art."
4 Probably an engraved drawing illustrating one of the many mechanical inventions which the young investigator lists in his letter to Benzelius of September 1714.
As regards astronomy, I have so far acquired it that I inventeradt [have discovered] a great deal which I think will be of use to that studio, though in the beginning I had much brainracking therewith. Yet, long speculations do not come hard to me now.
I have weighed the plans of all in regard to Longitudinis terrestris indagationem [investigation of the terrestrial longitude], but found they would not serve. I have, therefore, thought up a method, which is infallible, by means of Lunam [the moon] of which I am sure that it is the best that can be given; intending in a short time to inform [the] Royal Society that I have a plan in this matter which has such and such signa [signs]. If I find the gentlemen are favorable I will publishera it here, otherwise in France. I have also hit upon a lot of new methoder in respect to observationes planetarum, lunae, stellarum [observations of the planets, moon, stars], especially as regards Lunam and its paralaxes, seu diametrum and inaequalitates. These I wish publicae lucis facere [to bring to public light] if I find it opportune. I am now working through Algebram et Geometriam subtilem, intending to make such advance in these subjects as, in time, to be able to continuera Plhammars inventioner.
If the following books are not in the library, I await word as to whether they are wanted: Wilkins Mathematiska Works,5 whose writings are very ingeniousa. Isac Newtonii Series fluxionum ac differentiarum cum enumeratione Linearum tertii ordinis, [1711], a finger's thick book in quarto but quite dear,12 shill. Item, Ejustdem de Compositione Arithemtica in usum Academiae Cantabrigiensis, 1707. Ditton's Institutions of fluxions [1706] Here are also grand English poets who are worth reading through on account of their inventioner [imaginations] such as Drydens, Spen[s]ers, Wallers, Miltons, Cowleys, Beaumont and Fletchers, Shakespear, Johnsons, Bens,6 Oldhams, Benhams [Denham's], Phillips and [Edmunds] Smiths, etc.7
5 The edition of Bishop Wilkin's Mathematical Works here referred to, was published in 1708 (thirty-six years after the Author's death). It includes Wilkin's Natural Magic (first published in 1648) which young Emanuel must have read with especial interest as it displays the workings of a mind like his own, fertile in imagination, and keenly perceptive of the wide field open to the mechanical inventor. There can be no doubt but that it was this work that planted in the mind of the ambitious young Emanuel the germs that led to some of the inventions of which he speaks in his letter to Benzelius, written from Restock in 1714.
6 Evidently meaning Ben Jonson.
7 The reference is probably to the two folio volumes of the Collected Poets spoken of in the letter to Benzelius on p. 23.
As regards Wastovius, I will make inquiry of Bishop More who, at the present time, has not been in town but on visitation.
8 The name given to a small coin of copper with a little addition of silver, which was issued in 1521 and discontinued in 1521. Such a coin was contained in Benzelius's collection. Benzelius had been an ardent coin collector since boyhood (Forssell, p. 21). See p. 4.
Professor Elfvius is most humbly thanked for the communication of his observata ecclipsis.
I beg most respectfully that my Brother will be pleased to procure some brass quadrant for the library which, in the model now used, should enter into Sweden quite easily, since all others8a consist of iron with merely the periphery of brass. The wooden sextant is indeed large, but observations made with it do not seem to find the same acceptance as those made with a brass one of one-third the size. I am also giving a sketch of a new method [style] of quadrant which can observe everything, without calculatione Trigonometrica. Flamstedts largest [quadrant] stands in what is almost a crypta9 which has a prospect only to the meridian [south]. It rests firmly nailed to a stone wall and only its tube is mobilis. The instrument's subtensa is almost 130 and includes the whole arcum which is from the horizon to the pole. The division10 is a mixture of Hook's, Tycho's and others.
8a That is all those in Sweden. The large wooden sextant spoken of later in the text, refers to the sextant which was kept in the Upsala library (Forssell, p. 186).
9 The reference is to the mural arch constructed under Flamsteed's direction by his assistant, Abraham Sharp (Baily, Account of the Rev. John Flamsteed, 1835, p. 55).
10 i.e., the dividing of the mural are, which was done by Flamsteed's assistant Sharp, and which observed an accuracy never before attained anywhere (Dict. of Nat. Biog. s. v. Flamsteed).
It is furthermore asked what Flamstedius has published. These are Opera Posthuma Horoxii [1673]; also a little concerning Solis ecclipses as to how they can he put down so as to be reckoned in pleno. He has also published in folio his fifteen years observations, but they are not to be had. He told me that he had under press Constellationes Caelestes,11 as they are found in Hipparchus. He shows that when Bayerus12 emenderat [corrected] them, who was the first to mark them off, he mistook right for left, back for thigh, and had most erred in astro navis, quia ignarissimus fuit linguae Graecae [in the constellation Navis, because he was so utterly ignorant of the Greek language]. He prints the stars in the order in which they come to [the] meridian.13
11 Flamsteed's Histauia Coelestis came out in the autumn of 1712 in one folio volume. But Flamsteed repudiated it, owing to the alterations introduced by the Editor, Halley. In 1714, three-fourths of this edition were burned by Flamsteed himself, except for a certain part. Flamsteed's catalogue of stars was not published until 1725, six years after Flamsteed's death. In 1729 it was followed by an Atlas Coelestis with 28 maps.
12 The autograph has Majerus, but this is an error due either to mishearing or to a slip of the pen. The reference is to Johann Bayer (1572-1625), a German astronomer who, in 1603, published a celestial atlas in which he charted all the stars in Hipparchus, as preserved by Ptolemy, and introduced for the first time the method now in use, of designating the brilliancy of the stars in each constellation by Greek letters. Flamsteed maintained that Bayer had made errors due to his not understanding Ptolemy's Greek; see Baily, Life of Flamsteed, pp. 201, 203.
13 Flamsteed's numbering of the stars is still in general use.
When the plates of the globes come to Sweden, Prof. Elfvius will perhaps take the trouble to see that they are printed off and [the globes] made; I will send a specimen in my next; no paper may be sold.
P.S. Prof. Elfvius asks the judgment of Englishmen concerning Newtonii Principia, but in this matter may no Englishman be consulted quia caecutit in suis [because he is blind when it comes to his own countrymen] and it were crimen [a crime] to bring them14 in dubium [into doubt].
14 i.e., Newton's Principia, i. e., principles.
The Lunares tabulae most highly esteemed here are Horroxii Tabulae Brittanicae, Streetii [Tabulae] Carolinae, Greenwoods [Tabulae] Anglicanae. Flamstedius declared he had made infallibla tables in respect to Lunam. In Mathesi, no other writings are in use here in England, nor are the writings of others in any way estimeras [esteemed] but only their own countrymen's.
P.S. Since, until now, I have been wrapped up in my astronomic speculations, my Brother is gracious enough to excuse my negligence; I shall hereafter be more diligent in letting no occasion pass without paying my respects to d: Brother. I do not intend to come home this side of 1715 I long to see the Bibliothecam Bodlejanam since I have been through the small one that is in Sions College.15 I am left here in want of mony; I am surprised that my father has not taken more thought of me than to let me live on 300 Riksdalars, for what will soon be sixteen months,16 when he knows that I promised in a letter, not to burden him with any drawing of a bill on home. The iron does not arrive here for three or four months hence.17 It is hard to live like the wench in Skne, without food or drink.18
15 A theological college situated at the corner of London Wall and Phillip Lane, which has long since been pulled down. It possessed a very valuable library. The modern Zion College is situated on London Wall between Aldermansbury and Moorgate Street, on about the old site.
In a review of vol. 1 of the present work, the Rev. W. R. Presland, writing in the New Church Magazine for Oct.-Dec. 1948, made the following correction of this note: "The name of the old city thoroughfare just west of the Guildhall is Aldermanbury, and so long ago as 1886, Sion College (still so spelled), was removed from the vicinity of London Wall to the Victoria Embankment, almost a mile to the southwest, where it is housed in a beautiful, though not very lofty, building near the boundary line that separates London and Westminster." See further as to Swedenborg's visit in Notes and Corrections p. 11 footnote 11.
16 This indicates the latter part of August 1711 as the date of the letter; for Emanuel arrived in London in the beginning of May 1710. Since Swedenborg arrived in England on August 3d and not on May 10th, "almost 16 months" would indicate the latter part of November as the date of this letter.
17 Probably alluding to a consignment of iron from one of his mother's iron furnaces on which he probably expected to draw money.
18 See p. 17.
P.S. The postage money, my Brother will kindly charge to my account or my father's. Flamstedius has asked for Bilbergii Solem inocciduum.19 All the Syskon are greeted.
19 i.e., Refractus solis inoccidui in septentrionalibus eller midnat solens rtta och synliga rum uti Nordlanden, 1695, by Prof. Joh. Bilberg. (The refraction of the setting sun in the north, or the midnight sun's real and apparent position in the northland.)
20 Two of Eric Benzelius's younger brothers. When he was in Paris Emanuel received a letter from Hinrick who was then with Charles XII; see p. 46.
21 A merchant at Upsala. It was through the same man that Eric Benzelius received a letter from Doctor Hudson of Oxford.
This letter also, like the former, was unsigned, and for the same reason. After writing it, the young Emanuel continued his studies in London while awaiting funds from his father which would enable him to take the trip to Oxford which he so greatly desired. It was during this period that he further developed his plan for finding the longitude at sea, whereby he hoped to receive the approbation of the learned.
Early in December, 1711, he was pleasantly surprised by the arrival of his two cousins, Pastor Andreas Hesselius and Gustaf Hesselius,21a the painter, who were on their way to America, Bishop Swedberg having appointed Pastor Hesselius to the charge of the Swedish congregations on the Delaware.
21a Their mother, Maria Bergia, was sister of Sarah B., Bishop Swedberg's second wife and Emanuel's stepmother.
During their temporary stay in London, the two brothers, who hitherto had known only small Swedish towns which were almost villages, were shown by their cousin Emanuel the sights and wonders of the great and amazing metropolis London.
From a fragment of a diary kept by Hesselius, and which is preserved in the Royal Library of Stockholm, we learn that on January 13, 1712, the three young men visited the shop of the Royal Watchmaker Antram, and there saw, to use Hesselius's words, "a rare and clever piece of work [a clock] which went only when the light was lit and set on the work; and as soon as the light was put out it stopped."* This clock aroused young Emanuel's mechanical curiosity, and he made particular inquiries of Antram himself, who, while showing him the inner parts of the clock, yet refused to tell him the secret of its mysterious working.
* Concerning this Diary, see note to p. 343.
Perhaps Hesselius had brought from Bishop Swedberg the funds so greatly needed by Emanuel. At any rate, on the morning of Wednesday, January 16,* the latter took coach to Oxford (Hesselius, Dagbok), here later he was joined by his friend Alstryn.
* January 16 was a day of public prayer and thanksgiving for the conclusion of peace with France (Hesselius 44).
Here he visited the Boilleian Library, and saw its famous collection of books and MSS. Here also he made the acquaintance of the Librarian, Doctor Hudson (1662-1719), to whom, doubtless, he had a letter of introduction from Doctor Hudson's friend and correspondent, Eric Benzelius. Doctor Hudson told him of the literary plans he himself had in mind, and they also discussed Eric Benzelius's works. The librarian was naturally anxious to procure copies of the latter, and was interested in Emanuel's story of the difficulties that attended the importation of Benzelius's edition of Vastovius, one copy of which was of course, intended for Doctor Hudson.
But what probably more greatly interested Emanuel was his meeting with the Savillian Professor of Mathematics, Edmund Halley, the future successor of Flamsteed.
His conversations with this learned man, who was, however, his senior by only six years, naturally revolved about the problem of how to find the longitude at sea--a problem then prominent in the minds of so many men. Halley had been active in providing some of the means necessary to the solution of this problem by his accurate observations of the heavens during his two voyages (1676-78, 1698-1700) to the southern hemisphere. It would seem also that he suggested to his young friend a method in which the problem might he solved by observing the eclipse of the larger stars by the moon.22
22 Swedberg, Forsk at finna stra och Westra lengden, Ups. 1718, Preface.
The mind of the young Emanuel was, however, intent on his own method, and this he presented to Doctor Halley. It would appear that the latter pointed out certain defects in this method, but despite this Emanuel still thinks that no solution will be found better than his own, "and least of all Doctor Halley's"; and he adds, "this he admitted to me orally."
While at Oxford, the young student does not confine himself to learned discussions, to attendance at university lectures, to visits to the library. He is evidently feeling the effects of his prolonged and brain-racking studies. Perhaps also his conversations with Halley had somewhat dampened his sanguine anticipation that his solution of the longitude problem would receive a favorable hearing in England.
Even while in London, he had turned to the reading of the English poets by way of recreation. And now he turns to the writing of poetry as an outlet to his own feelings. He wanders into the lovely English country, and indulges in sweet dreams which he describes in poetic lines,--probably having in mind the eventual publication of his verses.
By July he had returned to London where he seems to have continued to relax his mind by the writing of poetry. But his eagerness to meet the learned continued, and now he was fortunate enough to make a new friend in the person of Doctor John Woodward,23 a Fellow of the Royal Society, who introduced him to other members of the learned world. Doctor Woodward was the author of A New Theory of the Earth (1695) which had aroused considerable interest as an attempt to give scientific proof of the Scriptural account of a universal flood. But the subject in which he most excelled was the study of fossils, on which subject he was one of the greatest authorities in England. He had a fine private collection of fossils of every kind, and there can be little doubt but that the enthusiastic owner showed his treasures to his young friend, and so turned Emanuel's attention to a subject to which he gave much thought on his return to Sweden.
23 Doctor John Woodward (1665-1728), naturalist and geologist, was at this time a professor in Gresham College. He was greatly interested in the Royal Society, and contributed several papers to its meetings. His "An Attempt toward a Natural History of the Fossils of England" (2 vols.) was printed in 1728-1729. In an elaborate Catalogue of his collections, he is said to have "described his rocks, minerals and fossils in a manner far in advance of his age." By his will he left all his personal estate to the University of Cambridge; and the present Woodwardian professorship of geology, and the Woodwardian Museum at Cambridge, are the result.
He also continued his inquiries about scientific instruments needed by the Upsala professors. This led him to visit Marshall, the famous mathematical instrument maker. Marshall showed him his latest invention, a microscope whose effectiveness was increased by a device whereby the object to be seen was illuminated by the light of a candle. He also gave to the young student the great delight of seeing some of the marvels of interior nature revealed by this microscope, as for instance, the actual flow of the blood in the web of a frog.
Meanwhile, Emanuel continued his efforts to release the copies of Vastovius which had been held in the English Custom House since 1709 The detention of these books had been a great disappointment to him, as his brother-in-law had designated him as the agent to present them to various learned men, and he had hoped thereby to extend the circle of his acquaintanceship. The Custom House was firm, however, and he had little hopes of getting the books out prior to his proposed departure from England at the end of 1712 or the beginning of 1713. However, among his friends he included a man who, because of his influential position, could be of great use to him in this business. John Chamberlayne (1666-1723) was the editor and owner of the publication Magnae Britanniae Notitia, or The Present State of Great Britain with divers remarks upon the ancient state thereof, a publication which had been founded by his father in 1667, and which was continued until 1755, having seen thirty-six editions. Mr. Chamberlayne was not only an experienced man of the world, he was also a learned and pious man, being a Fellow of the Royal Society and a Member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel-of which, in June 1711, Bishop Swedberg had had the honor of being elected a member. He showed his young friend that the release of Vastovius might be accomplished if Benzelius were to file certain information with the customs authorities; and if this could not be done before Emanuel's departure, he offered to take charge of the matter.24
24 It appears that the books were finally released, for the Bodleian library received its copy.
Meanwhile, young Alstryn was returning to Sweden where he had received an appointment, and Emanuel took advantage of his return, to ship home not only the things he had purchased for the
Upsala Library, but also his own books and other things with which he would not wish to be encumbered during his travels on the Continent.
Of course, he is in need of money, and especially now, when he is contemplating further travels. He writes to his father on this subject, and Benzelius also promises to intercede for him. He had also written to his brother-in-law informing him as to the requirements which must be filled before the Custom House would release Vastovius. Later he wrote to Eric Benzelius the following letter which is undated, but which Benzelius marks "London, 1712, 15 AUGUST--evidently the date of its receipt:
Highly honored d: Brother,
Some time ago, I had the honor to answer d: Brother's letter which was left with Allberg1 to be sent over when occasion offered; and, since a ship has several times been reported to have departed, I hope that this also has come to my d: Brother's hands. I have often thought to overwhelm d: Brother with letters, but since they would necessarily become steriles, if they frequently followed one another, it is probably better that I save them up one time or another, and draw them together into a single letter, to the end that this may become the more weighty.
1 Jonas Alberg, a London merchant and member of the Swedish church. (See Carlson, Sv. Kyrkan i London, p. 174)
In the above mentioned letter, and likewise in one which was written to my father, I most dutifully gave an account of what pains I had taken in the matter of getting the books out of [the] Customhuset, which cannot be done if the circumstantier [particulars] which were there set forth by me, be not supplied. Some of d: Brother's acquaintances desired to have them, and have begged me to make this known to d: Brother, that if these cannot be got out, others may be sent here in their stead.
As it is probably known to d: Brother what pains I have spent in mathematics, were I iterera [to repeat], it would be unpleasant to hear. Yet, the inventioner that I have made therein, I give a list of in my letter to Prof. Elfvius.2 As concerns my invention de longitudine terrestri invenienda per Lunam [concerning the finding of the terrestrial longitude by means of the moon], I am sure that it is the only one that can be given, and is the easiest method and in every way the correct one. The only thing that can be objicieras against it, is the fact that the Luna is not altogether redigerat [reduced] to its course by means of tabulas lunares, but Flamsteed promises these, and has shown me that he has done so well, that they will correspond in every way et sine errore [and without error] to the moon's course. If this is true, I have won the whole play, and I make bold to say (after I have well weighed the matter) that none of the others who have wished to find the Longitudinem by means of the moon, has won it. I will merely ponera [suppose] that were the Lunae motus rectificerad [movements of the moon rectified], even then, no one's methoder--of those which are projecterade by others--could be used better than this, and least of all Doctor Hallee's--this he admitted to me orally. But since here in England, with this civilt proud people I have not found great encouragement, I have therefore separeradt it [laid it aside] for other lands. When I tell them that I have a project in regard to the Longitude, if is received by them as something which is quite impossible, and so I will not talk of it here. Perhaps, if what I enclosed is confereras [discussed] with Mathematicis [the mathematicians], it should be possible to send it over to some French Mathematicum, or Abby Begnion [Abb Bignon] to give his judgment concerning it.
2 The inventions or discoveries here referred to, are probably the same as those which were later described to Abb Bignon. See p. 49.
Since my speculations have made me, for a time, not so sociable as was serviceable and useful for me, and my liveliness has become somewhat exhausted, I have, therefore, for a little time taken up studium poeticum in order thereby to freshen myself; in this I think to make myself somewhat renomerad [renowned] this year3-of which, on another occasion; and I hope to have advanced therein as far as can be expected of me, of which, time and others will decide. Yet, I think to take up mathesis again, after some time, though I also pursue it now; and if I become encouragerad therein, I mean to make more inventiones therein than any one in our aetate [age]; but without encouragement, this were to torment oneself et non profecturis litora bubus arare.4
3 This is all early intimation of Emanuel's intention to publish a volume of poems, an intention which he carried out in 1714.
4 "and to plough the shore with stationary oxen," (Ovid, Heroid. V. 116).
I have been to Woodward who was so civil to me that he took me to some of the learned and the members of [the] Royal Society and also to one who, he related, had conducted d: Brother to a Doctor Postelwort5 (I think that is his name), who talked enough about d: Brother and his design in Syriac, and both beg me to give their hearty remembrances.
5 Probably John Postlethwayte, Headmaster of St. Paul's School. It was owing to his influence that Arabic was introduced into Oxford (Dict. Nat. Biog.).
Mag. Alstryn will likely notificera [give an account of] what Hudson in Oxford has in mind. He was somewhat displeased that he so rarely received a letter from d: Brother, which he often wishes for, and also for copier of Chrysostomo.6
6 The reference is to an edition of Chrysostom's Homilies, edited and translated into Latin by Eric Benzelius from a manuscript unearthed in the Bodleian Library during his visit there in 1700. He published it in 1702 as a disputation, following it by some additional homilies in 1705 (Forssell, pp. 43, 93-4). Copies of the work and also of Vastovius, and another of Benzelius's publications were sent to London in 1709 for distribution, but were delayed in the Custom House, as already noted.
I am sending over a part of the books which it was most graciously commanded me to purchase:7
7 This list is printed as it appears in the MS.
L3.10.3
8 These volumes were edited by Edmund Halley, and contained, for the most part, his own papers and travels as recorded in the Philosophical Transactions.
9 Sir Jacob Banks (1662-1724) was horn in Stockholm, but became a naturalized Englishman, and by marriage a man of wealth, and a member of Parliament. He was an ardent tory and voted for Sacheverell when the latter was condemned by the Whig government. In consequence, in 1710 he published for his constituency in Minehead. Somersetshire, a loyal address to Queen Anne, in which he proclaimed what was afterwards called the "Minehead doctrine" of the divine right of kings. Banck's publication was answered in the anonymous pamphlet listed in the text. The author was William Benson. His references to the autocratic acts of Charles XI and XII of Sweden gave great offence in that country and led to the pamphlet being forbidden there.
In the same box I am sending a large quantity of my own books, mostly mathematical, being those which I used in this place; and with them some of my instruments--part of the books and instruments I am keeping. I confide to d: Brother to take charge of them, though if it is desired they may be shown to Prof. Elfvius. I am still a few points in debt which I will pay off by means of other books. The Microscopen was not bought since it comes to too much, namely, 4 guinies and the other kinds are little worthy of being in a bibliobhek. As concerns the Antlian [air pump], I am sending the author's book, wherein is found a drawing, and he has described what pertains to it. If I find out that it is wanted, I will write to Hawksbee from another place, that he shall attend to the dispatching of it, which he promised me he would do.
A great many books are worth having.10 Harris Lexicon of the Sciences and arts, where is also contained great deal of Mathematiks. Philosophical Transactions and collections aged 1705 by John Lowth; it wil cost fifty shill: which was me recom[men]ded by Doctor Woodward, because it contains a thing what has been transacted in the Royal Society and is reduced in order, what else is dispersed in the Philosophical Transactions. I have read it through, it is pity that it is not translated in Latin. The Memoirs of Literature: in the literatur history, in folio.11 etc. and several other books, who, methinks have not escaped your, Sir! knoledge. I design within space of three or four months with Gull's assistance to be in French, because I desire the understanding of that fashonable and useful tongue. I hope there to have or find some letters from you, Sir! to some of the learned correspondents, especially to Abby Bignion, whose acquaintance with a writing from your hand, I mightely desire and wil easely obtain.
10 From here on and up to the last "P.S.," the letter is written in English.
11 The Memoirs of Literature was a weekly review of learned works. British and Foreign. It commenced in 1710-11 in folio size, but was reduced to 8vo in subsequent years.
Your great Kindnes and favour that I so many times have had proof of, makes me to believe, that your advises and writings to my father, wil occasion him to be favourable in sending me what is necessary to a yourny, and what wil give me new spirits to make further steps in what my busines is.11a Believe that I more wish and endeavor to he an honour to my father's and your's house, than on contrary you could wish and endeavour me to be.
11a From a letter written to Benzelius on October 5, 1718 (p. 199), it appears that the latter did approach Bishop Swedberg on Emanuel's behalf. See p. 240, where Emanuel writes that his journeys were at his own expense.
P.S. I should have bought the microscope, if the prise has not been higher, than I could venture to take it before your orders: it is what Master Marshal shewed me that in particular that it is a new and his own invention, and that it shows the motion in fishes12 very lively. it was a glas under it with a candle, which made the thing and object lighter: so that any could se the swiftnes of the blood in fishes like smal rivulets: which flowed in that manner and fastnes.
12 Perhaps what is meant is frogs, in the webs of which the movement of the blood is readily seen by the microscope.
P.S. Near a wathchmaker Master Antram I did see a curiosity, which I can't forbear communicating: it was a clock which was still and without any motion. On the top of it was a candle, in which when he put fire, the clock presently did go and kept its true time: But as soon as the candle was quenched the motion was stopt, and so further: On the top and near the candle was nothing that could be heated by the flame or fire and set the clock in motion. He did show me the inward parts, which were wholly different from other clocks. We told that no body yet has found the causes, how it comes by the candle so often has in wil in motion.
P.S. Sister Anna, my dear Sister Hedwig, and Brother Eric Benzelius the little, are most heartily greeted by me. I always long to hear how they are.13
13 Like the two preceding letters, this also is unsigned.
The exact date when Emanuel left England is not known, but various indications point to December 1712 or January 1713. In any event, it is certain that he spent more than two and a half years* in that country, distinguished alike for its political freedom and for the zeal of its learned men in freely investigating the phenomena of nature--years which must necessarily have had a marked effected in moulding the mind of the eager young student, who came to England in his twenty-second year.
* Since Swedenborg arrived in London on August 3, 1711, this should read "spent a little less than".
He had intended going from England to France, but instead, event to Holland, perhaps better to prepare himself for astronomical studies, for Holland was then famous for the grinding of lenses; Perhaps to be in Utrecht during the sessions of the great Congress of Utrecht at which the British plenipotentiary of the great father's friend, John Robinson, Bishop of Bristol, see p. 16. The Congress opened its sessions in January, 1712.
We know from his own account that he went to the principal cities in Holland.14 These must have included The Hague, where doubtless he first made the acquaintance of the Swedish Envoy Extraordinary, Baron Johan Palmqvist (1652-1716), and of the latter's secretary, the learned Oxford graduate Joachim Frederick Preis (1667-1759). He must also have visited Amsterdam, the money center of Holland, for the purpose of cashing his bills of exchange.
14 Resebeskrifning, p. 3.
He spent some time in Leiden, and there he followed his English custom of lodging with master workmen, in order to steal their trades. In this case it was the home of a glass grinder. From him the young Emanuel learned the art of glass grinding, and in order to pursue the art after his return to Sweden, he purchased all the necessary tools and implements.
The longest stay, however, was at Utrecht during the meeting of the great Congress which ended on April 11, 1713. Here Emanuel came into intimate contact with the Swedish Representative at the Congress Baron Palmqvist whom he visited every day. Palmqvist was himself a mathematician, and since his duties at the Congress were of a minor character, Sweden being more or less a passive spectator, he had much time in which to discuss mathematical subjects with his enthusiastic young friend; nor can we doubt but that among the subjects of discussion was that friend's mathematical inventions, and particularly his method for discovering the longitude at sea. Another subject of discussion was the eager Emanuel's proposal that a society for physics and mechanics patterned after the Royal Society in England, be established in Sweden--a project which was favored by Palmqvist.
During his stay in Utrecht, Emanuel received many favors from Palmqvist's subordinate, Secretary Preis, in whose company he doubtless witnessed some of the interesting sights connected with the Congress, and here, his acquaintance with his father's old friend, Bishop Robinson must have stood him in good stead.
From Utrecht he again visited Leiden and there saw the Observatory with its newly constructed quadrant, the finest he had ever seen. Unfortunately the Observatory was without an Observator, and Emanuel makes up his mind that, after his visit in France, he will again return to Leiden and then ask permission to take observations with the great quadrant--hoping thereby to obtain for himself the data as to the moon which were necessary to complete his "invention." With Palmqvist's assistance he would doubtless have obtained this permission.
During his sojourn in Holland, Emanuel did not forget to refresh his mind occasionally by the writing of poetry. Thus, he received a letter from his father telling him of the fire at Brunsbo, the remarkable thing about which was, that though the whole house was burned to the ground with all its contents, yet two copies of the Bishop's edition of the Swedish Psalm book* which had been lying on a table, and also his Catechism, were afterwards found with only the binding slightly scorched; from which the pious Bishop concluded that God had accepted his work.
* Hymnbook. The Swedish word for Hymnbook is psalmbok.
15 This fact was later alluded to by Swedenborg in his Miscellaneous Observations, London, 1847, p. 34.
To the copper Effigy of my father
which was not melted and de-
stroyed in the burning of his house.
List to the marvel I shall tell thee:
This image lay beneath the flames unharmed
While those same flames the household gods destroyed.
Father, thou art a Phoenix; born again of fire,
Through flames thy living form pursues its way.*
* These lines were written in Paris; see Jesper Swedberg, Lefwernes Beskrifning, p. 376, where the verse written in Holland is also printed.
These lines, together with a poem of some pretension that he wrote in Leiden in honor of Baron Palmqvist and his wife and new born babe, he later published in his Ludus Heliconus.
Before leaving Holland, Emanuel had a letter from Eric Benzelius giving him instructions to have the English microscope sent over from London, and also endosing a letter of introduction to the Abb Bignon. Doubtless he received introductions to the Swedish Embassy in Paris from Baron Palmqvist and Secretary Preis, both of whom had been stationed in Paris before going to The Hague. It speaks much for the young Emanuel's mind and conversation, that the Baron was loth to lose his companionship, but he promised to return to Holland in the spring of 1714.
He left for Paris early in May, 1713, having stayed in Holland about five months. Naturally he first paid his respects to the Swedish Envoy, Cronstrom, and thus met the Embassy's Secretary, Gedda,15a with whom he became somewhat intimate. Soon after he arrived in Paris he was ill for six weeks.
15a Peter Niklas Gedda (1675-1758). In 1730 he was ennobled Baron von Gedda.
* Cuno was then sixty years old.
It was during this illness that he received from Hinrik Benzelius, Eric's brother, a letter which, as a loyal Swede and an enthusiastic admirer of Charles XII, he must have read with the greatest enthusiasm. It was dated April 30/May 11 and was sent from Timurtasche, a pleasure castle near Adrianople. After the utter defeat of Charles XII at Pultava, the Swedish King had taken refuge in Bender. Here he had remained as the guest of the Turkish Government which hoped for assistance from him against the Russians. The relations between the Turks and the haughty Charles became strained and, finally, at the end of January 1713, the Turks attacked the Swedish camp and took Charles prisoner, after he and some twenty faithful followers had made a desperate resistance. They led him finally to Timurtasche, where he was held prisoner, though in luxurious confinement, especially after news hall reached Turkey of Stenbock's glorious victory over the Danes in Gadebusch. Some of these exciting events, must have been communicated to the young Swede by his correspondent Hinrik Benzelius, who had been with the King in Bender just before the Turkish attack, and who certainly wrote concerning the King's desperate fight against the whole Turkish army. Benzelius also informed Emanuel concerning Charles XII's preacher Eneman who together with some of the Swedish officers, had been sent on a mission, probably political, to Palestine.16
16 A few days before Hinrik Benzelius wrote his letter, Charles XII appointed Eneman professor of oriental languages in Upsala. He returned to Sweden in October 1714, and died the same month a few days after his installation (Annerstedt, Ups. Univ. Hist., vol. 11, pt. 2, p. 75)
Early in August, after recovering from his illness, the enthusiastic young student hastened to call on his brother-in-law's correspondent and friend, Abb Bignon, the eloquent dean of St. Germain l'Auxerrois.
The Abb received the young Swedish traveler with great cordiality, and the latter at once launched into his mathematical inventions, including his method for finding the longitude. Partly because these inventions were, as yet, recorded only on scraps of paper, and partly, perhaps, from caution, he gave the Abb merely a summary of them. But he asked that they be brought to the attention of the Academie Royale des Sciences--a body formed a little earlier than the Royal Society of England--which Bignon had lately revived and of which he was then the Secretary (loc. cit.).
That these inventions might be competently examined, Bignon at once gave his young Swedish visitor a letter of introduction to the great mathematician Paul Varignon (1654-1722), a member of the Royal Society of both France and England, Professor of Mathematics in the Mazarin College, and Professor of Philosophy in the Royal College.
With this letter, Emanuel at once called on the learned Varignon, and had long discourse with him on the subject of his inventions. Indeed, he seems greatly to have impressed the learned professor, for he visited him several times in the course of a single week.
It was doubtless through Varignon that he was introduced to the latter's intimate friend Phillipe de la Hire, the great French Astronomer, with a view to a closer examination of his method of finding the longitude at sea-a problem which was in the minds of all the learned of that time. But despite all these visits and conferences, it does not appear that the young enthusiast's inventions were ever submitted to the Royal French Academy of Sciences.
Indeed, the enthusiastic young student seems to have had no more success in securing the interest of the French in his invention than he had in securing that of the English. This, perhaps, was partly due to the fact that only a few years ago Cassini had published a method of finding the longitude by observing the eclipse of a fixed star by the moon, which, superficially, bore some resemblance to the method invented by the young Swede.
A common bond of interest between the French Astronomer and the enthusiastic young Swede would be the fact that the latter had so recently met the famous English Astronomer Edmund Halley. Very naturally, Emanuel, in advocating his method for the discovery of the longitude, would inform de la Hire of Halley's admission that, if the motion of the moon could be rectified, then, of all the methods that had been put forth, Emanuel's alone would be of actual use. He also informed de la Hire of Halley's statement, that he (Halley) was the first to observe the variation of the pendulum at the equator, though he had not published the fact. The French Astronomer, however, rose in defence of his own countryman Cassini, and answered that the latter had made this discovery, and had also published it, before Halley had made his voyage to St. Helena.
It was about this time that Emanuel was aroused to the advisability of making a detailed formulation of his method for finding the longitude, and of putting it into print. In the London Guardian of July 14, 1712 appeared an advertisement in which William Whiston announces that anent the longitude problem, he has a new discovery "to propose to the world" (Whiston, New Method, etc., p. 25). When Emanuel's attention was called to this advertisement, he thought to anticipate Whiston by hastening the detailed formulation of his own method. This, however, remained as a thought, for his invention was still in the form of notes on "scraps of paper" until four years later, when he made it public in an article in the Daedalus Hyperboreus, and afterwards (1718) in greater detail in a Swedish publication.
Meanwhile his mind is wholly occupied with mathematical studies, with discussions with the learned French Academicians, with visits to the Royal Library, then an adjunct to the Royal Palace, and probably with attendance at the public meetings of the Royal Academy of Sciences; also with a search of the Paris bookstalls for works that will advance his studies.
It was while engaged in these activities that he wrote the following letter to his brother-in-law, dated AUGUST 9/19 1713:
Most honored d: Brother,
Since the letter which I sent to d: Brother from Holland by the post yacht, I have not had the honor of further paying my respects to my Brother. It pains me that this [time] has passed. Afterwards I betook myself from Holland with the intention of better improving myself in Mathesi and also to carry out my dessign which I have therein.1 Alter I arrived here, I became hindered by an illness which continuerat for six weeks, and took me from studies and all else that is useful; but still I am now at last restitueradt [restored to health], and am beginning to make myself known to the most learned men in this place. I have been at de la Hire's, who is now a great astronomus, and was formerly a great geometra, and have made his acquaintance. I am also very often at Warrignon's who is the greatest geometra or algebraisten in this place, and perhaps the greatest in Europe. Eight days ago I was at Abb Bignons; gave him greetings from my Brother, which resulted in my being received by him in a very friendly way I offererade him three inventioner to look through and examine and to bring to the Society.2 They are the following: Two in algebra: [1] Ope primi inventi quod innumero plura et utilissima possit analysis Algebraica praestare quae usitata analysis nunquam praestare potuit, which I demonstrate by more than a hundred examples. 2. In secunda inventione sistitur nova Methodus Algebram tractandi, qua ignota quantitas non per aequalitatem sed via breviori et magis naturali per proportiones Geometricas et Arithemticas inquiritur. [3]. Tertia inventio est de Longitudine Terrestri invenienda; under these words afferuntur indicia methodi cujusdam facillimae, et si signa spectas verae et genuinae longitudinem terrestrem terra marique inveniendi.3
1 Perhaps referring to the work on the Longitude.
2 The Royal Academy of Sciences, of which Bignon was an honorary member.
3 [1] "By help of the first invention, algebraic analysis can perform innumerably many and most useful things which the analysis now in use could never perform. 2. In the second invention is presented a new method of treating algebra, whereby the unknown quantity is found not by equations but by a shorter and more natural way by means of geometric and arithmetical proportions. [3] The third invention concerns the finding of the terrestrial longitude; under these words are brought forward the indications of a very easy and, if you pay attention to the signs, true and genuine method of finding the terrestrial longitude by land and sea.
Of the first two of the above new methods, Enestrom, the Swedish Mathematician, says that one can be tolerably certain that they "only contained some simpler ways, applicable in special cases, or were attempts to change equations into proportions, to which, in his printed writings, Swedenborg went back more than once" (Swedenborg som Math., p. 4).
4 That is, in the specimen shown to Bignon and Varignon.
Abb Bignon at once gave me a letter to Warrignon for him to look them through, wherein he also mentions my Brother and recommends me to him [Warrignon] because I am un Parent de Mons. Benzelius, au qui je suis en liason intim5--these are his own words. I was at Warrignon's two hours today, to whom I offererade it. I intend to print it, that so I call the better communicera it to the learned. It amounts only to three arks.6
5 a relative of M. Benzelius, with whom I am on intimate terms.
6 An ark or fascicle meant two leaves folio, four quarto, etc. The MS. handed to Varignon was probably in quarto, and thus consisted of twelve leaves. The Swedish work on Longitude printed in 1718 consisted of two and a half arks (42 pages 16mo.) in small print.
Otherwise there is another man in England of the name of Whilston, who gives out that he has discovered the Longitudinem, the result of which is that I also will hasten to give out my discovery. The same person has written something in Astronomy, but up to now has inventeradt nothing at all.7
7 The reference is to William Whiston (1667-1752) who, in 1708, was Newton's successor as professor of mathematics in Cambridge, but was expelled two years later because of his Arianism. Up to 1712, Whiston had published A New Theory of the Earth, 1696; Praelectiones Astronomicae, 1707; and Praelectiones Physico-Mathematicae, 1710. He spent much time and labor in a vain attempt to discover the longitude, in order to secure the prize of from L10,000-,20,000 offered by the British government in 1714.
At this place I avoid the conversie [company] of Swedes and of all those from whom I have the least discouragement in my studies.
What I hear of the learned, I at once enter into my Diario,8 which would be lengthy to copy out and communicera [to d. Brother]. Yet there is between these mathematicos and the English, great emulation or invidia [envy]. Halley in Oxford tells me that he was the first to have observed penduli variation sub aequatore, but was silent about it; and the astrononti here say that through Cassini it had been put out as inventeradt before Halley made his expedition to insulam St. Helenae; and much else of the same sort.
8 Unfortunately, the young traveler left this Diary at Hamburg, and no trace of it has ever been found. See p. 94.
Mathematical writings seldom come out here, and if they do, then after some months they are altogether unobtainable. All the Mathematici give theirs to Diaria Publica Academiae Scientiarum,9 and bother themselves no further about publishing and owning them. I find at the bookshops in this place a much smaller number of mathematical books than in England and Holland; and very rarely in the libraries, excepting the Bibliotheca Regia.
9 that is, the Memoires de l'Academie Royale des Sciences.
I have placed the order with Brander10 in England to send over to Sweden and to the Library the microscopium which was written for; which will cost probably 3 or 4 pund; it will come into my Brother's hands when opportunity offers.
10 Charles Brander, one of the members of the Swedish Church in London. Marshall's microscope was to be shipped by him to Sweden.
My books and other things which Alstryn took with him to Sweden were likely carried from Gothenburg to Upsala.
When I was in Holland, and most of the time in Utrecht with the peace conferencen, I was in great favor with the Ambassador Palmqvist who had me at his house every day; with whom I sat and discourerade on algebra every day. He is a great mathematicus and a great algebraiste. He wanted necessarily that I proceed on my journey, since I intend, next spring, to return to Leiden where there is a fine Observatory and the most beautiful brass quadrant that I have ever seen. It cost 2,000 guiders when new; and yet there is no observator there. I will ask leave of the Academy to make observations there for 2 or 3 months; this I can easily obtinera--which Palmqvist also said.
In Leyden I learned glass grinding and have now all the instrumenta and basins therefor.
Three months ago I got a letter from Hinrik Benzelius from Dimmertese11 near Adrianople dated 30 April/11 May where for six months he has been with the King.l2 He knows nothing of where further he will direct his course, whether further into orienten, or via the Archipelago to Venice. Mag. Eneman, Professor of Oriental Languages in Upsala, was then on a journey to Jerusalem. He had had a letter from him from Smyrna.
11 Timurtasche.
12 This includes the time passed with the King in Bender, for Charles XII did not arrive in Timurtasche until April 9.
What else I can get from the conversie of the learned, something in Historia Literaria et Mathematicis rebus, I will always communicera to my Brother, as occasion offers.
My Brother will kindly be assured that I bear the greatest love and veneration for my Brother more than for any one in the world. He will be so good as not to take amiss my silence and neglect in writing, which depends on my studies in which I am always intent so that I neglect that which is more necessary.
Vive et vale.
Tuus Fidelissimus ad
mortem usque13
Eman. Swedberg
1713 Paris
9/19 Aug.
13 Even unto death, thy most faithful.
We have some witness to Emanuel's devotion to mathematical studies at this time in a quarto book now in the library of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, and which was doubtless presented to the Academy by Emanuel himself after he became a member of that body, in 1734.
The book is entitled Usage de l'Analyse ou la Manire de l'appliquer dcouvrir les properiets des Figures de la Geometrie Simple et compose, a resoudre les Problemes de ces Sciences et les Problemes des Sciences Physico-Mathematiques, en employant le Calcul Ordinaire de l'algebre, le Calcul Differentiel et le Calcul Integral ... par un prtre de l'Oratoire14 [Ch. Ren Reyneau], Tom. II, Paris 1708.
14 The Use of Analysis or the Method of Proceeding for Discovering the Properties of Simple and Compound Geometrical Figures, for Solving the Problems of these Sciences and the Problems of the Physico-Mathematical Sciences, at the same time employing the Ordinary Calculation of Algebra, Differential Calculus, and Integral Calculus ... by a Priest of the Oratory.
This first visit to Paris lasted a little over a year, and toward the end of his stay, Emanuel took relaxation from his studies and his dealings with the learned, by wandering around the city in the company of some of his young friends, and seeing the sights, including also the park in Versailles, whose beauties inspired him to write those Ovidian Fables which later he published under the title Camena Borea (The Northern Muse).
While in the midst of this sightseeing, he received a letter from his brother-in-law, asking him to purchase certain books for the Library, and also to call upon two of his old friends, Father le Quien and Father le Long. As he was soon to leave Paris, he had no time to do more than ascertain that some of the books required by Benzelius were obtainable at certain bookshops, but had to leave the actual purchase and the shipping to his friend Gedda. He did have time, however, to call on the two worthy Fathers, and this he did in company with some of his young friends.
Father le Quien (1661-1733) lived on the rue St. Honor where he was librarian of the Convent of St. Germain. The learned scholar was transported with delight at receiving a relative of his old friend Benzelius, and hardly knew what he could do to be of service to Emanuel and his friends. He showed them around his library, pointing out its treasures. And undoubtedly, among the books which he displayed, was his own scholarly edition of the Opera Omnia of John Damascenus, just published (1712) and which is still the fundamental edition of this Christian Father.
Equally enthusiastic was the welcome given to Emanuel by the learned Dominican, Father le Long, who also lived on the St. Honor where he was the librarian of the Oratory. The visitors perhaps interrupted their host in the work which he then had in hand, the Bibliothque Historique, later published in a folio volume (Paris, 1719), which lists all known books and manuscripts on the history of France.
Emanuel left Paris in May or June 1714, having been in that city for over a year.
In The Hague he again visited Baron Palmqvist, and renewed his conversation as to the necessity of forming some learned society in Sweden for the advancement of scientific knowledge. This was the more to the point at this time, since Baron Palmqvist was expecting to leave for Sweden in order to take up the office of Court Chancellor to which he had been recently appointed; and in Stockholm he might speak of the plan and so prepare the way for its ultimation.
During this visit, Emanuel had a letter from his father, enclosed in a letter to Baron Palmqvist, dated July 23, which was forwarded from Amsterdam and reached The Hague on August 22. Incidentally, the Bishop asked Palmqvist to urge Emanuel to return home, as he had already been away for four years.
It must have been about this date, if not earlier, that Emanuel left Holland for Hamburg. Whether, in the meantime, he had again visited Leiden and made his proposed astronomical observations with the new quadrant, is not known.
En route for Hamburg, he directed his course through Hanover in the hope of meeting the great philosopher Leibnitz (1646-1716) who lived in that city.15 Unfortunately, however, Leibnitz was not to return from a protracted stay in Vienna until a week or two after Emanuel's arrival in Hanover, so he must perforce give up seeing him and push his way on to Hamburg en route to Swedish Pomerania and thence home.
15 See p. 62. Leibnitz had met Benzelius in 1696, and greatly admired him for his zeal in the field of learning. It is not improbable therefore that Emanuel had a letter of introduction to the German philosopher.
The independent Hanseatic city of Hamburg was an important commercial center which, while itself safely at peace, was the focus for all European war news.
From Hamburg Emanuel went to Rostock, where he arrived some time at the end of August 1714. Settling down in this quiet Hanseatic seaport, he occupied himself with reducing to some order his many novel ideas and inventions, and in revising or preparing for print a series of fables (Camena Borea) written in a poetic style and presenting under the acts of gods and goddesses, the doings of the European Powers. The scene of Fables is laid in Versailles, and the fables themselves were conceived there, and their commencement written soon afterwards in Paris.
It was while in Rostock that the young Swede heard of the outcome of the frightful war carried on by the Russians against Finland which was then a part of Sweden. By July 1714, the Russians had overrun the whole land, and the soldiers of the Swedish army who had escaped imprisonment or death were recalled to Sweden. Crowded with these soldiers, and with a multitude of penniless refugees from Finland, Stockholm was in a desperate plight. Moreover, early in the spring of 1714, a Russian warship appeared off the coast of Uppland (Fryxell, 26, p. 46). This caused great alarm in Upsala which lay some 20 miles inland; and in March Eric Benzelius procured 5 packing cases for the removal of the Library's books to some safe place (Malmstrm, I: 28n; Annerstedt, 2:425) and in summer he was busy packing them (Forssell, 80).
While in Rostock Emanuel resumed his long interrupted correspondence with Eric Benzelius, by writing him the following letter, dated Rostock SEPTEMBER 8, 1714.
Highly honored d: Brother,
It is for some time that I have not had the good fortune to write to my Brother.
1 i.e., Rouen. The ordinary cargo route from Paris to Sweden was by ship from Rouen.
2 Gedda was a bibliophile and himself owned an extensive library.
At the end, when I was in Paris, I made a universal visitation over the whole of Paris, in company with some others, in order to see all that could be seen there. I also took my companions to my Brother's friends, whose names my Brother was kind enough to give me, and who showed us every civilitet for d: Brother's sake. Brother has left with them an incredible estim and affection. Pere Quien, when he heard Brother's name, knew not what books he should show us in his library, and what service he should offerera us which might be made known to Brother. So also with Pere Le Long who has in hand an Historiam Litterariam Historicorum [Literary History of Historians]. It would be a heartfelt delight to them, and, moreover, desirable, if at some time Brother had an opportunity of himself being with them.
I am right glad that I have come to a place where I have peace, and time to assemble together all my works and meditata which previously have been without order and scattered here and there on some slips. Hitherto, all that I lacked was a place and the time to enable me to colligera them; this also I have begun and will very soon complete it. I promised d: Father to give out a specimen Academicum, for which I will choose some inventioner which I have in Mechanicis.*
* Bishop Swedborg had in view that Emanuel should in this way pave the way for a professorship.
3 In the autograph, the list that now follows is written in Latin; as also are the two paragraphs that follow it.
1. The construction of a ship which, with its one man crew, could go under the sea in ally desired direction, and could inflict much injury on enemy ships.
2. A novel construction of a siphon, whereby water call be driven from a river to higher places, in great abundance and in a short time.
3. On the lifting of weights by means of water and this portable siphon, more easily than by mechanical forces.
4. On constructions (sluices) even in places where there is no flow of water, whereby a whole ship with its cargo can be raised to a given height in one or two hours.
5. A machine vivified by means of fire for throwing out water; and the way of constructing such machines at smelting works (vulgarly called Hyttor) where there is no fall of water, but the water is still. The fire and the forge should be able to supply enough water for the wheels.
6. A drawbridge which can be closed and opened from within the gates and walls.3a
3a At this period, most European cities were surrounded by a moat and walls.
7. New machines for condensing and exhausting air by means of water; and concerning a new air pump worked by water and mercury without any siphon, which works better and easier than the ordinary pump.
I have also other new plans for pumps.
8. A new construction of air guns, a thousand of which can be exploded simultaneously by means of a single siphon.
9. A universal musical instrument whereby the most inexperienced player can produce all kinds of melodies, these being found marked on paper and in notes.
10. A Universal Sciagraphia4 or a mechanical method of delineating hours of every kind and on any surface, by means of fire.
4 Sciagraphy the art of projecting shadows, includes the art of making sundials.
11. A water clock with water as the indicator which, by its flow, shows all the movable bodies in the heavens, and produces other ingenious effects.
12. Item. A mechanical carriage which shall contain all kinds of works moved by the going of the horses.
Item. A flying carriage, or the possibility of staying in the air and of being carried through it.
13. A method of conjecturing the wills and affections of men's minds by means of analysis.
14. Item. Concerning new constructions of cords5 or springs, and concerning their properties.6
5 Namely, cords on the stretch.
6 A fuller account of these inventions, illustrated with diagrams, may be seen in Swedenborg's Mechanical Inventions (S. S. A. 1939).
These are my mechanical inventions which have hitherto been lying scattered on sheets of paper but which now are well nigh reduced into order so that they may be made public when opportunity offers. Moreover, in all cases we have added the algebraic and numerical calculation from which we deduced the proportions, the motions and times, and all the properties which should be in them. In addition, we have things in Analytics and in Astronomy which demand their own separate place and time. Oh, how I wish that I could lay the whole before your eyes, dearest Brother, and the eyes of Herr Professor Elfvius; but since I cannot do this with the machines themselves, I will yet, in a short time, do it with some drawings of them on which I am working every day.
Now also I have time to bring my poetic productions into orderly arrangement. They consist merely of some fables, like those of Ovid, under cover of which are concealed all that has been going on in Europe during the past fourteen or fifteen years, that so we might be able freely to jest with serious matters, and to sport with the heroes and the men of our own country. But meanwhile, I feel some shame when it comes to me that I have talked so much about what I have planned, and as yet have shown nothing; the journey and its hindrances are the reason.7
7 In the autograph, the rest of the letter is in Swedish.
I have now a very great desire to go home to Sweden, and take all Polhammar's inventions in hand, making drawings of them and giving descriptions;8 also conferera them with physics, mechanics, hydrostatics, and hydraulics, and likewise with algebraic calculations; and to give them out in Sweden rather than in other places, and set up for ourselves a beginning of the Society in Mathesis, for which one has so fine a fundament in Phlhammar's inventioner.
8 Soon after his arrival in Stockholm, the young enthusiast took this very work in hand, and devoted himself to an examination of Polhem's machines. Later he published in the Daedalus Hyperboreus some results of his examination, together with a description of some of his own inventions.
For the rest, as concerns my invention de longitudine, this lies also in small slips. I gave one or two persons in Paris, who wished to have it and how it actually worked, merely a knowledge of some indicia and signa of what it could praestera [do]. But since I had no observations with which I could confirm it, I thought to let it be until I have worked it all out and confirmed it with observations, if I would not lose all my care and the praemium [reward] I may expect from it. Timebam ut caecos parerem catulos si ante diem tempusque illos proderem.9
9 I feared lest I give birth to blind puppies, if I put them forth before their day and time.
Meanwhile, I should like to know what the Upsala Pallas thinks of the Leader of the Russians, who is only twenty miles from that city. Will she take her arms and her shield, and prepare to meet him, and lead her Muses with her; will she have a branch of an olive which she prefers to offer. But at a distance I see how she is instructing her Camena in arms, and teaching the exercises of Mars rather than her own. I would that I might carry the eagles before her, or perform some other little service for her.10
10 In the autograph, the above paragraph was written in Latin.
P.S. A thousandfold greetings are sent to Sister Anna; I hope she is not alarmed at the approach of the Russians. Little brother Eric I have a great longing to see once more. He can now perhaps make a triangle or draw for me, if I get him a little ruler.11 Vale et iterum vale.
11 Eric, Swedenborg's oldest nephew, was then nine years old, having been born in April 1705.
Sic optat
Tui amantissimus12
12 Such is the wish of him who so greatly loves thee.
Eman. Swedberg
Rostock 1714
8 Sept.
Somewhat later than September 8, Emanuel journeyed from Restock to Griefswalde. Here he received a letter from his brother-in-law, announcing the marriage of his late teacher in the University, and his father's intimate friend, Johann Uppmark to Eva Schwede, the daughter of Emanuel's aunt, Brita Behm Schwede; and that Uppmark himself had been appointed Censor of books. Benzelius also wrote of the sudden death, on October fifth, of Professor Eneman (of whom Emanuel had written in a letter from Paris), and that, on November twenty-ninth, he had delivered a funeral oration over his memory.
In Greifswalde, Emanuel met two Swedes, Olof Estenberg (1680-1752) and Bernhard Cederholm (1678-1750) who had come from Turkey where they had been Chancery assessors with the King during his semi-captivity there. From them he learned much about the circumstances of Charles XII's abode in Bender and later in Timurtasche and Demotika; how that, to the great pleasure of the Sultan and in consequence of the latter's thinly veiled insistence, the King had decided to leave Turkey, and, abandoning his futile hope of securing the Sultan as an ally against the victorious Russians, to fight his many enemies nearer home; and how that he had elected to cross Europe from Turkey to Swedish Pomerania, on horseback, incognito, and with only two companions.
Charles XII arrived in Stralsund on the night of November 10-11 (Nov. 20-21 New Style), 1714, after a forced journey of twenty days. Emanuel, of course, had heard of the King's return before he met Messrs. Estenberg and Cederholm, but he had not known the particulars of his departure from Turkey. And now, with the news received from these friends who had been so recently with the King himself, his imagination was fired, and, filled with enthusiasm for his great hero, he wrote a "Festivus Applausus on the Arrival of Charles XII, the Phoenix of the Ancient Gothic Race and the Monarch of our North, into his own Pomerania, on November 22, 1714." The work is highly laudatory, describing Charles' yearning to return to his fatherland, his sufferings and hardships on the way, and the overwhelming joy of the people at his return.13
13 Prior to 1905, when Mr. Alfred H. Stroh discovered two copies in the University Library of Greifswalde, the existence of this work was unknown--though it is plainly referred to in Emanuel's letter of August 9, 1715 See a brief review of the work in the New Philosophy for 1920, p. 46.
It was while in the midst of this composition that Emanuel again took up his pen to write to his brother-in-law, Eric Benzelius. His letter is dated GREIFSWALDE, APRIL 4, 1715:
Highly honored d: Brother:
By the last post I sent enclosed in my d: Father's letter a drawing of an Antlea Pneumatica per aquam conficienda [an air pump to be worked by water]. I hope it will come into my d: Brother's hands. I would also have accompanied with a letter, had the time not been too short for me.
In the last letter to d: Father, I promised to send, on every occasion acid in all his letters, one or two Machine, being the result of my speculationer, to forward them to my Brother. If I could thereby divertera my Brother and Prof. Elfvius, I would continuera this at a future time. There now comes a machine of the same kind, namely, an Antlea Pneumatica which gives the same result as the former, but greatly differerar in construction, and is easier to procure, and perhaps quicker to operera [work] with.
For the rest, it is my dessein [design]--my wish is that my Brother will be pleased to approbere of it--to send my machiner for the examen Upsaliensium [the examination of the members of the Upsala Collegium], and when I have done this, to do the same with those that exist at Plhammar's, in order in this way to make them ready to give to the public when opportunity occurs. This, perhaps, might be a little fundament [foundation] for a Societ in Physicis and Mechanicis among us, as in other places. When the use which they bring, becomes known to the mining works and Manufacturier which will likely be established in Sweden, one can hope that in time one will find encouragement by one or other of the colleges1 in Stockholm, especially if Court Chancellor Palmqvist comes home from The Hague, he being a great Mathematicus, with whom I have already confereradt on the subject.
1 The governmental work of Sweden was carried on by different Royal Colleges, having a nobleman as president, assisted by two or three councillors and several assessors. There were also ordinary members (ordinarii), besides various officials. Among these Colleges was the College of Mines, the College of Manufactures, etc. It is these Colleges that are referred to in the text.
My Brother will please save [the drawings of] these Machiner, seeing that I might easily lose copierna [the copies].
For the rest, I diverterar [divert] these Mathematiska Studier with Poeterij. I have also published one or two pieces,1a and have now in press some fabellas Ovidianis Similes, sub queis Regum Quorundam et Magnatum facta et alia latent [fables like Ovid's, in which are concealed the deeds of certain kings and magnates, and other events].
1a Namely the poems contained in Ludus Heliconius, which was published in Greifswalde early in 1715.
As regards Historiam Literariam, there is nothing of great worth in Grypswald; venia sit dictis [pardon, for the words], it is a very scurvy Academy. Papke is Professor of Matheseos, being fit for any other study rather than that. I wish I had met Leibnitz who is now in Vienne. Wolfii Cursus Mathematicus translatus in lat: Serm: [Wolff's Cursus Matheseos translated into the Latin tongue] is reported to be in Sweden--a very useful book, and clearly written.
For the rest, I wish to know what my Brother has now in hand.
It is dearly pleasing to me to hear that Prof. Upmark and Sister Eva Svede have come together in thalamo et lecto. I wish them the best of fortunes; intended to write a carmen nuptiale [nuptial ode] for them, but, since this is now too late, it will probably be a Geniale.2
2i.e., a carmen geniale, being an ode in celebration of a birth.
I greet Sister Anna a thousand times, and if my Brother will be pleased to write, I await a little relation of how it is with little Brother Eric.
Prof. Elfvius will presumably exercise the greatest diligence in connection with the great ecclipsin on the third of May. Meanwhile, I remain d: Brother's
Most humble servant and Brother
Eman: Swedberg
Grypswald; 1715: 4, April
P.S. It is related by Messrs. Estenberg and Cederholm, who are Ordinarii in the Chancery, that Brother Hinric Benzelius2a was remaining in Constantinople at the time of their departure; whether he is with the suite I know not. They happily arrived here.3
2a A younger brother of Eric Benzelius. He was born in 1689 and died in 1758.
3 The fraying of the paper has here destroyed some words, and the remaining few that are left, are, therefore, unintelligible.
Soon after the date of this letter, the Camena Borea, being the fables concealing the deeds of kings and magnates, appeared in prior, and a little later the Festivus Applausus, the latter being dedicated to General Ducker, the Governor of Stralsund where Charles XII was now preparing to fight the growing number of his enemies.
The situation of a Swede in Clreifswalde could not have been pleasant at this time. Denmark, Hannover, and Prussia were concentrating all their forces against Stralsund, some twenty-five miles north, and that city was closely besieged. But, before this siege commenced, Emanuel had the good fortune to secure a place in a yacht sailing for his native land, where he arrived some time in May or June. When the siege was about to commence (he wrote many years later4) "by God's Providence I was able to journey home on a yacht with Fru [Mrs.] Feif."
4 Resebeskrifning, p. 4. The siege of Stralsund by Prussia, Denmark and Hanover commenced in July when Emanuel was already in Sweden; but the preceding declaration of war was made in May.
He had been absent from Sweden for over five years, and when in July he once again met his father at Brunsbo, the episcopal residence of the Bishop of Skara, he had much to tell him and to discuss with him.
He had completed and, indeed, far exceeded the customary tour, and it now behooved him to seek a profession. What his mind inclined to, was a position at the Upsala Academy as professor of mathematics or astronomy, for it was these subjects together with mechanics, that principally occupied his attention. With this in mind, he hoped to prepare his inventions for public presentation When, therefore, he arrived at Brunsbo, he made a diligent search for the plans he had sent his father from time to time. The search, however, was in vain, the worthy Bishop Swedberg seeming at a loss to know what he had done with them.
Being in a northern latitude, Emanuel hoped also to complete his method of finding the longitude at sea.
In October, 1714, and again in November, while Emanuel was still in Rostock and Greifswalde, his father had already written to Charles XII, recommending his son for some position in the King's service. And now, on July 12, 1715, when that son is actually at home, he writes to Governor Kasten Feif, the State Secretary and a great favorite of Charles XII, who, at the time was with the King in Stralsund, announcing the return of his son who "is ready in the orientalibus linguis [oriental tongues] and in the Europaeis," and is "especially at home in Posi and Mathesi." The Bishop then continues: "He is minded to build himself an observatorium high up on Kinnekulle near Scara, thinking himself to be able to find the latitudinem [sic] on the ocean, a discovery on which many potentater have provided great sums of money for him who should find it. If there should be any opening at some academie here in Sweden, the well-born Herr Governor will perhaps be pleased to advance him thereto."5
5 3 Doc. 1330.
It was with the same object in mind that Emanuel himself wrote to his brother-in-law from BRUNSBO ON AUGUST 9TH:
Highly honored d: Brother:
As I suppose d: brother has now arrived home from the Springs1 to Upsala, I hope also that this letter finds my d: Brother in good condition and renewed health, at which I, more than any other, would be pleased.
1 Namely, Acidula Khilensis, a spring a little west of Upsala, to which Benzelius went in the summer for the sake of his health.
I afterwards received a nice little Latin letter from Brother Ericus,2 which pleases and gladdens me. I am answering it with some Latin verses written ex tempore. I wish him the best of good fortune and progress both in his studies and in all else that will be pleasant for his parents and himself.
2 Eric Junior was then ten years old.
I have made a right good search for the Machiner I sent my d: father some time ago, to the number of 8. I have not yet been able to get trace of where he laid them. He thinks they have been sent to d: Brother; from my heart I wish it were so, since it cost me work enough to set them clown, and since I have no time during the winter to replace them. They were [1] 3 plans and maneer [methods] for a water pump whereby a great deal of water could, in a short time, be pumped out from any lake one pleases. 2. A machine to lift up weights by means of water, as easily and quickly as any other that does it by mechanical powers. 3. Some sort of sloops3 (slupar) which could be built where there was no fall of water, and yet could raise heats over hills, sandbanks, etc. 4. A machine whereby to shoot with air 10 or 1100o shots per hour. These I have carefully described and have made the calculations algebraically. I further intended to communicera some kinds of vessels or boats whereby one could go under water whithersoever he would, and also a machine whereby one can build a blast furnace at the side of whatever still water one pleased, and the [water] wheel will yet be carried around by means of the fire which will drive the water; and some kinds of air guns which are loaded in a moment and shoot 60 and 70 shots in succession without reloading. These, perhaps, I can set down by winter, and can give a description of them. I was desirous of securing the opportunity to get one or two of them into operation, and this is my intention.
3 ?sluices. See no. 6 in the list of inventions given in the letter of Sept. 8, 1714; there the world used is slutzar.
The day after tomorrow, I am going to Kinnekulla to seek out for myself a place for a little observatory where I intend toward winter to make some observations belonging to our horizon, and to lay the foundation for the observations whereby my invention anent the longitude of places could confirmeras [be confirmed]. Perhaps I should first have gone in haste to Upsala to learn some things Pertaining thereto.4
4 This probably refers to Swedberg's desire to examine the astronomical instruments which were kept in the gallery of the Upsala Library, carefully covered with green cloth. They included sextants, quadrants, telescopes, barometers, etc. (Forssell, Eric Benzelius d. y., p. 71).
N.B. D: Brother, let me know whether or not Prof Upmark has received his warrant.5 Were there aught in which I could again be a delight to d: Brother I would wish that I were called upon. My Brother will be so kind as to place me before some of the Professores for something which might become open; the rest I will then see to myself. On the next opportunity, I will send off what I committed to print, before I journeyed home, this being an oration on the King's homecoming;6 and also some fabellae ovidianis similes [Fables like Ovid's] which I call Camena Borea; I dedicated it to Chronhielm.7 Furthermore, I await with impatience d: Brother's oration,8 about which a few words were written me in his last letter. Greet Sister Anna a thousand times. What further reusserar [success I have] in my desseiner I will first communicera to d: Brother--I beg to have this freedom. Meanwhile I live in the hope of being
Highly learned Herr Brother's
humblest brother and servant
Eman: Swedberg
Brunsbo: 1715, Aug. 9.
5 i.e., his warrant to fill the office of censor of books. Upmark did not enter into this office until October 1716.
6 The Festivus Applausus in Caroli XII in Pomeraniam suam adventum.
7 Count Gustaf Cronhielm (1664-1737) who was then the Chancellor of Lund University.
8 Namely, the funeral oration over Prof. Eneman, delivered by Benzelius on November 29, 1714 (Mem. Rediva, IV, p. 209).
Emanuel duly made his visit to Kitmekulle, though his proposed observatory there never came into being, as his attention was soon turned to other matters, especially mechanics. Still, he was greatly impressed by the advantages of Kinnekulle as the site for an observatory; for, four years later he described it9 as a height on which "nature has provided the most incomparable observatory in the world, were there only a Cassini, a Brahe, or an Helvetius to give it their name and fame."
9 In Height of Water, chap. I.
After Kinnekulle, Emanuel returned to Brunsbo where he seems to have occupied himself with the construction of a model of a hoisting machine which he had invented (see Daedalus Hyperboreus p. 17).
But the main topic of discussion during Emanuel's visit in Upsala, or, at any rate, the one that most greatly influenced the young scientist's immediate future, was the carrying out of his proposal to take Polhem's inventions in hand (and also some of his own), and, after furnishing them with the proper text, publish them for the advancement of learning and manufacture in Sweden. In Upsala he had a rich store of material in the shape of many papers by Polhem that had been sent to the Collegium Curiosorum. His project was the more heartily supported by Benzelius, inasmuch as the latter, at Polhem's suggestion, had himself contemplated publishing Polhem's theories and inventions.10 Polhem's proposal, made in December, 1710, was that the Collegium Curiosorum should publish its Transactions in Swedish as an eight-page Appendix to the Stockholm weekly newspaper Post Tidender, thereby giving small doses of learning to the people. This would give fame to the Collegium, though it was not likely to pay its cost, "for one cannot expect profit from such an undertaking in our land."11 The suggestion was never carried out, owing doubtless to the hardness of the times, and it is therefore easy to imagine how welcome to Benzelius were the ambitious plans of his young brother-in-law.
10 Forssel, Eric Benzelius d. y., p. 180.
11 Bring, Polhem, p. 73.
It was during this visit to Upsala that Emanuel's ideas took definite shape in the division to publish the Daedalus Hyperboreus; and it was here that he prepared some of the articles for the first number of this, the first scientific journal to be published in Sweden; and here, that, on October twenty-third, he wrote the Address to the Reader that was to introduce it.
Emanuel decided to publish his Daedalus in Swedish instead of Latin, then the language of all books of science.
Emanuel left Upsala for Stockholm, some sixty miles southeast, on November 19th, but did not arrive there until the morning of the twenty-first. He might have arrived earlier, but he delayed on the road, partly because he did not wish to enter into a strange city in the dark, and partly because, wearing a bright blue coat as he did, he was in doubt as to obtaining lodgings in a city where the mortal illness of the beloved Queen Dowager, the King's grandmother, made all appearance of gay attire unseemly.
As soon as he had settled in the city, he sought out his old fellow student Crustaf, a younger brother of Eric Benzelius, who was then employed in the State Archives.12
12 Gustaf Benzelius (1687-1746) ennobled Benzelstierna. In 1732 he became Rosenadler's successor as Censor of books. He is made known to posterity mainly by Liden's publication of the literary correspondence between him and his brother Eric.
He found Stockholm filled with the wildest rumors concerning the hero King who was so marvelously defending Stralsund against the combined forces of Prussia, Denmark, and Hannover. On November fourth the enemy had made a surprise landing on the island of Rugen with the intention of attacking Stralsund from the sea. Charles was on the island at the time, and, on November fifth he gave battle. The results were disastrous. The Swedes were badly defeated, and Charles himself was wounded and thrown from his horse. He was saved from being trampled to death, because luckily a Swedish corporal discovered him and brought him safely to Stralsund.13 The news of the defeat and of the wounding of the king had been brought to Stockholm, but not the news of the rescue, and naturally the city was afire with rumors, many believing that with the defeat at Rgen, Stralsund must already have fallen.
13 Fryxell, 36, p. 61.
It was after listening to countless wild and contradictory rumors that Emanuel, in the afternoon of the day of his arrival in the Swedish capital on NOVEMBER 21, wrote to Eric Benzelius.
These lines are sent to the post according to my promise, in greatest haste, thanking d: Brother first and foremost for the great goodness shown me in Upsala. It would be my greatest desire to find opportunity to repay it in some way. It was only today that I arrived here; could, indeed, have got here yesterday had it not been for the darkness, and for the uncertainty of finding quarteer [quarters] for a person in blue clothes.
The Queen Dowager is still living;1 she has improved today. I intend to get the ring through Mag. Rhyzell2 tomorrow. As to the books, I will inform myself concerning them tomorrow, and will give information concerning them by the next post.
1 Hedwig Eleonora died three days later, on November 24th, with a prayer on her lips that her grandson would forsake his war plans and seek for peace.
2 Anders Olefsson Rhyzelius (1677-1761), who was then Court Preacher in Stockholm, and who, in 1743, succeeded Eric Benzelius as Bishop of Linkping. He was an intimate friend of Eric Benzelius, and as an Upsala student had lodged for a year in his house, where Emanuel also lived (J. Helander, Rhyzelii, Anteckningar pp. 38-40). His friendship for Emanuel is borne witness to by those laudatory Greek lines which were printed in the latter's Disputation Selectae Sententiae.
The news is the best and the worst we have had. Here and there credit is given only to bellringer's stories and Jutland lies.3 Most people have no certain knowledge of the King's person. Some would have him shut up in Stralsund, and give him no outlet for escape. Some vanement [vainly] delight themselves at his homecoming, and expect him here this evening;4 indeed, carriages are ready at the Court to go to meet him. Yet it is generally thought that he has got away; that after his horse was shot under him, he ran 2000 paces on foot, before he got himself another charger. This also would contribute to his gloire, as the Hollander says the Swede would be the best soldier in the world if he knew how to run away.
3 Jutlgner. I suppose this is a colloquial phrase, expressive of the current Swedish estimation of the Danes as utterly untrustworthy.
4 Charles XII left Stockholm in 1700 to fight the Danes, and never again saw his capital. After his victory in 1700, he at once entered upon that war against Russia which ended so disastrously at Pultava and which was followed by his semi-captivity in Turkey. After his escape from Stralsund in December 1715, he made first Ystad and then Lund his capital, seeming desirous of avoiding Stockholm where discontent with his policies was widespread among the nobles.
Brother Gustaf sends greetings and begs excuse for not writing. Almost 100-thousand greetings and thanks to Sister Anna.
I remain,
Highly hon'd d: Brother's
Most faithful brother even to my death,
Eman: Swedberg.
1715, Stockholm
21 Nov.
The death of the Queen Dowager, on November twenty-fourth, inspired Emanuel once more to turn to poetry, and, in the expectation that the royal funeral would be conducted with pomp and ceremony, he wrote a funeral ode, which ranks among the best of his poems. The following translation of two of its eight verses gives some idea of its style:
Break thou the harp, O Sappho:
O Muse, snap asunder the strings so gladsome erstwhile.
Comes now unto thee the sad hour, when words must be sung
Alone without chords.
*****
Army of Swea's Norsemen!
In grief form the rear of the pomp, your arms turned to earth:
Ye also will look to the ground, and will smite in your woe
Your sombre clad breasts.
The royal funeral, however, did not take place, as Charles XII forbade all pomp in view of the poverty of the country; and the Queen Dowager was buried in private on January seventh, 1716, with but a handful of attendants.
The writing of this poem was but a little diversion for the aspiring student of mechanics and machinery. His main occupation was the preparation of the first number of that journal of mechanics and invention which he had planned with Benzelius during his visit in Upsala, and which was designed to serve as a foundation for a future learned society.5 With this in view, he made a diligent examination of the models of Polhem's inventions, which were stored in the College of Mines, then domiciled in a building on the Mynt Torget.
5 As a matter of fact, it actually did so serve. For in the reprint of the Daedalus Hyperboreus in 1910, the Royal Scientic Society of Upsala--the direct successor of the Collegium Curiosorum-- officially stamped that publication as the first of the published transactions of the Society. See Daed. Hyper., facsimile 1, 50.
This collection was the remains of a mechanical laboratory proposed by Polhem in 1697, for the promotion and examination of inventions, to consist of himself as head, and one smith and one joiner, each with his apprentice. The project was at once approved by King Charles XI who made a grant of money for the purpose, and gave the Laboratory the use of a room in the College of Mines' building. Polhem, however, neglected the work, being busy at Fahlun most of the time.
Finally, in 1702, he received permission to make his models in Fahlun, from whence they were to be sent to Stockholm-though only a few were actually sent. In 1709, owing to the great cost of wars under Charles XII, the money grant was withdrawn, the already moribund Mechanical Laboratory came to an end, and the models of its inventions remained neglected in its disused workshop.6 It was here that Swedberg found them, and one can easily imagine his chagrin as he gazed at the broken-down remains of Polhem's inventions.
6 Christopher Polhem af Holger Rosman, pp. 42-3.
Meanwhile he was busy preparing the articles and illustrations for the first number of his Daedalus. And in this connection he was fortunate in meeting two old friends now stationed at the great copper mine at Fahlun, with whom he discussed his project of advancing science and manufacture in Sweden, by promoting a knowledge of mechanics, and giving incentive to the spirit of invention. These men were John Moraeus (1672-1742), his cousin and childhood tutor who was now the city physician of Fahlun, and Anders Swab, the mining master of the Fahlun copper mines, who had charge of all the mining machinery.7
7 The relationship between Anders Swab (1681-1731) and Emanuel Swedberg is somewhat complicated. Anders' mother was the sister of Jesper Swedberg's second wife. Thus Anders was Swedberg's cousin by marriage. Anders' father married a second time, and after his death, his second wife became (in 1720) the third wife of Jesper Swedberg; thus Anders Swab became also Emanuel's stepbrother. In 1717 Anders married the widow of Emanuel's brother Eliezer, and so became Emanuel's brother-in-law. See pp. 408-9, note 2.
From Swab, he learned much about the inventions by Polhem which were in use at the Fahlun mines, and both Moraeus and Swab assured him that he could obtain for his Daedalus accurate and beautiful drawings of these machines from his old fellow student in Upsala, John Tobias Geisler* (1683-1729), the Inspector of Mines in Fahlun who had some distinction as an artist, as well as in his knowledge of mining machinery.
* Geisler finished his studies in 1706, Swedenborg in 1709.
Emanuel was also interested in hearing from Swab concerning an invention* by a Mr. Lundstrm8 which had been introduced at Avesta, a small town in Dalecarlia some thirty miles southeast of Fahlun, whose principal industry was the smelting of the Fahlun copper. There also were made the copper coins of the government. It would appear that Lundstrm's invention had to do with the stamping of coins. He had been granted special privileges by the government. See p. 135.
* This invention was a minting machine; see p. 135.
8 Probably Magnus Lundstrm (1687-1720). From 1710-16, he was inspector and building master in Stockholm, and in April 1716 was appointed by the Bergscollegium as Konstmstare (i.e., in charge of all machinery) at Fahlun. He had to leave, however, in about a year, because Polhem had secured the appointment of another person (Almqvist, Bergskol. p. 238).
Meanwhile, the cost of living in Stockholm, with the prospect of further heavy costs in the printing of the Daedalus, was becoming a matter of concern to the enterprising Emanuel, who was still without lucrative employment, and was largely, if not wholly, dependent on his father. Moreover, he was having difficulty in securing the hearty cooperation of Werner the printer, who saw little likelihood of profit for himself in the printing of the Daedalus.
On December 15th he heard from his brother-in-law Benzelius, cautioning him in regard to Werner who was the Royal printer at Stockholm where he resided, and also the University printer at Upsala; for it was Emanuel's intention to publish his Daedalus simultaneously in both cities. Benzelius also commented on the proposed dedication of the Daedalus. It would seem that Emanuel had in mind to dedicate it to some prominent nobleman, hoping thereby to enlist his support for the ends he had in view. Benzelius's objection was perhaps based on the hope that permission might be obtained to dedicate the Daedalus, or at any rate, the collected issues for the year, to the King himself who was well known to be specially interested in mathematics and mechanics. Benzelius concluded his letter by noting some small commissions for Emanuel to execute in Stockholm, and by announcing an early excursion to Starbo, a beautiful hamlet some thirty miles southwest of Fahlun, where was a large property, including an iron furnace owned by Emanuel's stepmother.
About the same time he received a letter from Polhem, to whom he had sent the MS. of the first article projected for the Daedalus, being his description of Polhem's invention of an ear trumpet; and also the "Address to the Reader," Projected for the Daedalus, and which was a high laudation of Polhem's own inventive genius. Polhem's letter to Emanuel was dated STIERNSUND, DECEMBER 7, 1715:
Noble and highly learned Sir
Highly honored friend:
With special delight and pleasure have I noted my highly honored Herr Swedberg's fine desein [plan], to desire with his own work and at his own cost to put in print the curieusa and useful things in Physico mathematics et mechanicis which are in the Dolegium curiosorum in Upsala, and those which he himself has assembled, for which M. H. deserves much thanks and praise, if not at once while the kingdom's cloudy day continues, yet, doubtless from those who come later when our righteous God allows His gracious Sun again to rise.
I have read with pleasure the description of the ear trumpets, and from it I find that M. H. is a quick mathematicus who is well fitted to carry out these matters and others of the same kind.
That in his Praefation, M. H. is pleased to bestow great praise upon me, for this I am most humbly grateful; but I would advise that it be done more sparingly, in order that the Delicata mind may not experience disgust thereat;1 for no such praise call come to a native home-born man, especially in his own time. But what I shall be able to contribuera to the further carrying out of these matters, will follow with the more pleasure since I entertain an inner feeling of tender love for everything that is of service and advancement to our fatherland, and as soon as M. H. thinks to continuera in this his praiseworthy undertaking, I hope to be able to contribute one or two things which will likely be of some use to the curiusa world, especially since daily experience and practice in mechanica practica has given the occasion for more speculationer than the best theoretiska books; so that, if M. H. is pleased to expend trouble and expense, materia and subjects shall not be lacking so long as I live and God grants me my usual health and vigeur; during which time
I remain, ever my highly honored Herr's obedient servant,
Christoph. Polhamar
Stiernsund, Dec. 7, 1715.
1 Emanuel did not follow this advice; in fact, the Address to the Reader was already in print.
P.S.* By inadvertence, the drawings of these ear trumpets were not enclosed, yet I have no doubt as to their correctness.
In the preface stand the words New Thoughts on Mathematics. This is not appropriate, for mathematics has a surer foundation than thoughts.
A bell in a glass from which air has been pumped out makes a lower or duller sound, not a louder.
The learned Huygens has found the distance in the speed of air or sound to be 180 fathoms per min. sec. but it would be worth the trouble to find out whether it is the same in the lowest places or in the highest, and also what the difference is.
In the description of the speaking tube, should there not be a place for the inclusion of the tube's proportion which is the complement to an hyperbole, even though Sturm1 and others describe this?2
1 John Christopher Sturm (1635-1703), Professor of Mathematics and Physics in the University of Altdorf. The description referred to is contained in Tentamen VIII, De Tubis Acusticis, in his work Collegium Experimentale sive Curiosum, Norimb. 1701.
2 In his article on the Speaking Tube in the Daedalus Hyperboreus, p. 113, Swedberg followed this advice.
At H. H.3 Vice-President Thegner's,4 my H. H. call get some of my thoughts on the barometer and the properties of air. He is a man of inquiring mind who will take pleasure in my H. Herr's undertaking.
3 Hgthrade Herr, i.e., Highly honored Herr.
4 Count John Thegner (1658-1744), Vice-President of the Commission for examining the public expenditures, and a Director of the State Bank.
What I have written to Upsala5 ought to be gone through with better discrimination before it is put into print; for at that time my occupations did not as yet permit of accuracy in ail respects, especially in regard to reckonings and calculations.
5 i.e. Polhem's letters from 1710-1713 to the Collegium Curiosorum.
I have come so far with the material as to send the drawing which existed when the letter6 was sent. I crave pardon that this message prevents me from looking over the matter as I would readily wish.
6 i.e., Polhem's letter to Benzelius, October 30, 1710, which Swedberg printed in the first number of the Daedalus Hyperboreus: "Assessor Polhem's Experiments on the Nature of Sound."
* Postscript to Polhem's letter of December 7, 1715, omitted in Opera Quaedam I, p. 230, but printed in Polhems Bref, p. 113.
A few days later, on December tenth, Polhem also wrote to Benzelius. To him he said: "I note that young Herr Swedberg is a quick mathematicus and a clever man for the mechanske sciences, so that if he continues therein in the same way as he shows in the beginning, in time he will be able to do greater service to the King and the fatherland in this way than in any other." In a postscript, Polhem requests Benzelius to return his papers (namely, those sent in past years to the Collegium Curiosorum), "that I may see what I have formerly written and have thought further about, for the purpose which H. Swedberg is minded to follow up."
Toward the end of December, Emanuel answered his brother-in-law in a letter written in a French which, though he seems to take pride in it, is in reality comparable to the English of his letter of August 1715:
My dear Brother:
I gave myself the pleasure of re-reading your letter, my dear Brother, more than six times; it has also given me new pleasure more than six times, and if I should read it through yet a seventh time, I would be assured of another treat.
Literary occupations are my amusement every day; it is impatience alone that causes me some little unrest, and unrest somewhat disturbs my affairs here.
Messrs. Swab and Moraeus have come to Stockholm; they beg me to give you their compliments. Both these gentlemen give me the hope of being able, by correspondence with Monsieur Geisler, surveyor of the mines at Fahlun, to be able to obtain all the machines of our Plhammar in beautiful pictures. As he is the cleverest and most delightful painter in Sweden as concerns these small but intricate works of the mines, I flatter myself to obtain thereby some very curious pieces which will serve for ornaments and golden tapestry in this common work.1
1 The "common work" refers to the contemplated publication of descriptions of Polhem's and Swedberg's inventions, which the latter and Benzelius had thoroughly discussed in Upsala, and which they regarded as a work in common.
Mons. Lundstrm's machine* at Afsta [Avesta] has already ended its course and its tricks. It has not yet paid its tax to the King, not even two per cent like other subjects of the King; nor will it ever pay, when it cannot pay for itself. Mons. Swab will report this to the College of Mines here. This is the fate of machines invented by a master who has more experience than theory. If I would not have pleased Mons. Palhammar, I would have offered to present another more simple machine in place of this unfortunate one.
* This was a machine invented by Lundstrm in 1711 whereby "with the help of 18 or 20 men, about 500 coins could be stamped in an hour" (Stiernstedt 206n). In Feb. 1716, it was decided to give up using Lundstrm's machine (ibid., 267). Since Swedenborg's letter was written in Dec. 1715, he must have heard privately of dissatisfaction with this machine. Polhem's machine was adopted in June 1716 (ib., 299).
The models in the Bergscollegiurn are perishing from time to time. In six or ten years they will be useful only for the fire, unless I wish to avert their fate by means of a little brass and a little ink and paper.2 Behold, then, how all goes contrariwise in this matter; that which ought to have the time of eternity, does not survive the days of its master.
2 This means, not that the writer wishes actually to repair the broken down machines, but that by the expenditure of ink and paper and of the money necessary for printing, he wishes to introduce them to the public, and thus to give them life.
I have suspected, my dear Brother, the same thing of Mons. Werner3 as you have warned me of with the greatest elucidation. The gentleman is a man who dreams of doing everything by promises and complaisance; and as he is all for his own little glory, he dreams of feeding it by all the worldly advantages which present themselves to him. My dear Brother, if you would give me a letter to him, he would perhaps take courage;4 but to engage his cooperation, the principal motives should be honor and interest.
3 John Henry Werner, a German wood-engraver who settled in Stockholm about 1670. In 1698, he bought a printing business in that city, and in 1701 another in Upsala, called The Academy Printery. In 1705 he was authorized to call his Stockholm shop The Royal Printery. It was situated at Norrbro (Frsk till Historia om Sveriges Boktryckerier, p. 91 seq.).
4 Namely, to undertake the publication of the Daedalus.
As to the dedication, I must obey you. When you foresee something there, I also will do likewise, making a semblance of penetrating into the same thing. Yet I should be able to flatter myself of a little reward there; but obedience to your counsels shall prevail over all interest arising from more advantageous views.
But, my dear Brother, a single word to my father from you on my behalf will be more than twenty thousand remonstrances from me.
I will see to the shoes for brother Eric. We will also see to the petticoate,5 though the dyers or ...6 have their hands full: whole shops7 are being sent to their black chambers in order to make all clothes here more sombre, and, for the present, everything that has been red or gay now takes on the color of mourning. It is this which hinders my sister's petticoate from being dyed black.
5 Swedberg here uses the English word petticoat.
6 "Couloreurs ou..." Evidently, the correct French word had escaped the writer and he hoped to supply it later.
7 Les boutiques. Perhaps the writer meant "shops' goods."
I also should have liked to be of the company to Starbo, but since literary matters press me hard, it is necessary to push on with them, even to the first goal;8 but in eight or fifteen days9 after your departure, I could perhaps pass over the road with you, when I go to Brunsbo.
8 i.e., the first number of Daedalus Hyperboreus.
9 or, as we would say, "in a week or two."
The news which is reported here arrived from Stralsund the next day,10 namely [1] that the Royal Chancery and all its officers have embarked to go to Sweden; N.B. for the King also [was] kept a place therein. 2. That Stralsund is reduced to ashes and is buried together with many officers. 3. Monsieur Odelstrm is promoted to the library here,11 to be its guardian; no other promotions.
10 i.e., apparently, the day after Swedberg had received Benzelius's letter. This indicates that the latter had been received December 15th. Charles XII left Stralsund on the eleventh when surrender was inevitable, and arrived in Trlleborg on the thirteenth. Word of his arrival reached Stockholm three days later, though Swedenborg had not heard it when he wrote. Meanwhile, rumors supplied the place of news.
11 Carl Carlsson Odhelstrm (1683-1723). The appointment was as librarian of the King's library which was then in the Royal Castle.
Pardon me, my dear Brother, that I write you in French. That which one thinks of, one tries ordinarily to amuse oneself with. My thoughts are flowing, for the present, over this language, but when Cicero shall amuse me, I will amuse you also as a Ciceronian. Live happily and think.
my dear Brother, of
Your very affectionate and very
humble servant
Eman. Swedberg
The first number of the Daedalus was finished early in December, so far as the writing and engraving was concerned. In the Stockholm weekly paper, Post Tidender of January 10, 1716, the Editor advertises it for sale "for the author's benefit." The Editor further informs his readers that the Daedalus is printed in Upsala, and that it is intended to issue it every other month.12
12 Daedalus was an Athenian, famous for his mechanical inventions, among which was a statue which moved as if of itself, and wax wings whereby the inventor escaped from prison. Polhem was sometimes called "the Swedish Daedalus," and it was probably to indicate Polhem, that Emanuel called his publication Daedalus Hyperboreas (the Northern Daedalus).
Meanwhile, Emanuel was thinking of the second number, in which he intended describing the hoisting machine driven by a water wheel which Polhem had invented for use in the Fahlun mines. In 1690, Polhem, then almost unknown, exhibited a large model of this machine before King Charles XI and the College of Mines, and it was found to be so vastly superior to the hoisting machines then in use, that it elicited for its inventor the favor of the King, and also a grant of money for an extended foreign journey in the interests of mechanical research. In fact, it was the first stage of Polhem's brilliant career. The machine was erected at Fahlun in 1693, where it fulfilled all expectations.13 As Swedberg had heard that the inventor possessed a copperplate engraving of this machine, he wrote him requesting the use of it.14 He received a prompt reply, dated December 19, 1715:
13 Rosman, pp. 26, 29; Bring, Christoph. Polhem, pp. 16, 13.
14 This engraving was duly printed in the Daedalus Hyperboreus no. 11. It had been made in Amsterdam in 1697, and is very different from the other engravings of the Daedalus. These latter, with the exception of a woodcut made in Upsala, and perhaps also of a copperplate by Prof. Roberg, were engraved in Stockholm, and were very unsatisfactory; see p. 96, note 4.
Highly honored friend:
The copperplate which is desired shall readily be put at M. H's service, but he must be put to the trouble of asking H. Magister Naclerus who borrowed it for his disputation, and forgot to return it.1
1 Olaus Nauclerus had borrowed this plate in 1702, for use in his Upsala disputation where it was printed. Although it had been out of Polhem's possession for thirteen years, Swedberg eventually got possession of it--probably through Eric Benzelius, for at this time Nauclerus was notary to the Upsala Consistory. The title of the Latin disputation above referred to is a new machine for drawing out and hoisting metals from metal mines for more easily and at less cost, more suitable and durable than those previously used in mines, being furnished with wood instead of leather ropes ... the author and inventor whereof is Christopher Polhammer.
That which is desired concerning the water wheel as to its working and speed, etc., demands in truth some greater extensiveness than can be explained by means of a letter, especially if one will demonstrate everything mathematice. In the laboratorio mechanico experiments are made at the King's expense2 on all the principal parts belonging to this and other machines, which agree pretty closely with theorin, and mathematiska calculations, especially after I found the cause of the Differentien, to wit, the resistentia mediorum et refrictio materiarum [the resistance of the mediums and the friction of the materials] which also have their own proportions--all of which gives rise to a more extensive treatment than can be brought forward here. But if M. H. had the desire to devote himself with diligence to Mechanske studium, I would wish that my poor accomodamenter were seemly for him, so as more often to conferrera orally; so I hoped that we would find enjoyment on both sides. For, though I see that the present hard times, and my few remaining days3 will cut off the carrying out of my deseiners, I have, nevertheless, desire and pleasure to discurera [engage in discussion] thereon with those who find pleasure therein; for otherwise it would be like loving one who did not love in return.
2 The mechanical laboratory here referred to was a new laboratory, established in Stiernsund in 1712 by order of Charles XII, mainly with the view of utilizing Polhem's inventive genius in the development of implements that could be used for war (Bring, Christoph. Polhem, p. 40)
3 Polhem was then fifty-four years old. He died in 1751 in his home on Hornsgatan where he was a neighbor of Swedenborg.
As soon as M. H. puts into print what is intended, and wishes to undertake some new thing, it would be useful for me to conferrera thereon, and in case it will not otherwise be hard for M. H. to journey here by so long a road, I would prize it as a great honor and pleasure if M. H. were pleased to visit me here in Stiernsund, being unable sufficiently to express the esteem I have for those who are lovers of the few things that I know. For the rest, I wish M. H. good fortune and blessing for the good Christmas holiday, and a more gladsome new year, and with hearty greeting, remain
my highly honored Herr's
obedient servant
Christoph. Polhamar
Stiernsund, Dec. 19, 1715
P.S. If M. H. has any business with my Brother who is a mathematic instrument-maker in Stockholm, M. H. will greet him and let him know I wrote him by the post thirteen weeks ago, and an answer thereto is awaited.
To M. Emanuel Swedberg at Stockholm.
Before leaving Stockholm, Emanuel had come across a book recently published in London, the tide of which very naturally led him to purchase it. It was a work by Dorothei Alimari, a Venetian mathematician, entitled Longitudinis aut terra aut mari investigandae methodus adjectis insuper demonstrationibus et instrumentorum iconismis, London 1715 (A Method of Investigating the Longitude, whether by land or by sea, together with demonstration, and figures showing the instruments). As will be seen later, Emanuel did not think much of this work.
Soon after the receipt of Polhem's letter, he left Stockholm for Starbo where he spent Christmas with his younger sister Hedwig and her husband Lars Benzelius who was then the manager of the Starbo property and master of the Mines of that district; also, as it would seem, with his older sister Anna and her husband Eric Benzelius--the two brothers having married the two sisters.
The meeting with Eric Benzelius, who was a man of great influence in the Upsala University or "Academy" as it was then called, naturally brought to the fore the question of Emanuel's employment as a professor. What the latter proposed was that a professorship of mechanics be established, and that he be appointed to fill the office.
The financial problem, however, was a hard one to solve. But Emanuel's eagerness does not seem to have been unduly daunted, and it was perhaps at this time that he adumbrated to his brother-in-law the plan, which he later developed, whereby the new professorship of mechanics could be supported by decreasing the salaries of the other professors in the faculty of philosophy, and giving them certain privileges which would make up for the decrease. In any case, Benzelius promised to take up the matter at Upsala, and to report the results.
From Benzelius he received an article by Professor Roberg which the latter had been requested to write for the second number of the Daedalus, on the production of native salt from sea water--a matter of the utmost importance at the time, since enemy ships were making Swedish imports increasingly difficult, and salt could be obtained only at an exorbitant price. Doubtless Emanuel had many serious discussions with his brother-in-law Eric, but, judging from a later letter (March 16th), he had also plenty of amusements to distract his thoughts and divert him from serious literary work.
After the Christmas holidays, Benzelius and his wife left for Upsala; and shortly thereafter, Emanuel wrote him promising to send on the material for the next issue of the Daedalus, the printing of which in Upsala, Benzelius had undertaken to supervise. Then, settling down to work in connection with the Daedalus, he rewrote Roberg's article, which advocated the use of freezing weather as one of the means of obtaining salt from sea water.
In the beginning of February, he accepted Polhem's invitation, and went for a few days to Stiernsund, some forty miles north of Starbo, to consult with Polhem on plans for the next issue of the Daedalus.
In Stiernsund, for the first time, he met Polhem's family, which consisted of one son, Gabriel, then nearly seventeen years old, and three daughters, the oldest of whom, Maria, was seventeen years, while her younger sister, Emerentia, was twelve and a half.
At Stiernsund, Emanuel was able to study the print of the copperplate of Polhem's hoisting machines, and to learn from the inventor those numerous details respecting its construction and its manner of working which he would require in order to describe the machine in the next issue of the Daedalus. He also discussed with Polhem a curious invention the latter had made, whereby he could calculate compound interest by means of dividing a triangle in a certain way, a discovery which Emanuel considered important enough to resolve to publish it to the Swedish world by means of the Daedalus.
Among the things that came up for discussion between Polhem and his guest, was the means of elevating the common people, who were then extremely backward. Polhem, with his mind concentrated on mathematics and mechanics, had conceived the idea of writing in Swedish and in very simple language, a series of daily lessons, each consisting of at most ten lines, whereby the learner would be introduced to arithmetic and geometry with a special view to the sciences of surveying and mechanics. In the whole of Swedish literature, there was not a single elementary Swedish arithmetic. Polhem's idea, therefore, was particularly attractive to his young visitor, inasmuch as he saw in it one of the means of bringing a knowledge of mathematics to the people, and so in some measure of raising the national standard. It may be recalled that it was the same spirit that had inspired Emanuel, contrary to all custom, to publish his Daedalus in Swedish instead of Latin.
Polhem had prepared fifty-seven of these daily lessons which he entitled Wishetens andra grundwahl til Ungdoms prydnad, Mandoms nytta och lderdoms nje.4 The lessons are of the simplest kind. Thus, the first four are simply definitions of arithmetic, geometry, proportion, and algebra; the fifth consists in learning the figures 1-9, 10-100, etc.; the sixth to ninth, in the definition of addition, subtraction, multiplication and division; and so on.
4 The Second Foundation of Wisdom for the Adornment of Youth, the Use of Manhood and the Delight of Old Age--the First Foundation, as he explains in his preface, being the learning to "write, speak, and understand one's own and others' tongues."
Emanuel was so greatly interested in this work that he undertook to print it at his own expense, an undertaking which was readily accepted by the somewhat parsimonious author.5 Polhem, on his part, handed over the fifty-seven paragraphs he had already prepared, readily enough, and promised to write the continuation as it was required for the press.
5 See Bring, Christ. Polhem, p. 75.
But what, for Emanuel, must have been the most exhilarating of the subjects on which he talked with Polhem, was the latter's projected visit to the King in Ystad, at the extreme south of Sweden, with a view to building a dry dock at the naval base in Karlscrona.
Polhem first became known to the present government in Sweden in 1711 when, by first because certain improvements in cannons, and by his invention of a grist mill that could accompany an army in the field, he so greatly recommended himself to General Stenbock that the latter highly recommended him to the government. A little later in 1711, the Collegium Curiosorum wrote of his inventive genius to Casten Feif, then with the King in Bender. At the same time Polhem himself sent a list of his inventions. This came under the direct notice of the King whose native mechanical genius was delighted with Polhem's various inventions, especially those that concerned the carrying on of war, and Polhem was encouraged to continue his work and to send models of his inventions to Bender.
But with the Kalabaliken in Bender (p. 46), whereby Charles XII became a semi-prisoner in Turkish hands, all communication with Polhem was stopped. The King, however, had not forgotten him, and when, after leaving Turkey, he made his residence at Stralsund, he ordered the inventor to attend him there.
6 For the particulars related in this and the preceding paragraph, see S. E. Bring, Christoph. Polhem, pp. 43 seq.
It appears from Swedberg's letter to Eric Benzelius, of February 14, 1716, that Polhem had been ordered, not only to go to Karlscrona, but first to attend on the King at Tistad; and that he had received these orders before the time of Emanuel's visit to Stiernsund, or else during the visit itself. It is certain that during this visit in Polhem's home, Emanuel envisaged the prospect of seeing the King at Ystad; and his delight in this prospect was heightened by the thought that he would then have the opportunity of introducing his Daedalus to a Potentate whose mathematical and mechanical genius was well known. Doubtless also he thought to enlist the King in support of the project to establish in Sweden a Royal Observatory such as existed at Greenwich and Paris, and to found a learned society which would be free to investigate the secrets of nature for the benefit of the fatherland and of mankind in general.
After his visit to Polhem, Emanuel returned to Starbo where he began to prepare for the press Polhem's "Second Foundation of Wisdom," which he had undertaken to print. Probably he had to make a clean copy of the whole MS., as Polhem's writing was exceedingly difficult to read, to say nothing of his style which was far from literary.
His principal work at Starbo, however, was the preparation of material for No. II of the Daedalus. This included the description of Polhem's hoisting machine, of his method of calculating compound interest, and of an article by Emanuel himself, setting forth the current value of the silver coin called Carolin, as compared with the rixdaler and the silvermint and coppermint daler--a matter of considerable importance to Swedish manufacturers, to whom the fluctuations of coin values were a constant source of anxiety. He also wrote out in Latin an account of the total eclipse of the sun on April 22, 1715, as observed by Professor Vallerius. This account, which was presumably copied or edited from Professor Vallerius' manuscript, included not only the table of the progress of the eclipse and the readings of the chronometer and barometer, but also a long account of the preparations that had been made for the observation, and of the manner in which it was recorded.
It appears, moreover, as will be seen presently, that the material prepared at Starbo for No. II of the Daedalus included also an article on The Causes of Things. This article has hitherto been attributed to Swedberg himself,7 but a perusal of the article itself, as well as certain references by Polhem and Benzelius in letters which will be referred to presently, tends to show conclusively that it is essentially Polhem's, and that Swedberg merely edited it, using some of the material he had gathered during his stay with Polhem.8
7 It is so attributed by Hyde in his Bibliography (p. 22), who ascribes the work to 1717; by the Editor of the printed Swedish text, in Opera Quaedam III, pp. 231-33; and by the English translator in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, I, p. 5-7.
8 See Swedberg's letter of Feb. 14, p. 86; and New Phil. 1947, p. 33.
The article itself sets forth theories propounded by Polhem in papers communicated to the Collegium Curiosorum in previous years, and about which he had probably talked with Emanuel during the latter's visit to Stiernsund. Thus the article illustrates the course of the planets in the air, by experiments with balls, light and heavy, swung around in water; it describes the particles in the ether, as consisting of smaller particles, and these again of smaller ad infintium, all being of a round figure; it defines the origin of the earth as being a contention between fire and water, their compression producing salt from the water, and sulphur from the fire; further compression produced oil from the sulphur, and flowing glass from the salt.9
9 All this agrees with the teaching of Polhem. The latter held that the earth had originally been a sun, which gradually became encrusted with so much material that the encrustation held in the fire, and was in its turn overlaid first with air and then with water. Cavities being formed in the crust, the water streamed through, and the resultant steam shot up mountains, etc., while falling pieces of these mountains sank down in the water, and by their constant friction produced sand, etc. The many cavities in the thick crust resulted in a mutual working on each other of the four elements fire, air, water, and earth, the result being sulphur, salt, and other sorts of matter. See Bring, Ch. Polhem. pp. 64, 66; also pp. 88-9 and note below.
Emanuel left Starbo in the second week of February, en route to his home in Brunsbo. On the way he stopped at Skrviken, some fifty miles south of Starbo, where, to quote his own words (p. 94), he "became richer," perhaps because of some sale of iron in which he had an interest. At Starbo there was an iron furnace belonging to Emanuel's stepmother, while at Skrviken was an iron works (see Swedenborg's De Ferro, pp. 63, 64), which probably was owned by Emanuel's brother Eliezer. In any case, it would seem that Emanuel himself had some financial interest in the sale of the Starbo iron. Undoubtedly, he was his stepmother's favorite son, and it was her steady intention to leave him the whole of Starbo after her death.10
10 It appears that at this time she gave him the free use of Starbo, and the enjoyment of its income (N. K. Tidning, July, August, 1927, p. 67)
When traveling from Starbo, he had carried the papers for the Daedalus with him, because, when sending them to his brother-in-law in Upsala, he hoped also to send money. And now, having obtained the money, he sends him the papers and the money enclosed in a letter dated FEBRUARY 14, 1716:
Highly honored d: Brother:
I am sending over what I promised in my last letter from Starbo, with the understanding that it shall be put into print in Upsala. There is probably some one there, who has compassion upon it, who will take on himself the curam emendandi [the care of correcting it] in print; perhaps Brother Esberg.1 With this goes a bill on Monsieur von der Hagen,2 for 14 Riksdalers,3 which commands its full value, and will be paid at once on presentation.
1 Eric Esberg (1699-1769), a son of Eric Benzelius's sister. After studying in Upsala, he became, in 1718, assistant to Lars Benzelius who was in charge of the Starbo property. On May 19, 1747 (about the time when Swedenborg resigned from the College), he became Assessor, and in 1757 Counsellor, in the College of Mines (Almqvist, Bergskollegium, p. 197)
2 Ludwig v. Hagen and Erland Cameen were the financial agents in Stockholm for the Swedberg iron properties.
3 According to Swedberg's Tables in the Daedalus Hyperborcus, 14 riksdalers equalled 29 dal. silvermint, or 87 dal. coppermint. In modern coinage, this would be nominally Kr. 38, but, in modern values, it would be over Kr. 325 ($87.00; see Bring's Karl XII, pp. 505, 512).
I have also inserted Doctor Roberg's experiment or project on saltmaking, which I have completely changed so that the test can now be made more accurately. In Starbo, I had also planned to make some investigation in this matter, but the winter would not cooperate with me.
4 Evidently the Doctor did not wish his name to be altogether ignored, for the article is initialed "L. R."
2. I also leave space for Prof: Vallerii observationem eclipseos Solaris which he himself can translate into Swedish and leave it with the printer, but with the reservation that he be brief.5
5 Vallerius took Swedberg's admonition as to briefness very literally, for he contented himself with a translation of the table alone, which filled one page of the Daedalus. Had he translated the rest of Swedberg's MS., it would have filled 2-1/2 additional pages.
3. The reckoning of interesse by a triangle is Plhammar's, but the Carolin-reckoning is my own. These articles also I have left without name or sponsor; yet it is open to insert them.6
6 This, in fact, Benzelius did.
4. Another time, I hope to get something more useful for insertion, on the basis of what I assembled during the short time I was in Stiernsund.
N.B. 5. I send on a drawing of the interesse triangel, and also of a little instrument which pertains to Plhammar's experiments.7 I do not know how they can be engraved in wood; it would be altogether too great a piece of luck and beneficence if some one could be found in Upsala who did this work; it would be easy, and only requires one who had prima rudimenta artis sculptoriae [the first rudiments of the art of engraving8]. If it were to have been done in copper, I would neither have got it to Aveln nor from him, nor from Hedengren9 either. And so, were it possible in Upsala, that it can be done in wood, that would be my prayer. The cost will be paid whole heartedly. Prof. Vallerius or Dr. Roberg will no doubt give directions.
7 Benzelius did not insert the drawing of this instrument in No. II of the Daedalus, though in a paragraph added to the end of the article he refers to it and intimates that it will appear in a later issue--but it never did appear. Probably, being more difficult to engrave than the triangle, he found it impossible to get it executed.
8 It should be noted that Emanuel had himself acquired the art of engraving. See the letter of August, 1711, p. 29.
9Aveln and Hedengren were two copper engravers in Stockholm. The former had made copperplates for No. 1 of the Daedalus, and also for a subsequent number, but his work was very poor. See the letter of April 1716, p. 100.
6. How fine it would be if a copper press comes to Upsala.9a.
9a. Even by 1733 there was still no copper press in Upsala and all printing of copperplates must be done in Stockholm (Liden, p. 115).
7. As to the large copperplate10 and the printing of it, I have made the necessary arrangements in Stockholm through Brother Gustaf.
10 This refers to the copperplate spoken of in Polhem's letter to Swedberg of December 19, 1715, p. 78.
8. I would wish from my heart that this11 were ready, the sooner the better, so that I could get a couple of copies of it to Ysted while I were there,12 to recommendera it together with the previous number.
11 That is, the second number of the Daedalus.
12 Alas, Charles XII left Ystad on February 16, and never returned (Fryxell 29, p. 9).
9. If I can remain in Brunsbo long enough to await d: Brother's letter, I beg to get a proposition as to the means for a Profess: Mechanicum [a professorship of mechanics] to be paid like the others; perhaps by decrease in their pay. If I see no other way out, this proposition will probably be presented in the proper quarter.
10. I have also another little work--which Plhammar intends to add to--a work called Ungdoms heder, mandoms nytta, lderdoms nje [Youth's Honor, Manhood's use, Old Age's Delight],wherein Arithmetike, Geometrie, and Algebra are treated of, beginning with the easiest lessons and going gradually to the difficult. For a beginning there are now two arks, which also I will send to Upsala in my next.
11. In my last, I made a mistake. I should have written confido tibi haec, mi frater! ut Sacerdoti, simul ut politico; ut etiam haec.13 Farewell.
13 I confide these matters to thee, my brother, as a priest, and, at the same time, as a statesman. So also these.
Highly honored d: Brother's
faithful brother and serv.
Eman: Swedb:
Skrwiken, 14 Feb. 1716
while traveling.
P.S. There will be 420 exempl. [copies] on fine printing paper at 9 dalers a ream; 125 exempl. on writing paper.
From Brunsbo, whither he now proceeded, Emanuel wrote to Polhem telling him of what he had written concerning balls swung in water, as illustrating the course of the planets, and enclosing a copy of the triangle which he had drawn for use in the Daedalus in connection with the article on a method of calculating compound interest devised by Polhem. He also enclosed his description of Polhem s hoisting machine, which he asked Polhem to read and then to send on to Benzelius for inclusion in No. II of the Daedalus. Polhem did read the article, though, as usual, with great haste, and duly forwarded it to Benzelius together with the sketch of the triangle. In an accompanying letter, dated March 6, he writes: "By the last post came H. Swedberg's letter, together with that which is enclosed herewith and is intended for printing. As requested, I have read through the same, though in the greatest haste, and since I can find no other than that the one and the other has its merits, I have nothing, or nothing special, to note concerning them, save that I see that H. Swedberg wishes to have the triangle brought in, in connection with the interesse on interesse [compound interest] of which lately discureratess [there was some talk (between us)], in which case, it is more fitting to use curved lines instead of the alternate diagonals or trasvers linea." We note, in passing, that the change here suggested, could not be made because the woodcut had already been finished; but Benzelius added, at the end of the article, a correcting sentence, quoted from Polhem's letter. In the same letter, Polhem refers to his Two Foundations which Herr Swedberg was to print, saying that since there was no hurry in the matter, he would like to know what the mathematicians in Upsala thought of it. It was indifferent to him whether or not his name appeared on its title-page, his only hope being that the work itself would prove useful to youth; "and if in future it is found to be in request, the same work can grow to a book of some size, even though the beginning is crude and simple." He then continues: "Some time ago H. Swedberg was with me, and I then got to know of his resourcefulness and good qualiteter, and therefore am so much the more willing to leave it to him to bring my few knowledges to light, since, because of his previous learning and knowledge in mathematiske matters, he is fitted thereto and capabel."
Two days later (March 8), after further reflection on what he had so hastily read, Polhem again writes to Benzelius, giving a paragraph which is to be added to the article on the hoisting machine, and which Benzelius duly incorporated in the printed article.
14 What Polhem here suggests, is that, in case the article on The Causes of Things is printed in the second number of the Daedalus, part of the first paragraph should be omitted. As will be seen presently, Benzelius elected to omit the whole article--and very naturally so, in view of Polhem's remarks; see pp. 81 and 95. The original MS. in Swedberg's handwriting is preserved among Benzelius' papers. The text was printed in Em. Swedenborg, Op. Quaedam, III, pp. 231-3, and an English translation in Scientific and Phil. Treat., I, p. 3.
Emanuel had, of course, heard by now that the King had left Ystad and was engaged in an attempt to seize Norway from the Danes. Naturally, Emanuel no longer entertained the idea of meeting him in the near future, and his mind turned more and more to the thought of securing a professorship in Upsala. It was on this subject that he wrote to his brother-in-law from BRUNSBO on MARCH 4, 1716:
Highly honored d: Brother:
Since an opportunity is offered by the printer's apprentice, Hkan, I herewith send d: Brother a little work which Plhammar has commenced and which he intends shall come out from time to time.1 It is a cursus mathematicus consisting solely of Geometrien, Arithmetiquen, and Algebra, of which this is the first and easiest. I promised to put it in print, which I also intend to do at my own depens [expense] if there is no one disposed to undertake it in my stead; and since it is so useful for incipienter [beginners] and others, it should in all probability find a market.
1 Namely, The Second Foundation of Wisdom. See p. 82.
Since the King is still at the northern frontier, the journey to Ysted is postponed2 until I see how things turn out. Perhaps, therefore, I will remain in my resolution to seek that of which I wrote to my Brother some time ago, to wit:
2 Charles XII, who was then fighting in Norway, did not return to Ystad, but made Lund his capital, entering that city in September 1716 (Bring, Karl XII, p. 454).
1. Since a societet in Mathesi would be as necessary and useful as a philosophisk society, and would heal our land more than ever the latter would, both in the establishment of manufacturier and in connection with mines, navigation, etc., therefore, for its advancement, there could well be subtracted one-seventh part of the provision which is appropriated to the Academien; from which can be obtained a sum of 9000 d. coppermint.3
3 or 3,000 dalers silvermint.
2. This, therefore, could be so appropriated and divided, that
one Professor mechanices had 600 d. sm.
A Secretary 300 d. sm.
4 Collegae, at 200 each, amounting to 800 d. sm.
4 auscultanter, at 100 each 400 d. sm.
For models, experiments, observations 500 d. sm.
For instruments, yearly 400 d. sm.
Total 3000 D: s.m.4
4 100 dal. s.m. equals, nominally, 133 kronor of modern coinage, but according to actual values, it would equal 1,064 kr. (About $285).
3. The 4 collegae who would have 200 D. silvermint, could well be the Professores, such as Pr: Vallerius, Elfvius, Roberg, Bromell, so that, together with their profession, they could enjoy more than at present. The office of Secretaire could best be filled by d: Brother. I think that in this matter it would fall more lightly on the Professoribus, if one-seventh should be taken from them rather than one-half or the whole, as is the case with the other servants of the King, since they would still be bound to offer their all for the advancement of studies.5
5 The plan here suggested has some curious features which make Benzelius's rejection of it readily understandable, as well as Emanuel's subsequent playful excuse. The proposal was to raise 3000 d. s. m. by taking one-seventh of the money appropriated to the Academy. There were in all controlled by the University--at a salary of 700 d. s. m. each; or, counting the Librarian who received the same salary, 19. The professorial reduction would thus raise only 1900 d. s. m. To raise 3000 d. s. in., it would be necessary to take one-seventh of nearly all salaries including even low ones. (See Annerstedt, Ups. Univ. Hist., vol. 3, Bihang, p. 36 seq.) But Swedberg's plan seems to have contemplated only professors' salaries. In effect, it was that all the professors should suffer a cut of 100 d. s. m. and that four of them should each be compensated by receiving 200 d. s. m., and the Librarian by receiving 300 d. s. m. from the proposed mechanical department; but see p. 93, note 2.
Although in this there is more of playfulness than of seriousness, yet, if it should win any one's consens, a recommendation by the proper authorities ought also to follow. But more at another time.
If it were possible by some messenger, I would beg to receive the Camera obscura6 which had a blue cylindre as a covering around it. It lies on the stone ledge in the vault near the cupboard. I intend, by its means, to make reflexions on the perspective art by the taking of a number of vuer [views] and prospecter. If, therefore, it could be sent me in the quickest way, it would be a great kindness to me, and my great desire would get its satisfaction. Sister Anna, little brother Ericto whom I recommenderar the enclosed by Plhammar7--are greeted to the utmost; with God's commendation
6 This was the Camera Obscura which Emanuel bought in London; the letter of Oct. 13, 1710 (p. 13).
7 Namely, The Second Foundation of Wisdom. Eric was nearly eleven years old.
highly honored d: Brother's
most faithful brother and serv.
Eman: Swedberg
Brunsbo: 1716, 4 March.
On account of the nature of this letter as touching on the Upsala Professors' salaries, Emanuel was very careful to make sure that it would meet no other eyes than Benzelius's. He enclosed it in a separate envelope which he sealed with his own seal.
Being now in funds, Emanuel sent Benzelius 150 dal. coppermint, to pay for the printing of Daedalus No. II. The letter enclosing this payment seems to have crossed a letter from Benzelius, dated March 12. There Benzelius informs Emanuel concerning Polhem's criticisms, and says that Polhem's additional paragraph had now been sent to the printer to be added to the article for number II of the Daedalus. He also tells him of the death, on March 8, of the professor of Mathematics, Harold Vallerius, and that the professor's oldest son Johan would succeed him in the professorship, to which post he had been nominated by Charles XII in 1712.
As to Emanuel's proposals in regard to the establishment of a professorship of mechanics, with himself as the first incumbent, Benzelius is by no means enthusiastic. Rather he throws cold water on the scheme, reminding his brother-in-law that the existing professors were hardly likely to consent to a diminishing of their own salaries in favor of a new professorship. He expresses also the hope that Emanuel's proposition may not come to the ears of others lest it prejudice the professors against him. Finally, he asks Emanuel to inquire at the widow Kjellberg's bookshop, as to how many copies of his Theophrastus had been sold.8
8 The work here referred to is the Theophrasti Notationes Morum, published by Eric Benzelius in 1708, as a textbook to be used in the Swedish academies (Forssell, p. 92) Twenty-six copies of this work had been sent to Mr. Kjellberg's printing and bookshop for sale. This printery, brought to Skara by Bishop Swedberg in 1707, was the first printery to exist in that city. Kjellberg had died in r7I5, but the business was continued by his widow, to whom the Royal privileges were continued (Hist. ver Sveriges Boktryckerier, pp. 129-30). It was of her, therefore, that Emanuel made the necessary inquiries.
Emanuel's answer is not dated, but it was sent by return post and must therefore have been written about MARCH 19TH:
Highly honored d. Brother:
By the last post there came to me d. Brother's very welcome letter of March 12. It gives me pleasure to learn therefrom that Ass: Plhammar has been pleased to send to Upsala the experiment for this or the next ensuing month. I should like to know approximately his observations thereon, for I admit that I was too hasty with it, since I was then traveling and had so many other occupationer and amusements which distracted my thoughts; moreover, it is very hard to set on paper the penseer [thoughts] of another so that they shall fully fit in with one's own. Hereafter, however, when I come into quietness, I will devote more time and industry to this, and will send them to him in good time, though in small installments.
For the rest, it is dear to my heart to learn my Brother's opinion and pleasure concerning my proposition. Never have I been or will become so forgetful of myself and of my good standing at Upsala as to endeavor that the Professors should sustain injury through me; but I thought, by so desperate and exsecrabelt a proposition to force my brother's prudence and imagination to give out a better one. If I wrote it en raillant [in jest], I could well change to en disant la verite [in speaking the truth], especially as it has gone no further, since I well cacherat [concealed] it in my Brother's convert [envelope1] and under my seal, so that I do not think any one has been able to peep therein.
1 That is, in the envelope which was included in the package of papers carried to Benzelius by the apprentice Hkan.
Yet, I should wish that some plan could be given for the establishment of the societet; and if it is not to depend on time and waiting, it could most easily come about by the retiring of some of the professorships, namely, those which seem to be least necessary; namely, Theologien and Medicin could in time be deprived of one Professorship: also Professio orient: lingv: [the professorship of oriental languages] transfereras [be transferred] to the Professionem Theologiae or lingv: Graec: [of the Greek language]; so also Moralium [that of morals] to Historices [that of history]; especially since in few Academier are so many Profess: [Professorships] established.2 But since presumably, this could not come into actuality except in the course of six or ten years, it would be all to the good if meanwhile some other funs [fund] could be hit upon. For this, my Brother's prudence would probably be of the utmost service.
2 The University of Upsala had at this time four professors of theology, two of law (Roman and Swedish), two of medicine (practice and anatomy, chemistry, botany, etc.), and ten or more in the philosophical faculty, namely, history, morals and civics, oriental languages, Greek, theoretical philosophy, poetry (Latin), eloquence, eloquence and politics (the Skyttian Professorship), astronomy and mathematics. Swedberg's proposition was that there should be only three theological professorships and one medical; and that oriental languages (Hebrew) should be put under theology or Greek, and morals and civics under history. This would provide a fund of 2800 dal. s. m.
By the last post, I sent 150 dal. cop. mint for the payment of my debt. I do not know whether that will be enough, since I do not know what I have remitted on the same account, save the two glasses to Vallerius and also the acta societ: anglic: [Philosophical Transactions] in three volumes at 15 shillings, and some other small books, so that I think the account was about 4 pund more or less.3 My traveling journal where I entered this item lies in Hamburg among my things. What may be included in addition to this shall be quickly repaid with all thankfulness. I would already have settled my indebtedness in this matter in Stockholm, but as I then hardly knew how I would come out with my accounts, a single stiver was precious to me. This also prevented me from there showing my Brother any gratitude in another way, as was due. In Skrwiken I became richer than otherwise, from which I hope in time to be able to be of great service to my Brother.
3 The reference is to the things listed in the letter of August 15, 1712, which cost L3. 10. 3. Emanuel seems, however, to have confused the Philosophical Transactions with the Mis. Curiosa, which was also in three volumes, at thirteen shillings. The former work (Lowth's Abridgment in 3 vols.) was to have cost fifty shillings. See p. 41 and note 8, and p. 42.
Think of it, I have been confined with a touch of ague, from which I am suffering.
Hken, who went up to become a master [printer], could do wood engraving, and that would be needed. I remain
humble servant
Eman: Swedberg
P.S. I am sorry for Professor Vallerius's death. I wish luck and prosperity to Juniori4 and also to his Successori in adjuncturen [the adjunctship], whoever he may be. By the next post, I will give a specification of the books that were sold; I have already made inquiries about them.
4 i.e., to the professor's son John, who, four years previously, had been nominated by Charles XII to succeed his father. Previous to the latter's death, he had been Adjunct in Mathematics.
From the letter by Benzelius which next follows, it would seem that, a few days after March 19, Emanuel sent another letter to his brother-in-law which is now lost. There he dwelt further on the desirability of establishing a professorship of mechanics.
5 The Skyttian professorship was endowed by Johan Bengtson Skytte in 1637 for the teaching of eloquence, politics and poetry.
6 These words are quoted from a much later issue of the Daedalus (namely, No. V), in which the article appeared together with an illustration of the tap itself. But Emanuel had written the article with a view to its appearing in No. III.
Benzelius's answer is dated APRIL 2, 1716:
My highly honored d: Brother:
Now at last my Brother's Daedalus secundus [n. II] is ready,1 and it would seem it ought to have been, since it is not more than two arks.2 Herr Polhammar's meditata on the swinging of a bullet under water, together with the application thereof to the course of the planets, I had to leave out at his request by letter, and if it would please my brother to give him a copy of it, he will have the opportunity of giving better grounds therefor, and of changing whatever he pleases, or of adding.
1 i.e., it was in print; for the copperplate and the woodcut of the compound interest triangle, while finished, had yet to be printed and inserted; see p. 98.
2 An ark was 8 pages. Thus, Daedalus No. II contained 16 pp., as compared with the 24 pages of No. I. This was due partly to the omission, at Polhem's request, of the article On the Causes of Things, which would have filled three pages; and partly to Vallerius' neglect to translate into Swedish the whole of the MS. sent him by Swedberg, which would have filled three more pages, making the total pages of No. II of the Daedalus, 22.
3 The reference is to Olof Nordberg (1681-1745), probably colloquially pronounced Norborg. Nordberg, who had been a student at Upsala during Emanuel's days there, was ordained in 1710 by Bishop Swedberg who then appointed him to the Swedish Church in London where Emanuel had again met him. The Swedes in London were then worshipping in a Baptist building on Ratcliffe Highway (see p. 11 note), but were desirous of having a church of their own. After many efforts in this direction, they finally sent Nordberg to Sweden to solicit funds. Here, in the spring of 1715, he visited Bishop Swedberg at Brunsbo, when Emanuel once more met him. In the Fall, he met Charles XII in Stralsund, when he was favorably received. Since then he had visited various cities in Sweden collecting money for the church in London. He arrived in Stockholm at the end of February, 1716 and from there intended again to visit his bishop in Brunsbo (Carlson, Sv. Kyrkan i London, p. 15 seq.).
4 Namely, the copperplate engraving of the hoisting machine invented by Polhem. The printing of the engraving was done in Stockholm. See p. 77, note 14.
As regards the observatorium, this has so far progressed that the Herr Provincial Governor5 has now promised to recommend to his Majesty that the best round tower of the castle shall be repaired for it. There are enough bricks to be taken from the ruins. Rafters and other woodwork can be obtained from the provincial forests. For the repairing, I have found the means in the ground here, namely, the long cast-iron pipes which served for the conveyance of water from the mill to the castle, and which are now left and being ruined.
5 Per Ribbing (1670-1719), one of the most influential statesmen of the time. He died soon after his election by the Diet to the office of Marshal (or premier) of the kingdom.
6 Vattholm is a town some fifteen miles north of Upsala where was an iron foundry. The sale of the iron here referred to had been approved by Charles XII, on the recommendation of the Governor of Upsala Province, Per Ribbing, but all the Pipes had not been dug up; for in 1725 Benzelius addressed a Memorial to the Kanslikollegium proposing the sale of the remaining pipes for the building of an observatory in Upsala (Hildebrand, p. 109). The sale was approved but not for the observatory (ib. III) which latter was not authorized until 1739 (Frssell, p. 188).
To begin with, they will get the instruments, as many as we have, from the library. For the rest and the yearly supplies, I have thought they could be drawn from a monopolio [monopoly] in almanacs, namely, that only one person shall write them, since Professor Krok is now dead and Professor John Vallerius gets the full salary of a professor and ought not to give out that he does it because of poverty.7 Since an almanac sells for 12 copper coins, this will mean 1 mark in avance [above cost] on each copy, and on 7 to 8000 copies that brings in a considerable sum.8
7 The writing and publication of almanacs supplied a very wide need, when there were so many church festivals which it was incumbent on the people to attend. It was therefore a profitable undertaking and sometimes two or even three professors would each issue one. John Vallerius had published even an almanac for several years past to earn an addition to his salary as adjunct
professor of mathematics, but now, since his father's death in March, he had become a full professor.
8 1 mark was a quarter of a daler or 8 copper coins (res). The cost of 1000 bound almanacs was 100 dalers or 3.2 re a piece (Hildebrand, K. V. A. Frhist., p. 110).
As to the salary professoris Mechanices [of a professor of mechanics], I know nothing better than that Herr Polhammar become ordinarius assessor collegii Commerciorum [of the College of Commerce], and my Brother become Directeur9 in his place, and the Laboratorium mechanicum be brought here to Upsala. The rank of the Directeur can then be made equal to that of a Professorem. Le reste [all else] is, in my opinion, a chimere; for it devolves on the Geometriae Professor ordinarius [the ordinary professor of geometry] to lecture also chaniquen, and moreover, he has so lectured.
9 i.e., Director of the Mechanical Laboratory, established in Stockholm by Charles XI. Benzelius seems not to have known that Polhem was already a counsellor in the College of Commerce, having been raised from assessorship in 1716 (Almquist, Kom. Kol., p. 586).
Dr. Bromell10 promises for the future to send something better to be inserted in the Daedalus; he is now occupied with an anatomia corporis humani [anatomy of the human body].
10 Magnus von Bromell (1679-1731), a Swedish physician who in 1716 became an assessor of the College of Medicine, and in 1724 its president. His main interest, however, was in the study of coins, of which he inherited a valuable collection, and in the investigation into natural objects. At the time when Benzelius wrote, Dr. Bromell was adjunct professor of medicine in Upsala; but he left for Stockholm a little later.
The cameram obscuram, Magister Norborg has with him.
When the wood engraving is printed tomorrow, namely, the triangle for the reckoning of interesse, I shall be present so that the typographi shall not have any profit, if they put aside some copies for their own account.
Be so kind as to inquire about Theophrastus, and leave the money with d. Father.
P.S. As concerns Professionem Schyttianam [the Skyttian professorship], nothing is heard of it as yet. When it becomes vacant, General Major Count Gyllenstierna,11 ut ekgonos [Greek phrase] Schyttii [as the descendant of Skyttius], has the jus Patronatus [right of appointment].
In case Herr Dr. Roberg should indeed make a drawing of Herr Polhammar's tap--but then he must open it up, and there is no one here who will let his be spoiled.11a
11 Major General Nils Goranson Gyllenstierna (1670-1731) was grandson of Anna Skytte, the daughter of the founder, Bengt Skytte. The latter, a chancellor of the University, founded the Skyttian Professorship of Poetry and Eloquence in 1662, with the right of appointment vested in his lineal descendants.
11a Emanuel himself later secured one of these taps, and he describes it in Daedalus no. V. (see p. 144-5)
The letter is unsigned, or, what is more probable in view of Benzelius's orderly habits, the page containing the signature has been lost.
Immediately on the receipt of Benzelius's letter, telling him that No. II of the Daedalus was in print, Emanuel wrote to Werner, the Stockholm publisher, enclosing copy for an announcement to be inserted in the Stockholm weekly paper.
Meanwhile he had been working on No. III of the Daedalus, which was to be filled by descriptions (1) of a method invented by Polhem, whereby accurately to measure the scale beam or steelyard; and (2) of an invention by Emanuel himself, of an air pump to be worked by water or mercury.12
12 See The Mechanical Inventions of Emanuel Swedenborg, p. 13 seq.
But while engaged on literary work on the Daedalus, having in view the introduction and improvement of instruments which could be turned to Practical use, Emanuel was keenly alert to the discovery of everything that might redound to the improvement and progress of Swedish manufacture and trade. In his walks in the neighborhood of Brunsbo, he examined the rocks, the springs, the soil, etc., and did not hesitate to make inquiries of the peasants. Thus, a short distance from his father's home, he found three springs, one supplying a stream of sweet water and the others streams of different kinds of mineral water. He notes the color of the mud over which the two latter streams run, and observes that the mud of one of the streams is used by the peasants to produce a fine black dye which was superior to the black dyes then in use, in that it was fast. He also notes the apparent existence of a silver deposit on some of the stones of one of the streams; and in a near-by marsh, he observes that the lowest strata consists of sand suitable for glassmaking.13
13 These Observations were written down in a short article entitled On Certain Kinds of Soil and Mud, doubtless intended for the Daedalus (see Sc. and Phl. Treat., S.S.A., 1908, I, pp. 67-68). The writing of this Memorandum must be ascribed to the spring of 1716--the time of the present letters.
In another place he observes a peculiar kind of white clay which he imagines is of the same nature as that used by the English for the making of crockery and clay pipes--and ii such should prove to be the case, he at once envisages its commercial value, especially at this time when articles for export were so greatly needed to maintain a favorable balance of trade.
Benzelius's letter of April second was answered very soon after its receipt, in an undated letter sent from Brunsbo about APRIL 7TH OR 8TH, enclosing the copy for No. III of the Daedalus, some drawings illustrating Polhem's method of making the divisions on the scale beam, and a proof of the engravings of the air pump.
With pleasure I received by the last post d. Brother's letter wherein is so much that delecterar [delights] both me en privat [individually], and, en general [generally] all those who have love for Studier. That d. Brother has hit upon a subterranean treasure for a fund observatorii [for an observatory] is a proposition that can delight one, apart from its use. I wished that when it is forwarded to his Majesty that after it has gained his consent and authorization, it would be well if it then had a model of the observatorier in foreign lands, having a large platform above, and perhaps a small one running in a circle lower down; sed de his alias [but of this at another time]. If this goes further than a proposition, the publicum would have both to thank and to love my Brother for it.
I have lately finished writing what I intended for the month of June or July. It comprises merely the division of the scale yard and a description of my Antlea Pneumatica [air pump]. I hope this [number] will be more enjoyable than the former, since I had more time and quiet to work it out in better fashion. It is referred to Professor Vallerius, if he be so pleased, to give his critiquer [criticisms] thereon--the more the better. And if my Brother will be pleased to then comply with my request, I would wish that it then be sent by the next post to Stiernsund, post conto [post paid], being charged to my account, in order that I may be able to make arrangements so that what has been drawn may be properly done in copper. I use no algebra therein since notae algebraicae [algebraic signs] are not now available, yet by its means, I have worked out proportioner [the proportions], and the like.
I do not know whether Doctor Roberg can be induced to set it up in copper. The Antlean [air pump] is already done as can be seen. Aveln1 makes very poor letters and numbers2 of which there are a great many. The whole of the cost which is otherwise given to Aveln, I will also give in Upsala, since it will probably come out more beautifully.
1 A Stockholm engraver; see p. 86, note 9. Jan van Aveelen had been a good engraver, but in 1716 he was an old man (Wrangel 7).
2 This is borne out by an examination of Aveln's plates, where letters are omitted, misplaced, and, in many cases are all but illegible.
As regards the other proposition, I had indeed thought exercera [to exercise] in this way my Brother's imagination and prudence to give me another that was more plausiblet.
2a Namely, his office of Director of the Mechanical Laboratory; see p. 71.
I thank my Brother who has had the trouble of the publication. I would like to know whether Brother received what S. Hkan took with him of Palhammar's work.3 I have thought to take charge of it according to my promise. That the experiment on the swinging [of a ball] in water is withdrawn is very agreeable to, me, especially since I was altogether too hasty with the whole of the last number; yet, I hope to have made an improvement in that which is now transmitted.
3 Namely, the first part of Polhem's Second Foundation of Wisdom which Swedberg had prepared for the press. See p. 80.
Of Theophrastus, I have heard that the widow4 says they were not entered in the late Kelberg's* book, but she has 14 exemplar [copies] left. Thus it seems that 12 have been sold. The money for these is in her possession, subject to my Brother's ordres, but she wishes to see Kelberg's revers [receipt] in order to see whether there were so many. As soon as this is shown, the payment for the sold copies will be put in d: Father's hands.
4 The widow Kjellberg; see p. 92, note 8.
* Kjelberg died in 1715.
For the rest, I remember that which I forgot to restituera to my Brother (30 silver coins) for the copper pltar5 which I exchanged in Upsala, whereby my Brother must have lost since the rise in value. I have made arrangements with Brother Lars6 that they be exchanged, with whom I have deponeradt some little sum in silver mint.
5 Pltar. These were square plates of copper arbitrarily stamped as of the value of six daler silvermint, which the citizens were obliged by ordinance to accept at their stamped value. On March 1, 1718, the stamped value was reduced to 6 daler and all other coins were devalued in like measure (Stiernstedt 229). The object was to confiscate the copper pltar; for announcement was made that those who brought their pltar to the Bank would receive their full value in token coins or paper money (ibid., 231). When it was found that few coins were turned in for restamping, it was decreed that after a certain date all coins not restamped would be forfeited to the King "wherever found" (ibid., 235). By 1715, however, the copper itself became worth more than its stamped value, with the result that the pltar were exported. This led Charles XII to raise the stamped value to 9 daler silvermint (Fryxell, 26, p. 130). Swedberg was last in Upsala in November 1715, and it would seem that he then exchanged 30 silver dalers, apparently borrowed from Benzelius, for 5 pltar stamped "6 daler silvermint," which shortly afterwards became worth 9 d. s. m. He now proposes to exchange his own silver coins for platar, in order to reimburse Benzelius.
6 Lars Benzelius (1680-1755), a younger brother of Erik, and Swedberg's brother-in-law. He was at this time the manager of the Starbo property.
The enclosed7 is once more recommenderas [sent off] to Ass: Plhammar by the next post, so that the drawing might come back to my Brother's hands; for I will make arrangements in Stockholm if it is not possible for it to get into copper in Upsala--which should be done in time.
7 Presumably the five figures which were to illustrate the article on the scale beam.
In avisen [the gazette] there was something concerning a new method of reckoning from Carolin dalers into dalers, etc.; I hope that Werner in Stockholm has not afcopieradt and publiceradt mine. That could probably be sold for half a daler Kop: in Upsala and in Stockholm.
I remain, d: and highly honored Brother's
true servant
Eman. Swedberg
P.S. I shall probably not be able to go to Upsala for some time now, as I intend to remain here till something opens up for me; for I am nearer for the forwarding of it to the proper quarter; also I have a little poetiskt work under print here in Skara.8
8 Namely, Ludus Heliconius. This was the same work that Swedberg had published in Greifswalde in 1715, but with the addition of several new poems.
For the rest, I would like to be informerad by Doct: Bromell or Roberg concerning the clay of which they in Holland and England make their crockery and tobacco pipes, and how the pipes are afterwards praepareras in the sun and in the oven. Here in Westergyln9 is found a white clay which I subsonerar [suspect] to be of the same kind. Should that be the case, it would be worth many thousand Riksdalers; but silence with regard to this. N.B.
9 A colloquial form of the word Westergttland (West Gothland).
P.S. I am now making arrangements for Werner in Stockholm that notificeras i avisen [a notice be put in the gazette] concerning the Daedalus Hyperboreus, as follows:
10 This notice duly appeared in the Ordinaire Stockholmiska Post Tidender of April 24, 1716.
D: Father got from my [account] what is now forwarded on.11
11 From Swedberg's next letter to Benzelius, it would seem that these words refer to money sent to Upsala for safe keeping during the troublous days of war with Norway. The meaning of the rest of the paragraph is not clear. The text of the whole paragraph reads: K: far fick uti mitt som nu fwerskickas, och satt sig til at retta efter sinB. The last word is not legible.
At the end of February 1716, Charles XII had crossed the Norwegian boundary, and from then until August was engaged in fighting the Norwegians in the neighborhood of Fredricshall. Meanwhile, Sweden was feeling more and more the calamities entailed by the continuous wars waged by her king. Indeed, at this day, it is almost impossible to imagine how the country survived the never ceasing conscription of men and money. It was under such circumstances that Emanuel, disappointed in his expectation of accompanying Polhem in a visit to the King in Ystad, had been led to make his fruitless suggestions to Benzelius, looking to his employment at Upsala as professor of mechanics.
What then was to be done? His hopes of meeting the King and of thereby receiving some advantage for himself were frustrated, for the present at any rate, and his suggestion as to a professorship in a subject for which he felt himself so well fitted, was utterly discouraged. He was now twenty-eight years old, of genius and learning, full of ambition to fill some place of use to his fatherland,--but a man without an occupation.
It was with this thought in mind that on April 25th, 1716, when at Wennersborg, a town in the diocese of Skara, Bishop Swedberg addressed a letter to the King, asking for the ennoblement of his sons Emanuel and Eliezer and Jesper, and of his two sons-in-law.12
12 For his sons-in-law, Lars Benzelius and Capt. Lundstedt, he had already made a similar request in February 1715, when the King was besieged in Stralsund, but no notice was taken of it (3 Doc. 1331-2).
There was more in this request than a mere desire for a noble title; indeed, ennoblement of all the sons and sons-in-law of bishops was the customary and expected thing; but nobility was also the only road to preferment, save in the church, for none but a nobleman could become assessor in any of the Colleges, or could hold any but the lowest positions in the government. Whether the King ever received Bishop Swedberg's letter is not known. He was probably too busy fighting the enemy on a foreign soil to occupy himself with such petitions, nor did he reach Wennersborg until July after he had given up, for a time, the war with Norway.
Meanwhile, Emanuel was occupied with writing for No. IV of the Daedalus, and with occasional trips in the neighborhood. In the beginning of June, on his return from one of these excursions, he found awaiting him at Brunsbo a letter from his brother-in-law. In this letter, Benzelius informs him that he was sending him fifty copies of Daedalus No, II (April issue) which had at last come out. He suggests that, to save expense, No. III be printed without a separate title-page, the title to be printed at the head of the first article. He assures Emanuel that he is taking good care of the sum of money entrusted to his safe-keeping. As to the proposed Observatory, he notes that the mathematical professors are opposed to the undertaking. Finally, he asks whether something cannot be done for the Esberg boys.13
13 These were Eric, a nephew of Eric Benzelius, as noted above in the letter of February 14 (p. 85), and his younger brother, Carl Henry Esberg (1700-1789) who pursued the law and eventually became vice-president in the Stockholm Court of Appeals. Both brothers were ennobled under the name Bergenskld (Anrep. ttar-Tapor, s.v. Bergenskld).
A few days after reading the above letter from his brother-in-law, Emanuel received a somewhat pessimistic letter from Polhem, in which, among other things, the writer stated that he would not be able to return to Karlscrona as early as he had expected, since he had been detained in Stockholm. This was disappointing to Emanuel, seeing that he had expected to accompany Polhem as his assistant in the building, for the Admiralty, of a mill dam at Lyckeby near Karlscrona which Polhem had commenced in the preceding March; and also in making a preliminary survey with regard to the building of a dry dock at Karlscrona;14 yet, Polhem's letter led him to hope that the journey was only postponed for a week or two.
14 Bring, Chris. Polhem., p. 51.
Still it was in no very cheerful mood that he answered Benzelius in a letter written on JUNE 12th:
Highly honored d. Brother:
On arriving home from a little pleasure trip here in Vestergyln, I received my d: Brother's welcome letter from Upsala. I thank my Brother who was so good as to take the trouble to send me fifty copies of Daedalus II. They arrived here yesterday. I received ten copperplates from Stockholm; I ought to get the rest as occasion offers.l
1 The Daedalus was printed in Upsala, but the plate of Polhem's hoisting machine which was to accompany it, was printed in Stockholm.
In the next number, the title-page could be dispensed with and [the title] be set over the materien [text] itself,2 as my Brother was pleased to mention; so also at the end of the year, or in the number which will presumably come out in October. This, moreover, according to plan,3 ought to be dediceras to his Majesty, if consent be forthcoming. Perhaps one will then have many Potentater [Potentates] in the country, and more than Sweden can stand.4 It seems to me that Svecia [Sweden] is now laid low, soon to come in agone [to her last agony], when she will probably kick for the last time. Probably many desire that the torment may be short and we be delivered; yet we have hardly anything better to expect si Spiritus Illum maneat.5
2 This was actually done in Nos. III, IV, and VI. No. V was a more ambitious issue, since it was published under the auspices of Charles XII.
3 See p 72.
4 A reference to the Danes and Russians who were then planning to invade Southern Sweden.
5 If the Spirit awaits him, i.e., Charles XII; that is, if the Spirit calls him; if he dies.
I thank my Brother for the favor of holding in his custody that little sum. I have thought that the whole world would be filled with counters.6 Therefore, I wish to provide mine with a good hiding place and guardianship with my Brother.
6 Namely, counters such as are used in card playing, in contrast with real money. Emanuel probably had in mind paper money which was being printed by the government.
Plhammar is not coming down as yet, as I note from his letter by the last post. He thinks that all good plans and inventions come to nothing.
In July should be the termin [time] for Daedalus III. I know not whether I am abusing my Brother's goodness by relying [on him] for this number as for the former. Brother Gustaf will probably have the goodness to have the plate copied off [i.e., engraved] which is to be printed whole, and kept so, though half a quarto sheet alone will come to be used.7 It would be well that it first be changed, at least, that the letters be added which are inserted in the first copy I sent. If Doctor Roberg could be brought to continuera his former speculation8 according to the promise contained therein, it would be fine, as all that is contained therein is both enjoyable and useful.
7 The meaning is that the plate was not to be divided, although it would fill two quarto pages like those of the Daedalus; and that when printed, it was not to be a folded sheet, but was to appear as a whole on two pages facing each other. This direction was followed in Daedalus, No. IV. Daedalus Hyperboreus III has two plates, one being that which is described in the footnote and the other a double plate folded. The latter contains two illustrations: 1. A gun that can fire many bullets at the same time. 2. Swedenborg's air pump; see D. 99. The latter illustrates an article that is printed in Daed. Hyper, III, but that number has nothing to say about a machine to fire many bullets; this was evidently reserved for a future issue (though it never appeared), but the plate for it was engraved together with the air pumps. It would seem, therefore, that the meaning of the words in the text is that while the plate was to contain two illustrations, only one was to be used in Daed. III. The fact that both were included was due to the printer's error.
8 Namely, his article on the production of salt from sea water which appeared in Daedalus No. II, ending with the words "This on request, for this time."
I should indeed myself be in Upsala, but one now knows not what place one is safest in, and then it is my object to spare all expense on my own account until I get an opening to seek my fortune, when the same depencer [expenses] might make my greatest fortune if they be used.
I am surprised at the Herr Mathematicos [Mathematicians] who have lost all their force and driving power to bring to actuality so fine a dessein as that which my Brother has advised them of, concerning the building of an Observatorii Astron. With Mathematicis [mathematicians], it is their fatum [fate] that they remain mostly in Theorien. I have thought it to be a profitable thing if ten Mathemetici had one strong Practicum [practical man] who could bring the others to market; the one could thus acquire more renown and useful works than all the ten.
If in this matter I could be of use in any way, to carry out the dessein, I would gladly undertake the trouble.
For the Esbergs, I have seized an occasion to talk to d: Father in their behalf, but in view of the relationship, he seeks every subterfuge; for should a suspicion arise that an office is given those within the family,9 or because of family, he thinks it would probably be taken back again.
9 Bishop Swedberg's oldest daughter Anna, by her marriage with Eric Benzelius, became the Esberg boys' aunt (see p. 85). Their father had died in 1708, just after his appointment as bishop of Vexi.
If occasion offers, volume I of Sturm's Mathesi Juvenili ought to be taken out10 and sent to Magister Rhyzelius in Stockholm; I have his copy down here; he very frequently asks me for it.
10 It would appear that Swedberg owned both volumes I and II of this work which he had left at Upsala.
Will no one take it on him to finance Plhammar's wishetz andra grundwal? Perhaps sviten [the continuation] will be entirely too burdensome for me; yet I think that the outcome will probably pay for the work. If there is no one, I must be a promise-keeper and do it from my own purse. See p. 80.
By the little Camera obscura which my Brother had the goodness to send me, I have already learned the drawing of perspective, to my pleasure. I have exercitium [practice] from churches, houses, etc.; were I up at the works in Fhalun or elsewhere, I would draw them as well as any one, ope hujus instrument [by the help of this instrument].
Sister Caisa11 has increased the world and also the family. She had a little daughter, of whose baptism the day before yesterday I was a witness.
11 Catharine, who married Bishop Swedberg's curate, Jonas Unge.
To sister Anna and little brother Eric are sent a thousandfold greetings.
Remaining, highly honored d: Brother's
truest brother and servant,
Eman: Swedberg
Brunsbo: 1716
Promotion day.12
12 June 12.
After writing the above, Emanuel, doubtless discouraged by Polhem's letter, appears to have entirely given up all idea of accompanying Polhem to Karlkrona. Consequently, he continued to devote his attention to preparing articles for No. IV of the Daedalus.
* Daedalus Hyperboreus (facsimile ed.), Introd., p. 65. Polhem had written the article in Swedish, but about 1714 it had been translated into Latin, by Prof. Vallerius for insertion in the learned journal then contemplated by the Collegium Curiosorum (ib. p. 22).
13 See Polhem's letter of September 5, p. 114.
The second of the articles was an original work, being the writing out for the first time of that solution to the problem of finding the Longitude by sea, which had occupied his mind ever since 1711 when in August of that year he wrote to his brother-in-law that he had "thought up a method which is infallible, by means of the moon"--a method of which he was sure that it was "the best that can be given." He had intended publishing this Method in London, but, besides finding little encouragement there, he deemed it necessary to wait for some lunar tables that had been promised him by Flamsteed. Doubtless for similar reasons, he was restrained from printing his Method in Paris in 1713, though it was his wish to do so; and in Restock in 1714 it still existed only on "small slips" of paper. And now, in June 1716, he at last prepares it for the Daedalus, in order "to submit it in all humility to the judgment of the learned."14 Though certain of the correctness of his Method, he frankly acknowledges that it cannot be applied in the absence of Flamsteed's lunar tables. "Before one can put our invention into practice (to quote from the end of his article), one must have accurate and sufficient tables of the longitudes, latitudes, right ascensions and declinations of all the stars. One awaits these from the learned and experienced Flamsteed in England, who for the last four years has had this matter in hand, and perhaps has now brought it to light, though it has not yet come into our hands."15
14 Daedalus Hyperboreus IV, p. 88.
15 Ibid., p. 99. At the time of his death in 1719, Flamsteed was superintending the publication of his Historia Coelestis, but the publication was not completed until four years later. See p. 32, note 11.
It was about this time that Emanuel's younger brother Eliezer died in his twenty-sixth year.16 The date of his death is not known, but it was probably in the middle of June, for on April 26, 1716, Bishop Swedberg petitions the King to ennoble his sons, including Eliezer, and on June 12, Emanuel, writing to Benzelius, makes no mention of his brother's death, while in his letter of June 26, he speaks of "brother Eliezer's widow."* Eliezer had devoted himself to the science of mining,17 and he and his wife were probably living on one of the family's mining properties; he was certainly not connected with the College of Mines, as his name does not appear in their lists. The fact that Emanuel's letters, as now preserved, contain no direct reference to this death, would indicate the existence of a letter now lost, informing Benzelius and his wife, Eliezer's sister, of the death of her brother.
16 In his Autobiography, Bishop Swedberg says that Eliezar died in his twenty-fifth year (Swedberg, Lefv. Beskrif., p. 246), but this is clearly an error. Eliezer was born September first, 1689. Eliezer would have been twenty-seven in September.
* Since the first husband of Eliezer's wife died in 1714, therefore his widow Elizabeth married Eliezer probably in 1715 or more likely 1716, perhaps shortly before Eliezer's death. See p. 110n.
17 3 Doc. 1332.
Two weeks after his letter of June 12, Emanuel again wrote to his brother-in-law, in a letter dated BRUNSBO, JUNE 26, 1716:
Highly honored D. Brother:
I sent my last enclosed in d: Father's, for I had thought at that time to be on the journey down to Carlscrona; but since the Assessor has postponed the journey, and I now find myself little disposed thereto, for me it is little likely to come off. Meanwhile, I am continuing to work on what I intend for the last [issue] for this year, which I will get finished this week, namely, Plhammar's thoughts of the resistentia mediorum which before was set forth in Latin. I have had care and trouble enough with it, to put it in a shape such as I think will be agreeable to the Assess: and will please the learned; likewise my method of finding longitudinem locorum, of which I am assured that it is certain and sure; I will get to hear what the learned judge of it. I bought in Stockholm a plan by a Venetian, Doroth: Alimari1 on a new method of finding longitudinem which is mere speculation and nothing more. The difficulty of putting it into practice is over one's head. By the next post, I will likely send it over together with something additional2 which is to be a part of the last [installment].
2 Probably the mathematical calculations in connection with the article on the air pump, which was to appear in No. III of the Daedalus.
At the end of the week, we expect Brother Lars and Sister Hedwig2a here and Herr brother Eliezer's widow;3 we think they are taking the road today.
2a Lars Benzelius (1680-1755), the brother of Eric, married Swedberg's sister Hedwig (1690-1728) in 1714. At the time of the text he was mining master for the Eastern and Western mining districts, and made his home at Starbo, one of the properties left to the Swedberg children by their mother, Sarah Behm Swedberg.
3 Probably to attend Eliezer's funeral. Eliezer's wife, Elizabeth Brink (1684-1745), who was five years his senior, had previously been married to the mine owner Georg Brandt. (Jurgen Brandt was a mine owner in Skinnskatteberg. He died in 1714 (Bengt Hildebrand, Index)). Her third husband was Anders Swab, Swedberg's stepbrother (see p. 71, note 7), whom she married on June 7, 1717. Four years after his death, she married Johan Bergenstierna (1668-1748), one of Swedberg's fellow assessors in the College of Mines, with whom he frequently served on special commissions. In the August following Eliezer's death, Bishop Swedberg sold her his paternal inheritance "Sweden," and two and a half months later she sold it to Dr. Moraeus, the future father-in-law of Linnaeus.
Otherwise, nothing else has happened except that the Gothenburgians are ennobled4 as were the Stralsundians olim [of old]. God forbid that they do not have a like fatuun in other respects. They will now have Presidenter [presidents] burggraves over them instead of burgomasters. Yet one knows not how sweet that will taste to them, since they must first pay for it with the building, outfitting, etc., of three ships of the line. My earnest greetings to Sister Anna. I remain
highly honored d: Brother's
truest Brother and Servant
Eman: Swedberg.
Brunsbo 1716: 26 June
4 By a Royal Warrant dated May 23, 1716, the city of Gothenburg was given special privileges, in the matter both of manufacture and foreign trade, together with the right to establish a mint (Nordberg II, 569-74). To express their gratitude they were to man, provision, and maintain three ships of the line at a total cost of 660,000 dal. s.m. On Aug. 20, however, the King removed this condition, since the city could not possibly pay so large a sum (Berg, Samlung, II, 204 seq.). In June, 1719, after the death of Charles XII, the privileges were entirely withdrawn by the Diet (Alin Goteborgs Hist., p. 82).
During the days that followed, Emanuel continued preparing the material for No. IV of the Daedalus. This was now to include a sketch of that flying machine of which he had written to Benzelius from Rostock, and also an account of some experiments which he and his cousin, Doctor Hesselius, had made during the preceding winter as to the course of a recocheting bullet shot over an icy field covered with a deep layer of snow.
With the material for Daedalus no. IV well in hand, Emanuel wrote to his brother-in-law early in August. announcing his intention of leaving for Upsala on September 10 or 12, to take upon himself the care of printing no. IV of the Daedalus, nos. II and III of which had been under the charge of Benzelius. This letter he sent by Benzelius's younger brother Olof, who had apparently been visiting at Brunsbo.
He also sent to Stockholm, either direct or through Benzelius, the advertisement of Daedalus no. III. This advertisement was duly published in the Stockholm Tidender for September 4, giving the contents of the journal, and announcing its sale "with the booksellers on Nygatan."
A little later he received a letter from Polhem expressing the desire that the Daedalus should contain "such matter as will be of use to the public, such as water and wind machines, mills, etc." Emanuel welcomed the suggestion which, indeed, was in line with his own policy in writing the past numbers of the Daedalus. This turned his mind to the contents of Daedalus no. V, and he contemplated as the leading article for this issue a description of the ingenious tap invented by Polhem, of which he had previously written to his brother-in-law.5
5 See pp. 95, 98.
About the same date that Polhem wrote, Emanuel had written to Polhem (so that the letters crossed), enclosing the articles on the Resistance, the Flying Machine, and the Longitude which he had prepared for no. IV of the Daedalus, suggesting that, as he proposed leaving for Upsala, he might visit Polhem in his home at Stiernsund which lay on his way.
About September first, a letter arrived from Eric Benzelius, giving Emanuel the happy news that no. III of the Daedalus had now appeared.
It was in reply to this letter that Emanuel wrote to his brother-in-law from BRUNSBO an undated letter marked by Benzelius "anno 1716 Sept. 4."
Highly honored D. Brother:
I last wrote by d: Brother Olaus that I intended to be in Upsala the 10th or 12th inst; but because of one hindrance or another, I am not likely to arrive before the 18th or 20th.
It much pleases me that Daedalus III has come out; I thank my Brother who has had so much trouble and care therewith; when I am present I will render many expressions of thanks.
I am already thinking of the subjects for Daedalus V. I think it best if I were: 1. to seek to furnish Assessor Plhammar's ingenious tap1 with a satisfactory Physical and Algebraic description. 2. Also, to make an addition to the description of his Blanckstt machine since this is a piece of work which demands greater accuratesse, consideration, and critical examination than has been given it. 3. Also, some of Professor Elfvius's Ecclipses Observatae should perhaps find a place there, whereby also the longifudo Upsolensis is sought out at the same time. If my Brother would honor the little work with Stiernhielmi vita2 or something else of his own in historia literaria, I know that our [Daedalus] will thereby become delightful, for thus tristia [the serious] would be diluted with laetioribus [the more pleasing]; and I know that it will win the liking and pleasure of many, since orbis and patria literata [the literary world and fatherland] will soon acknowledge my Brother as its best membrum. Therefore, I hope this honor will not be refused. God grant d: Brother a long life, though I fear that his studies are likely to deprive us of that advantage, and to shorten it, my d: Brother; as I know no one who is more ungrudging of studies than d: Brother, yet there is none who is less ungrudging of himself.
1 See pp. 95 and 98.
2 The Dalecarlian, Georg Stiernhielm (1598-1672), whose life Benzelius is here asked to write, was a man of universal genius--antiquarian, naturalist, lawyer, mathematician, philosopher, and poet. He is best known, however, as the "father of Swedish poetry," being distinguished by his ability to turn "the then hard Swedish language into a pleasing clothing for his poetic thoughts. He was the first Swede who opposed the practice indulged in by the learned, of interlarding their writings with foreign words (Fryxell, 14: p 80 seq.).
3 If all the learned and the Muses beg that thou spare thyself, and in thyself spare them, to offer oneself to studies is the more worthy of all praise, but not to the extent of sacrifice.
4 Pardon a petitioner; thy letter to my father is the cause, my brother.
5 The reference is to Plhammar's Andra grundwahl, which Swedberg is printing at his own expense.
In this Daedalus IV, I am thinking of bringing out Speculationes Daedaleas6 on the Flying machine, and of leaving room for Dr. Bromel's curiosities, if he will be so kind as to insert them.
6 Daedelian speculations. Daedalus was an Athenian inventor who is said to have made wings of wax whereby he escaped from his enemies by flying.
Assessor Plheimer writes that in the next [number] he wishes to have something put in that would be of profit to the publico, such as water and air machines, windmills, etc., which is right pleasant to me. Sed relictis novellis literariis ad publicos.7 On the night between last Thursday and Friday,8 his Majesty journeyed incognito through Scara and Skarke to Hio, and there set out over Lake Vetter to Vadstena to visit the Princess.9 We had in our house the lad who was his outrider, who followed him from the cloister10 to Hio. He relates many amusing questions and answers; just one only: The King asked if the King was not expected at Hjentorp.11
highly honored d. Brother's
most faithful servant
Eman. Swedberg.
7 But leaving literary news, let us come to public characters.
8 August 30-31
9 Ulrica Eleonora, his sister. Charles had been compelled perforce to give up for a time the campaign in Norway, and, after delaying a month in the neighborhood of Strmstad, resolved to go to Lund, which then became his established capital. First, however, he resolved to meet his sister at her earnest entreaty. Riding alone and incognito, he went via Vennersberg and Skara to Hjo on Lake Vetter, and there, despite stormy weather, induced a single oarsman to row him over to Hstholmen on the opposite shore. From there he rode seven miles through pouring rain to Wadstena, where he presented himself to his sister, all wet and muddy as he was. He left for Lund the next night, August 31st. This was the first time the brother and sister had seen each other since 1700 When Charles left Sweden to engage his enemies. Their next and last meeting was in November 1718 (Nordberg II, 578, 664; Fryxell 29:25).
10 Namely, the cloister in Skara.
11 A little village between Skara and Skarke. It lies on the direct road from Skara to Stockholm.
12 That Sweden may breathe more easily. The Russians and Danes had planned a landing at the province of Scne in the south of Sweden, but Czar Peter was playing false with the Danes, and the landing was never attempted (Fryxell, 29:32).
P. S. If there is a place, I would willingly stay in the upper story. I also pray most humbly that I may enjoy the same kindness as before at d: Brother's table. vale.
On September 4th, shortly after writing the above letter. Emanuel wrote also to Polhem at Stiernsund, asking him for further computations to accompany the article on the resistance of the air which was to be printed in Daedalus no. IV.
Two or three days later, he received a letter from Polhem, dated STIERNSUND, SEPT. 5, in answer to his letter of August:
Honorable and highly esteemed Sir and Friend:
I have read through Daedalus IV with pleasure, and so far as I can find, it is worked up throughout with great diligence and intelligence. As regards the resistance,1 it may be well to note that there is more material, based on many other deductions which might follow in the next [number] and, in the meanwhile, to have discourse thereon orally, rather than that it seems to require any change or correction which it behooves me to set up; but if I should express my humble opinion, it seems to me that the former corrections were altogether unnecessary.
1 That is, the article by Polhem on the resistance of air to falling bodies.
Regarding flight, or flying artificaliter, this would seem to have the same difficulty as the making artificialiter of perpetuum mobile, gold, etc., though at first glance it seems no less feasible than desirable; for all that one eagerly desires, one has generally a greater inclination to put into execution.
2 Up to the present point, the whole of the present paragraph is printed by Swedberg in the Daedalus (p. 23) at the end of his article on the Flying Machine.
Regarding the loca longitud3--as to the discovery of this. I might add that I cannot fully comprehend the matter altogether clearly as is needed; yet it seems to be very plausible. In connection therewith, I have myself thought as to the way in which it might best be done, and I find 3 possibla ways of finding longitud: locorum by means of the moon, though they all have their objection. Thus, First, from eclipsibus which are not available at all times.
3 That is, Emanuel's article on finding the Longitude.
4 By the difference of latitude between the moon and the equator in each meridian.
5 In, the method of finding the Longitude which Swedberg published in Swedish in 1718, he refers to these suggestions by Polhem, as follows: "A learned man in our time has taught us to give attention to the moon when it eclipses some known and visible star," etc. (p. 18).
Min Herr's arrival here at Stiernsund will be very pleasant to me, and, so far as I shall be able to do him any service from my small experimental knowledge, I will do it so much the rather as it would he falling upon a fruitful soil for the use of the publici and for [my] own honor.
Since Min Herr has begun on Physics,6 it should be serviceable further to follow up the same for some time. In particular, De Causis rerum naturalium in all kinds of necessary and curious matters, especially household, etc. Min Herr's letter I received immediately after mine had gone off. My wife and children together with myself greet Him Herr in the most cordial way; and also thanks for his greetings.
I remain
my highly honored Herr's
most obedient servant
Christoph: Polheimer
Stiernsund
Sept. 5, 1716
6 Physics. The reference is to Emanuel's flying machine.
Whether or not Emanuel called at Stiernsund on his way to Upsala in the middle of September, is not known. If he did, as is most likely, he probably discussed with Polhem, not only matters connected with the Daedalus, but also his hopes of securing a Mathematical and Scientific Faculty at Upsala, though it is not likely that he referred to his proposal of himself as the head of that projected Faculty.7 But perhaps he spoke only of the desirability of removing the Mechanical Laboratory from Stockholm to Upsala. Polhem refers to this in his letter written at the END OF SEPTEMBER, and addressed to Emanuel at Upsala:
7 See p. 100.
His highly honored letter of September 4 has been received. As concerns the calculations for the fall of water, the wheels, pipes, and all kinds of different works and power machines, these demand greater extensiveness than can be set forth in a letter; especially since each separate case has many circumstances peculiar to itself, so that, while all have their own proper rules and demonstrations, both mathematice, physice, and mechanice, yet there is hardly any rule so complete which does not in a certain measure have its exception. For example: Though one knows generaliter the rule for the greatest effect of all water wheels in respect to time and power, according to which all must be observed if one will avail himself of all the effect which an average or little supply of water can give, yet the size of the wheel, the slant and shape of the blades, etc., is made in one way in the wheel of a sawmill, in another in the wheel of a forge, in another in the wheel of a bellows, in another in the wheel of a grist mill, in another in the wheel of a windlass and of a water works; so that there is hardly a work which does not demand its special property. The one does the best work when it goes quickly, as in the wheel of a sawmill; another, when it goes less quickly and powerfully, as in the wheel of a forge, and so forth. And since all this demands fuller descriptions than can be given at one time in the usual way, it would be best first to take up the properties and conditions of each work by itself; yet, at first, generalia [generals]. And since a beginning hat; already been made concerning resistentia mediorum, it would seem not unreasonable that the uses which follow from it be first treated of, such as the calculation for water jets, pleasure artifices in parks, also bombs, cannon balls, etc., all of which have their own mathematical rules convenient [in harmony] with actual practice, so that the word "thought" should he little needed, but rather revera [actuality] has found it to he the same as what is put forth concerning the resistent. med: [the resistance of mediums]:
In summa, if the learned wish to have enjoyment and honor front what they teach others, they ought to have a better knowledge in various subjects of that which is now taught; for in many things Nature has arrangements entirely other than those Des Cartes and almost all his followers think--which can never be learned better than by daily experiens in Mechanics, and also a reflective thought that penetrates to causes;
I have also some inventions which could profit and adorn the kingdom, and among them a threshing machine is not the least in its great advantages; and to bring these to the use and enjoyment of others and of myself, I have thought so to procedera that I will persuade the Herr Mathematicos and others of the curious1 in Upsala to procure for themselves a general privilege on all the newer inventions that call be hit upon by any private person with whom they themselves could come into agreement in a reasonable way. But the profit that can be gained thereby, they should devote to public uses, in such a way that a laboratorium Mechanicum is set up in Upsala (perhaps the 1200 dal. s.m. already voted for such a laboratorium in Stockholm might be added thereto when peace comes).2
1 Polhem is probably referring to the Collegium Curiosorum, or a proposed Collegium. The Collegium informally founded by Benzelius in 1710 during the plague was now largely moribund. But some of its members were still in the University, and in 1719, they, with others of the Professors formed a Bokwetts Gille or Literary Society. This Society received Royal sanction in 1728, and is now the Royal Scientific Society of Upsala.
2 Polhem is probably referring to the 1500 dal. s. m. voted on April 20, 1697, by the regency government for Charles XII (Charles XI died on April 5), for the establishment of a mechanical laboratory in Stockholm. Of this sum, 300 daler were to go to Polhem as the head of the laboratory, and the rest to two skilled workmen, two apprentices, and material. The plan was never carried out. The grant was used only in part, for the payment of Polhem and one assistant, and in 1708 it was entirely withdrawn (see p. 71 and Bring, Chris. Pol. p. 31) with the probable exception of 300 dal. continued to Polhem; hence his reference to the grant as being 1200 dal. s.m.
3 Namely, the Mechanical Laboratory, the Astronomical Observatory, and the Collegium Curiosorum.
Meanwhile, it would do no harm if those who are concerned get knowledge of this matter beforehand, and when all has been deliberated on with ripe judgment, they could give their thought to a letter to his Majesty--it can best be forwarded through the deputy Councillor Herr Fahlstrm, or whomever else they please, such as the Chancellor.4 If this and other like things could be made to succeed in our time, I hope that the lack which our d: fatherland now has of another reputation, would thereby in some way he mended; at any rate, the foreigner would note that we are not discouraged at misfortune.
I remain, with sincere greetings from us all
Min Herr's most obedient servant
Christoph: Polheimer
Stiernsund
Sept.--1716
Min Herr will please present lay humble greeting to the Herr Librarian,5 Herr Prof. Elvius, and the others on my behalf. Excuse the hastiness.
4 That is, the Chancellor of Upsala University; but from May 1716 when General Piper, the then Chancellor, died, to February, 1719, the University was without a chancellor (Annerstedt II, p. 433). Probably Baron Ludovic Fahlstrm. See p. 148 note.
5 Eric Benzelius.
Emanuel stayed in Upsala during the whole of October, occupied with the publication of Part IV of the Daedalus, and with preparatory work for Part V. He had succeeded in procuring one or Polhem's wonderful taps (see p. 98, note 11a) and probably took the opportunity to write a description of it for Daedalus V. It was on the fifth of this month that the Skyttian professorship held by Professor Upmarck became vacant, since Professor Upmarck had at last been called to Stockholm to fill his office of censor of books (Annerstedt II. 2. p. 19). It was generally expected that Grnwall, the Secretary of the University, would be appointed in his place, and in the vacancy thus created, Emanuel saw a possible opening for himself. Therefore, EARLY IN OCTOBER, he addressed the following letter to
Herr Rector Magnificus
and also
Venerandum Consistorium
Since, by the advancement of the Well-born Herr Secretary Upmarck, a professorship becomes vacant at the Academy here, and presumably Herr Secretary Gronwall will be remembered in the filling of it, I come before your Magnificence and the veneradum Consistorium in deepest respect, with the humble request that at the coming opening, after the above-mentioned Herr Secretaire, the venerable Consistory will keep me favorably in their thoughts, I seeking thereby to become of service to venerandum Consistorium, and an opportunity to show with what great pleasure I am continually
Venerandi Consistorii
most humble servant
Emanuel Swedberg
The matter was brought up in the Upsala University Consistory on November 14th, when the Rector reported that he had received a letter from "Student Emanuel Swedberg," humbly requesting to be kept in mind in case of a vacancy. As it turned out, however, the patron of the Skyttian professorship appointed, not Grnwall, but a professor from Lund University. Naturally, therefore, nothing came of Emanuel's application.
When making this application, Emanuel had seen no other way for the satisfaction of his eager desire to enter into some active work suitable to his genius. It was, however, but a few days later--and some time before his application came before the University Consistory--when all this was changed and his old hope was again revived of seeing the King and so of securing the Royal patronage for the advancement of learning in Sweden.
As intimated in Polhem's letter of early September, Swedberg had arranged again to visit Stiernsund on his way back to Brunsbo. Meanwhile Polhem had received a royal command at once to attend on the King at Lund, with a view to taking up the work of building the dam in connection with the dry dock then being constructed at Karlscrona; and Polhem had invited Emanuel to accompany him, with the promise that he would recommend him to the King as his assistant in the work. It is probable that Emanuel heard of this offer prior to his leaving Upsala, for it behooved him to make certain preparations for the visit to the King, which could be made only in Upsala and with the cooperation of his brother-in-law. These consisted in preparing a bound volume of nos. 1-4 of the Daedalus, and in arranging with Benzelius as to the matters to be brought to the King's attention.
As originally issued, the first number of the Daedalus contained a title-page applying only to a single number, and also an Address to the Reader. But now, for presentation to the King, it was decided to print a title-page for the four issues of 1716, together with a dedication to the King (see p. 72). For the first title-page, Emanuel had composed the lines:
Ages return, and ancient time renews its sport
And Daedalus himself comes to his day.
He through the midst of hostile foes did flee
As from our foe flees this our Daedalus.
For the new title-page, he substituted the following:
Lo Daedalus did mount the winds, and from on high
Did scorn the snares King Mines laid on earth.
So mount the winds, my Daedalus, by thine own art
And scorn the snares the common herd shall lay.
The new preface which he now composed was clearly designed to enlist the King's support for his undertaking. It reads:
"Most Mighty and Gracious King.
"I am emboldened to come forward with some small mathematical investigations and observations, and lay them down in deepest submission at your Majesty's feet, because of the gracious solicitude your Royal Majesty is pleased to show in respect to literary art in general and, in particular, to studia mathematica, a signal proof whereof is the fact that your Royal Majesty has ever regarded with grace the designs and machines which Herr Assessor Plheimer has already set up for the service and use of your Royal Majesty and his Kingdom, or has submitted humble proposal for setting up.
"Some of them I have described in this little work, and have added the observations of other learned men, your Royal Majesty's subjects, together with my own investigations, which, by the most earnest reflection, I have sought to mature, both at home and also during a five years' costly journey in foreign lands where studia mathematica are most cultivated and are in the highest esteem.
"This is merely a beginning, most gracious King; much more still remains hidden away which, presumably, will contribute great advantages to your Majesty's Kingdom, especially in the development of manufacture, navigation, artillery, and the art of shooting.
"If this work wins your Majesty's grace, it will certainly rouse up many other men, in submissiveness to lay bare their thoughts, and to offer them for your Royal Majesty's gracious pleasure. I remain to the hour of my death,
Your Majesty's
my ever gracious King's
Most humble and faithful subject
Emanuel Swedberg."
As to the other matters which Emanuel was to lay before the King for his approval, these are noted down in an autograph MS6 preserved among the papers of Eric Benzelius. It contains three paragraphs, being notes prepared by Emanuel, probably as the draft of a letter to be presented to the King by the Collegium Curiosorum or by the Upsala University--a letter, called by him "the Upsala letter"which he either took with him, or which Benzelius forwarded to him in Lund. See the last paragraph of Polhem's letter of September, p. 119. The MS. reads:
6 Reproduced in 1 Photo. MSS, 2.
1
1. The mechanical laboratory to be moved to Upsala, and the money of the laboratory to be appropriated for its support. 2. The models in Upsala to be given to it. 3. Under Assessor Plheim's direction.
2
1. A celestial observatory at the Castle, or elsewhere. 2. The iron and metal pipes are appropriated to this. 3. Under the orders of the governor of the province.7
7 Namely, Count Per Ribbing.
3
1. A Societas Mathematica. 2. For this there is proposed an increase on Olnarsa8--its privilege. 3. A double stipend. 4. That half the profit be awarded them, from what is agreed on for new undertakings and machines--a beginning of which is Assessor Plhammar's threshing machine, he retaining one quarter of the profit for himself. 5. President thereof. Assessors who are now in actual service, and, when means come in, something should be appropriated for them such as other officials receive. 6. A Director over threshing and other machines set up in the country, who shall have one-sixth of the profit. 7. That the aforesaid society shall specially devote itself to mechanics, to invented machines serviceable for manufacture, to shipbuilding, artillery, mining, field mills,9 the art of shooting.
8 Olnarsa (or Alnarsa) is not a Swedish word, nor is it the name of any Swedish locality.
9 That is, grist mills that can accompany an army on the march.
Having finished his preparations for the meeting with the King, Emanuel left Upsala in the beginning of November.
With the arrival of Charles XII in Lund in the preceding September, that city had become the capital of Sweden, and it remained such until the King's death in 1718. Naturally, despite the extreme simplicity of the royal court the fact that the city had recently suffered from a devastating fire, and was much impoverished by the continual impressment of men for the army, yet, being the capital of the kingdom, it attracted to itself some trade in luxuries. It is not surprising, therefore, that Benzelius, in a letter to Emanuel which is now lost, took advantage of his brother-in-law's presence in Lund, to request him to purchase, probably for his wife and Emanuel's sister, a pair of kid gloves. In the same letter, Benzelius probably informed his brother-in-law as to the disposal of the Skyttian professorship--a matter which was now no longer of interest to Emanuel. What is more important, however, is the fact that Benzelius recommended that it be brought to the King's thought "that it would be useful for merchandise to pass through Gothenburg and the Gtha lf and Venner."10 The necessity of such a passage was painfully obvious to Sweden, for the only way by which vessels from the eastern coast of that country could then reach the Atlantic was through the mile-wide passage between Helsingborg in Sweden and Helsingar in Denmark.
* In a letter dated Nov. 20th, 1716 (preserved in Upsala University Library), Bishop Swedberg writes: "Emanuel came home 8 days ago, and at once journeyed with Assessor Polheimer to Scne." That Polheim was in Brunsbo on Nov. 17, is seen from his letter of that date published in Berg's Samlung, II, p. 90.
10 Liden, Brefwxling, p. xxiii.
11 1 Doc. 275.
Meanwhile, on December 6, Polhem addressed to the King "humble memorial" recommending Swedberg for royal favor.12 "As your Majesty's grace and delight in the mechanical sciences has become so manifest (he wrote) ... and as it is known to your Majesty, and perhaps to others, that mechanics is a study which demands much labor and brainwork, yea, more than can correspond to its honor as compared to other studies; although, to put it briefly, that has come to be held as the art of a common workman, which yet demands the best subjects and the quickest talents that can be found in nature; for this reason, if your Majesty desire that this science shall gain its due advancement and growth as with other nations ... no better measure could serve to this end, than that subjects who are skilled in this science be regarded with no less honor than others whose studies are merely mediocre. At this time I know of no one who seems to have a greater bent for mechanics than Herr Emanuel Swedberg; and that he applies himself to other studies,13 is caused by the small regard in which, according to former custom, mechanics is held. I would, therefore, in deepest humility submit to your Majesty my inoffensive thought as to whether it would not be useful to grant some prerogative of honor to one who has a natural bent for mechanics, rather than in lack thereof, to let so useful a subject apply himself to some other pursuit.
12 An English translation of this Memorial is printed in New Church Life, 1896, pp. 151-52.
13 This probably refers to Swedberg's seeking a professorship.
At this time the College of Mines had appropriations for two stipendiaries, at 300 dalers silvermint 14 each. One of these was vacant, but the other had been awarded to Polhem's son Gabriel on April twenty-third.15 The College of Mines had entire jurisdiction over the mining industry of Sweden, including jurisdiction over all mining disputes, judgment being given by majority vote of the higher officials. These latter consisted of a president without salary (who, however, was by law a privy councillor with salary as such), two councillors with salary of 1,500 daler s.m., and four assessors, with salary of 1,200 daler s.m.16 Extraordinary assessors, while entitled to a seat and vote in the College, received no salary17; usually, however, they had salaries from some other source.
14 About twenty-seven pounds sterling.
15 Almquist, Bergskollegium, p. 113.
16 Ibid., p. 19. Twelve hundred daler silvermint was equal to about one hundred and nine pounds sterling. See p. 24, note 19.
17 Almquist, op. cit., p. 97.
In consequence of Polhem's letter, the King interviewed Emanuel and also made inquiry concerning him from those in Lund who knew him--including Court Chaplain Rhyzelius, who had been a fellow lodger with Emanuel at the house of Benzelius, during their student days in Upsala, and Pastor Hegardt, the King's host, whom Emanuel had met in London where he had been pastor of the Swedish Church--all of whom spoke in his praise. In addition, there was the fact that he was the son of Bishop Swedberg, the favorite of the King's father, Charles XI.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the King approved Polhem's recommendation and appointed Emanuel Assessor Extraordinarius in the College of Mines. The King also appointed him assistant to Polhem in the dock work at Karlskrona, presumably with a small salary at the King's expense; see letter of September 14, 1718, p. 193. The choice was really Emanuel's own, for the King offered two alternative posts, of which one, perhaps, was the position of mechanical stipendiary, and the other some position connected with Charles' military undertakings. Swedberg, however, chose the extraordinary assessorship, with the promise of becoming an assessor ordinarius at the first vacancy, thereby showing his inclination to mining and metallurgy, and entering upon the path on which he was destined to walk for so many years.
The appointment was not made without arousing envious resentment. Nor will this be a matter of surprise when the impoverished state of the land is considered, and the constant striving for office which resulted therefrom. Moreover, to appoint to the high office of assessor--even though but extraordinary--in the College of Mines, one who had held no previous office in connection with mining, offered an additional occasion for opposition.
The original warrant of appointment was made on December tenth and was duly sent to the appointee. Emanuel, however, was not satisfied with its wording, seeing therein an endeavor on the part of one unfriendly to him--probably Baron S. Cronhjelm, President of the Handels Expedition17a--to weaken ally subsequent claim to an Ordinary Assessorship. For the warrant appointed him assistant to Polhem, though "with the rank and character of Extraordinary Assessor in the College of Mines"; but it said nothing about the recognition of this rank by the College itself; and Emanuel was apprehensive--and as events turned out, rightly so--that with this omission the College might refuse to recognize him as entitled to an Ordinary Assessorship when a vacancy occurred. Therefore he returned this warrant to the King, together with his comments.
17a Under Charles XII, the Handels Expedition (or Upphandlings Deputation) had charge of all business, manufactures, mining, banking, and customs, as well as of education. Baron Cronhjelm (1666-1721) was its President, and Emanuel's fellow lodger, Bernard Cederholm, its Secretary (Nordberg, Karl den XII, vol. II, p. 445).
18 Almquist, Kommerskollegium.
The appointment as Extraordinary Assessor was in itself a singular honor, for not only had no such appointment been made since 1684, but the office carried with it the understanding that the incumbent should become an ordinary assessor at the first vacancy.19 Moreover, the King added to the honor--led perhaps by the envy which had been manifested against Swedberg--by remitting payment of the customary fees.
19 Almquist, Bergskollegium, p. 17.
There were, however, other meetings with Charles XII, besides those concerned with the securing of an office. Emanuel had taken with him to Lund-or they had subsequently been sent on to him by Benzelius--several copies of Nos. I-IV of the Daedalus, which he intended to present to certain persons, but first of all to the King to whom the work had been dedicated, and for whom a specially bound copy printed on superior paper had been prepared. The book was accepted, and on more than one occasion, its author noted that it lay on the table in the King's own room. Evidence also was not lacking that the King had read the volume and admired its contents. Charles XII was a mathematical genius, and whatever else may be said of his character, he was undoubtedly interested in everything that tended to the advancement of Sweden in practical science. The improvement of hoisting machines for use in those mines which were the main source of Sweden's wealth; the finding of the longitude at sea, so necessary to the perfection of navigation; the suggested practicability of a flying machine--all these subjects greatly aroused the King's interest, and furnished topics of discussion with many of those who waited on him. His interest extended so far, that on one occasion he suggested to Swedberg that the usefulness of the Daedalus might be extended if it were published not only in Swedish but also in Latin, the Swedish and Latin to be on opposite pages.
His perusal of the Daedalus aroused in the King an admiration of the mathematical and practical genius of the young Emanuel,19a and this perhaps was a factor in the appointment which he gave him. At any rate, during the month of Polhem's and Swedberg's stay in Lund, the King summoned them to meet him on more than one occasion, for the discussion of mathematical and mechanical subjects. At one of these meetings, the King raised the question as to the origin of the decimal system of numbering with its turning point at ten,--ten one (eleven), ten two (twelve), etc. The supposition was that this had its origin in primitive times with the practise of counting on the ten fingers. The King thought the system very defective when it came to mathematical calculations, inasmuch as the number ten contained no square or cube, and when divided was soon reduced to fractions; had a skilled mathematician devised a system of numbering, he would have based it on a number which by constant division would have been reduced to the number one, and which would have contained within it a square and a cube. The objection was made, that such a system would require an entire new set of characters, and this would involve many difficulties. But the King met this objection by at once showing how easy it would be to devise a system based on the number eight; thus: one to eight, then eight one, eight two, to sixteen, sixteen one, sixteen two to twenty-four, and so on. This, he observed, would have great advantages over the present system, inasmuch as eight by halving came to one, and it also contained the cube of the number two. He became at last so interested in his proposed system, that he asked Emanuel to work it out in detail. Emanuel of course accepted the royal commission, and at once proceeded to work.
19a This is the testimony of Eric Benzelius; see Liden, Brefwexling, XXIII.
Two days later he again attended on the King, and presented him with a paper presenting the proposed system of numbering, with the numbers expressed by entirely new characters, and with examples showing the advantages of the new system in mathematical calculations. The King's keen mind at once took in the whole scope of the new system, but he was not satisfied. He maintained that a satisfactory system ought to be based on a number which contained not only a square but also a cube.
After two more days, on being again summoned to the royal presence, Emanuel was asked whether he had worked out the suggested system with its turning point at sixty-four. As a fact, he had done nothing in the matter, and in answer to the King's question, he again pointed out the difficulties involved. But here the King interrupted him by taking from the table and presenting to him some sheets written by the King's own hand, in which was set forth his proposed system, with thousands of new characters, and with a new system of division and multiplication by their
means. So remarkable was this proof of the King's mathematical genius that Swedberg confessed that he had met not merely a rival but a superior.19b
19b Miscellaneous Observations, p. 116. That these conversations with the King occurred in December 1716, is stated by Swedberg himself in his letter to Nordberg; see p. 459
Another subject that was called to the King's attention during Swedberg's visit in Lund, was the supply of salt for Sweden. The matter was brought up by the King's perusal of Doctor Roberg's article in No. II of the Daedalus, on the production of salt from Sweden's coastal seas. Doctor Roberg's method was based on the fact, which he notes at the outset of his article, that the freezing of salt water separates the salt. The King took an opposing view, and gave as an illustration something he had observed in Poland, when a cask of Hungarian wine was so frozen that he was able to distribute pieces of it to his soldier lads on the point of his sword. Presumably the soldiers were satisfied that frost had not separated the alcohol; but the King admitted that in the center of the cask was found a central core the size of a bullet, which contained the very essence of the wine. Apart from this, however, the proposal to procure salt from Swedish sea water aroused his keen interest. Practically all the salt consumed in Sweden was imported, and the difficulties of importation had been so increased by the Swedish wars, as to render the price almost prohibitive.19c
19c In peace times, the price of native salt was from 4 to 6 d. k.m. a tun, while the price of imported salt had now risen to 1,000 d. k.m. a tun (Swedberg, Om Docken p. 4).
Meanwhile, the main object of Polhem's visit had not been neglected. The building of the dry dock at Karlskrona had already been commenced, the work being under the general direction of Admiral Wachmeister, who had suggested the project. The dock was to be blasted from the rock on the island of Lindholm near Karlskrona, and this blasting had been going on for two or three years. But before blasting the rock below sea level, it was necessary to construct a great arc-like dam, so that the water within it could be pumped out preparatory to the blasting.20
20 Swedberg, On the Dock, translated in Chemistry, p. 232.
The shipbuilder Sheldon had submitted to the King a model of the proposed dock, but had confessed himself unable to build the requisite dam.21 It was this work that was committed to Polhem, with Swedberg as his assistant; and even while still at Lund, Emanuel was occupied with reflection on the mechanical means to be used in the work. The dam was to be a large semicircular structure, 70 feet in length and in 22 in height.21a It was to be built above the water, suspended from ropes and resting on a platform or bridge erected on piles.
21 Nordberg, Karl den XII, p. 602; Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 218-9.
21a Nordberg, Karl den XII, II, p. 602.
The other great project--a water route from Stockholm--which had been called to the King's attention by the letter of Bishop Brask, shown him by Emanuel, greatly aroused his interest, for his keen mind at once saw its military advantage. He therefore commissioned Polhem and Swedberg, after they had finished their preliminary work at Karlskrona, to investigate the practicability of building the canal, what route it should take, and what its probable cost.
After entering Lake Venner, the route of the present Gothenburg Canal runs northeast on the lake for some distance, and then, at sjatorp, again becomes a canal and crosses the land to Lake Vetter; then northeast through Lake Vetter to Motala and so by a series of lakes to Stockholm. But the route which Polhem and Swedberg were ordered to survey, proceeded further northward on Lake Venner, leaving the lake at Gullspng, and going from there to rebro, Lake Hjlmer, and by a series of other lakes to Stockholm.21b
21b See Berg's Samling till Gteborgs Hist., II, p. 291, Anecdota Benzeliana, p. 62, and Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 197
Polhem and Swedberg left Lund about December twentieth for Karlscrona, where Swedberg at once occupied himself, to use his own words, with "the geometrical measurements" which were necessary before the actual building of the dam. These measurements were based on soundings of the bottom of the sea at the site of the proposed dam, with a view to building above the water a dam, the bottom of which should correspond exactly with the sea floor. This dam was afterwards to be weighted with stones, and then sunk.22
22 Swedenborg, Chemistry, p. 233.
Polhem's and Swedberg's brief visit to Karlscrona seems to have been for the purpose of making a general survey, with a view to reporting to the King as to the work to be done. The following undated Memorial seems to be such a report, and therefore was probably written in Karlscrona in DECEMBER, 1716. Nos. 1-12 are written apparently in the hand of some clerk, but nos. 13 and 14 are in Swedberg's hand.
There is no evidence available as to whether or not this Memorial was actually presented to the King. Possibly its contents were communicated to him orally.
MEMORIAL
On Improvements that are to be made at Carlscrona
1 A dock for the repairing of ships, which can be constructed in the mountain itself, the cost whereof, after the closest reckoning, amounts in all to 30,000 dl. s.mt, but for greater sureness, it call be reckoned at from 40 to 50 thousand dl. s.mt.
2 In the ropemaker's shop, a handy method can be instituted whereby, with the help of no more than ten or twelve men, the great anchor cables can be made in the same time and of the same quality as they are now made by a hundred men, and in a hundredfold greater time, as is reported.
3 The great anchor cables, as also the smaller cables and ropes, can be made in another and more advantageous way, so that, with a saving of 30 to 40 per cent of hemp, they will be just as durable as now; yes, even much better in some ways.
4 For the careening of the ship, a machine can be set up whereby from 12 to 16 men will be able to accomplish in the same time what it now takes a hundred men at least to accomplish; and this with the advantage that, even in the case of the largest ship, it will not do the least injury either to corpus [hull], masts or rigging.
5 So likewise a machine in which a crew of 10 to 12 men can draw up on land the largest ship one wishes, and this with the advantage that the ship suffers no injury thereby, in the way of keel breaking or other injury.
6 Because the anchor making, with hard labor, uses all too much iron and coal, with a consequent loss, as compared with what call be done with a waterwheel, his Majesty could effect a great saving if an anchor smithy with forging and blasting apparatus run by water were established on Lyckeby river.*
* A stream some four miles from Karlscrona, where there is a considerable waterfall. Here, in 1716, Polhem, with Swedberg as his assistant, constructed a dam which was used for power in connection with the construction of the dry dock at Karlscrona. (Swedenborg's Chemistry, pp. 236-7)
7 Likewise, either at Lyckeby or at some other stream a little higher up, a useful sawmill could be operated to good advantage in all such timber sawing as is required in great quantity for shipbuilding, Item for tackle, pulleys, blocks, and all else that is requisite, and especially such materials as grow in the woods up there, and can be floated down on the water.
8 A small water machine wherewith round pulleys and parts for blocks, tackle, etc., could easily be made in great quantities and at little cost, so that besides his own needs one could make sale of them abroad.
9 A water machine whereby all kinds of boards could, with great advantage, quickly be made smooth; item thick boards, and despite their being crooked.
10 A water machine which can make oval holes for blocks, pulleys, and also round holes, etc., as required, and this with speed and at little cost.
11 A little water-driven sawmill for all kinds of fine and trellis work, such as is much used abroad in gardens and other places, and also other ornaments which could be planed with the same work.
12 So long as all refined copper that is not used in general manufactures is coined into minted plter,* Swedish copper manufactures will ever be in specially great demand, and command a good price in all parts of the world; especially in all kinds of forged work, or work in which the English, German and Japanese coppers are not serviceable without the addition of Swedish copper. Owing to this happy circumstance, among other suitable places in the kingdom, a fine copper manufactory could be established in Carlscrona, at some serviceable stream in the neighborhood. Yet this would be best for private persons.
* Copperplates on which a specified value was stamped.
13 To effect the procuring of sweet water for the city by pipes through the salt water.*
* According to the Swenskt Conversations-Lexicon (Stockholm, 1845). Karlscrona "lacks good and fresh water, which must be fetched from Lyckeby. A water pipe from that place has long been thought of, and the cast iron pipes requisite for this purpose are already procured."
14 That the ropes that lie abandoned and rotted may he used for heavy packing paper.
On page 4 of the above Memorial, Emanuel gives a draft outline of a proposed Memorial to the King, for the establishment of a Mechanical Laboratory in Upsala. Whether the Memorial itself
was ever written is not known. The draft outline, which must be dated December, 1716, is headed "Three Points for the King," but in writing them out Emanuel expanded them to six:
1. That the machines which are in Stockholm be moved from the College of Mines to Upsala.
2. That instead of some other professorship, there be a Professor Mechanicus to which I be recommenderas.
3. That there be a societet or a Collegium Curiosorum in Upsala as in foreign lands.
4. That Lofsen1 be given to Herr Ollell in place of the 1713, 17141a salary notes, to conduct the manufacturer.
1 There are three towns in Sweden with the name Lfsen. What is meant here is Lfs in Stora Skedvi, a silver mine some sixteen miles west of Stjernsund.
1a This should be perhaps "1714, 1715" for the payment of state salaries, by notes instead of coin, commenced in 1714 (Fryxell 28, p. 62).
5. That the making of small coins be approved by the King, to be managed by the College of Mines; and that he [Ollell] be privileged in the same way as was Mons. Lunstrm.2
2 See p. 72. In 1716, Lundstrm's minting machine was replaced by a superior machine invented by Polhem (Liliencranz, Polhems Bref, pp. 116, 271).
6. That the privileges to Stiernsund be continued.3
3 The document "Three Points for the King" n the preceding Memorial, is reproduced in I Photolith. 2096, 127-9.
From Karlskrona Emanuel wrote to Benzelius toward the END OF DECEMBER, as follows:
Highly honored d. Brother:
From Lund I wrote a [letter] to d: Brother; I would, indeed, have written oftener had I not been hindered by mechanical and other occupations, and also had enough to do to pousser au bout [push to its end] my dessein. Since his Majesty graciously looked at my Daedalus and my intention therewith, he has advanced me to be Extraord: Assessor in the Bergs Collegium, yet in such wise that, for a time, I should follow Councillor of Commerce Polheimer. What pleases me most is that he expressed an extremely kind and gracious judgment concerning me, and himself defended me before those who thought the worst of me, and afterwards assured me of further grace and consideration, of which I have become assured both directly and indirectly. To relate all specialius [more in detail]: After his Majesty had sufficiently informed himself as to my mind, studies, etc., for I had the good fortune to have good backers, he offered me 3 positions, or offices to choose from, and afterwards a warrant of the rank and standing of an Extraord: Assessor; but since my illwishers have played too many intrigues with the above-mentioned warrant, and couched it in ambigueusa terms, it was sent back to his Majesty together with some comments, I well knowing what I had wherewith to back myself up. A new one was then at once vouchsafed me, and with it a gracious letter to the Bergs Collegium. The opposer had to sit at his Majesty's own table and write it in duplicate in two forms, of which he chose the best; so that they who sought the worst for me, were glad that they had come out of the matter with honor and reputation, so nearly had they burned their fingers.
The Daedalus has enjoyed such grace that it has lain on his Majesty's table these three weeks, and has given matter for many talks and questions, and is shown to many persons by his Majesty himself.
Within a short time, I shall probably send that which next follows for Daedalus V; if Doctor Roberg and Bromel do not shirk from advancing it with their contributions, it might lead to their own profit.2
2 This seems to indicate that the King had already intimated to Swedberg, that the Daedalus would receive royal favor.
We came here to Carlscrona some days ago, intending in three weeks to go to Gothenburg, and then on the way to Trolhtten, Wenner, Glmar,3 Gulspng, to examine sites for locks, for which his Majesty shows himself highly pleased.
3 That is, Hjlmar, meaning Lake Hjlmar. The text should read: AGuspng, Hjlmar.
In respect to the establishment of the Society,4 nothing is yet declared, yet, in the proper time, it shall not be forgotten, though the Upsala letter5 will probably have to rest.
4 The Mechanical Laboratory proposed for Upsala.
5 See p. 123.
By February we should be near Upsala, when all can be related more circumstantially, and counsel be taken.
To Sister Anna are sent thousandfold greetings. The kid gloves have been bought, I remaining
highly honored d: Brother's
most humble servant and
most faithful Brother
Em. Sw.
P. S. For the rest, the journey went off with very little expense beyond travel money; or, what otherwise is ordinarily paid out for warrants, has cost me not a stiver; this I affirm by my soul's salvation.
[Enclosure]
Copy of the Letter to the Bergs Colleg.1
1 This letter, dated Dec. 18, was read in the College of Mines on Jan. 7, 1717.
CARL. Our special favor ... since in grace we have been pleased to advance Em: Sw. to be Extraovd: Ass: in the Bergs Collegio, yet in such way that at the same time he should accompany Councillor of Commerce Polhem and be his assistant in instituting his constructions and inventions, we have, therefore, desired hereby to inform you of this, with the gracious order that you allow him to enjoy seat and voice in the Collegio when he is able to be present, and, in particular, when such matters come up as concern mechanics.
CAROLUS
Cronhjelm
The two warrants referred to in the above letter are as follows:
THE FIRST WARRANT: We, Charles, with God's grace, etc., make known that, as we have graciously thought fit to appoint some person skilled in the mechanical sciences, to accompany Councillor Polheimer in the institution of his works and inventions; and, inasmuch as our faithful and beloved subject, Emanuel Swedberg, in view of his praiseworthy qualities and skill, has been humbly proposed and recommended to us; therefore we have herewith, and by virtue of this our open warrant, graciously willed to appoint the said Emanuel Swedberg thereto, adjoining to him therewith the rank and character of Assessor Extraordinary in our Bergs Collegium. To this, all whom it may concern, must give obedient observance. For further assurance, we have confirmed this with our own signature and our royal seal.
CAROLUS
S. Cronhjelm
Lund, December 10, 1716.
THE SECOND WARRANT: We, Charles, with God's grace, etc., ... make known that, inasmuch as we have graciously thought fit that some one who has a good knowledge of mechanics, should also have a seat in the Bergs Collegium; and for this, our faithful and beloved subject, Emanuel Swedberg, in view of his praiseworthy qualities and skill, has been proposed to us; therefore, we have herewith and by virtue of this our open warrant, graciously willed to appoint him, Emanuel Swedberg, to be Assessor Exraordinarius in our Bergs Collegium. To this, all whom it may concern must give obedient observance. For further assurance, we have confirmed this with our own signature and our royal seal.
CAROLUS
S. Cronhjelm
Lund, Dec. 18, 1716
During his short stay at Karlskrona, Swedberg, in addition to his engineering work as Polhem's assistant, inquired into the possibility of introducing commercial salt production on the shores of the Baltic. For this purpose he made tests of the sea water at Karlskrona; but the results were not satisfactory, since the salt contents of the water were comparatively low owing to the many fresh-water streams which emptied into this inland sea. He resolved therefore to pursue his inquiries on the west coast of Sweden where he hoped for better results.
At Karlskrona he also did some preliminary work for No. V of the Daedalus, the contents of which were to be confined to a detailed description of Polhlem's wonderful tap,2 supplemented by an article describing a method of calculating the liquid contents of cubical and cylindrical vessels.
2 Se pp. 95 and 111.
In addition to this work, he commenced the re-writing in more extended form-with a view to its publication as a separate tract--of his article on Finding the Longitude which had been printed in Daedalus No. IV.
In the beginning of January, Polhem and Swedberg left Karlskrona for Gothenburg. There Polhem was to advise the Burggrave and officials of the city as to the establishment of a mint there, and this necessitated a stay of some four weeks. The "great mechanician' was received with ceremony, and treated throughout with high honor. The mint, however, was not built by the time of the King's death in 1718, when the privileges bestowed on the city were abolished by the Diet of 1719.*
* Berg. Saml. Till Gteborgs Hist., pp. 213-15. See also above, p. 110, note.
Before leaving Karlskrona, Emanuel had received Eric Benzelius's letter congratulating him on his new appointment. Benzelius was then visiting Bishop Swedberg in Brunsbo, and he informed his brother-in-law that his departure therefrom might be delayed owing to the lack of a sleigh. To this communication, Emanuel made answer in a letter dated GOTHENBURG, JANUARY 22, 1717:
Highly honored d: Brother:
I should wish that this letter first reached d: Brother while still in Brunsbo, and that such great patience could be afforded, that I also might have that good fortune, though I could not get away for ten days even were my wish and longing twofold stronger.
1 The reference is to the establishment of a mint in Gothenburg.
For my Brother's congratulation, received in Carlscrona just before my departure, I am very grateful. I give the assurance on my conscience that the only pleasure I find therein2 is that it will presumably please my parents and d: Brother; their pleasure is my greatest promotion and good fortune.
2 I.e., in the office to which Charles XII had appointed him.
I am now working on Daedalus V; I think to have it ready by the next post, or to bring it with me to Brunsbo next week. Should I, then, not find my Brother there, I will send it after him to Upsala. I am relying on my Brother's former goodness in this matter. And since the journey will probably be to the King again, at the end of April, I think to get it ready, together with a separate enlarged tract on the Longitudo Locorum. Thus, also, I hope that something can be determined concerning an Observatorium and the Society, as to which nothing is done as yet, though a word would have been enough to do it if the Councillor of Commerce3 had found that it had had being and continuation without the person who was in mind4 having cooperated with the Society, or, at least, having been present in Upsala. Yet, next time,5 request shall certainly be made concerning the observatorium. But there would be more to tell about this matter if it could be done orally.
3 Namely, Polheimer.
4 The reference is to Emanuel himself.
5 I.e., when Emanuel next meets the King.
My Brother is greeted by the Councillor of Commerce. Remaining ever
Highly honored d: Brothers
most faithful Brother even to my death
Eman: Swedberg
Gothenburg: 22 Jan, 1717
Leaving Gothenburg, Polhem and Swedberg proceeded northward all the way to Strmstad at the extreme north of Bohusln. Their journey was much interrupted by their examination of the local salt boileries with a view to ascertaining the feasibility of establishing the commercial production of salt on a large scale. They were most impressed with the possibilities at Gullmarsborg near Uddevalla where the sea extends far inland by a long fjord which could easily be defended from enemy attack. Here there were already twenty-seven small saltworks, besides twenty at Strmstad,6 but the work was carried on in the most primitive way, and Polhem's ingenious mind quickly envisaged new methods whereby the making of salt could be both improved and cheapened.
6 Miscellaneous Observations, p. 67; Om Docken, p. 4.
While in Strmstad, Emanuel took particular notice of the primitive way in which the natives were producing salt by the evaporation of sea water; and his mechanical genius at once saw the possibilities of improvements whereby a greater amount of salt could be produced, both more economically and of a finer quality. It was perhaps here that he began to entertain the idea of a private stock company for the manufacture of salt.
He saw how important it was, especially at this time when Sweden was surrounded by enemies, that the country should increase its production of domestic salt, and of salt of a better quality than what was then being made at various places on the western coast of Sweden. To interest the King in this matter, and to gain his support, Emanuel, while in Strmstad, at the END OF JANUARY, 1717, wrote the following Memorial:
MEMORIAL
Concerning the establishment of brineries in Sweden
One would think that Sweden would have less advantage from the establishment of salt boileries than warmer southern lands having the advantage of more salt, their summers of stronger and longer heat, and, in addition, they have salt wells and salt mines.
On the other hand, we have other advantages which should be reckoned in our favor as against the aforementioned, to wit, that with us the shores are of greater extent and are better situated for the establishment of the above mentioned work, and for the procuring of sufficient wood.
For the rest, it would seem best, if the establishment of the saltworks is to expect any advancement, that one set before him the main faults which have hitherto prevented the establishment of the work; and, if the work is commenced, which might still further wreck it, to wit:
1. That at the places where salt pans are now being used, some other method of graduating be used, rather than pumping the water from the deep, whereby salt water with 3 or at most 3-1/2 lods can be obtained, while by other means, such as framework, wind, heat, cold, etc., it could be brought to a content of 10 to 20 lods without any expenditure of wood or trouble. Yet, notwithstanding this, it is said that the salt makers in Strmstad can boil 3 tuns1 of salt from a single pan, every 24 hours, and this with the use of a single cord2 of wood.
1 About 14 bushels.
2 3-1/2 cubic ells.
2. That they use simple, clumsy pans which demand manifold more wood, besides other costs.
3. That it seems unknown to them how salt of the needed fineness and strength can be produced from sea water; and from this ignorance, it comes that the salt is found to be weak, of a brownish color, and changing in damp weather. All this ought to be provided against.
One can also find out whether they can be set up amongst us with advantage and progress, from the objections which are generally wont to be made against Swedish brineries, to wit:
1. That the forests would not long allow of the great burning of wood which such a work demands, especially now when all saving of wood becomes more and more necessary in Sweden. But since, at Uddevalle, on the Island of Orust and elsewhere roundabout, there is so great an abundance thereof, that sawmills, which also demand much and select material, have as yet suffered no lack thereof. These works should have the less lack, seeing that they make use of poorer wood, and sometimes of that which is left over by the works previously mentioned. Moreover, they have the less fear of a lack thereof in these days when, by an unfortunate circumstance, the majority of the Uddevalle sawmills have lately been destroyed. The supply thereof can be speeded by means of the many streams which flow in from all directions.
2. That the salt pans were subject to the danger of being ruined by our neighbors and enemies.3 But since it is a question of publici use, the risk privatorum [of private persons] will come to be considered like insurance and the hazards which a shipowner and merchant runs with his ship. Yet, aside from this, there should be outlets enough for the establishment of saltworks at places where such dangers were less to be feared.
3 Namely, the Danes, with whom Sweden was then at war.
3. That, on the other hand, we would lose the profit we enjoy from our ships, from their freights to foreign places where salt is low in price; and also have the same return from our productions would be diminished, and, in consequence, the flow of trade would be stopped. But since the salt is often brought to us by others, and one must have a return, even though the payment to us may be made in cash, our own manufacture would likely bring more into the country in general than a sale through second or third hands; and to seek additional ways merely for getting wares in exchange for honest products, is likely to be helping business with harm to oneself. Meanwhile, it should be requisite that we give thought to devices leading to a condition whereby one would suffer more loss than would be the cost of carefulness; and if this is now aroused, one will suppose the same proof could serve us for information at other times.
But if all is to be in due condition, it must be undertaken with united hands and the help of many, so that both profit and loss may be distributed, the gain be advanced in peaceful times, and every adversity which may come be warded off.
P.S. Against what has been said, it might be objected:
1. That the establishment of saltworks by rivers would harm the work rather than advance it, since the water there must be diluted with the sweeter water which joins it. But at the island of Orust and elsewhere there are locations where the rivers have their outlet in a different place than that where the saltworks are set up.
2. That our summers could not advance the work with any grading work, since the plan of our climate is uncertain, being sometimes hot weather and sometimes cloudy, sometimes rainy, unloosing all that the heat has bound. But with reason and patience all this can be provided against; not to mention the fact that six or seven days of heat or wind would do much for an advantageous boiling, knowing that with us the summer often produces salt on the rocks, and once 150 tuns, as it is said.
3. That test thereof should first be made before anything definite is concluded; but as the work is carried on daily at Strmstad, the test can be made from this, and a conclusion be reached respecting the work. A suitable construction could then be expected which will enjoy many advantages.
4. I will also give a sketch of salt pans and graduation works, if circumstances should so require.
[Em. Swedberg]
The above Memorial exists only in draft form. There is no record of its having been presented to the King, and it is probable that a Memorial by Polhem was substituted in its place.
At any rate, and whether as a result of this Memorial or not, on June 26th, the King granted Polhem the monopoly of establishing a brinery (Bring, Polhem, p. 54).
From Strmstad, the two travelers proceeded to investigate the route of the proposed canal through Trollhtten, Gullspng (on the eastern shore of Lake Venner), and Lake Hjlmar.4 In this they were assisted by maps drawn by Dutch canal builders who had been consulted by Charles IX with a view to building a canal to Stockholm5 but who had been obliged to give up the undertaking, owing to their inability to surmount the difficulties of the Trollhatten falls.
4 Some months later, the route through Lake Hjlmar was abandoned in favor of the present route via Lake Vetter and Motala (Swed. Om Docken, p. 3).
5 See Lundgren, Anecdota Benz., p. 62.
This extended journey had occupied nearly four weeks, and after its completion, the travelers proceeded northward to Stiernsund where Swedberg stayed a few days as Polhem's guest. Here, in this quiet home, he found some much needed rest after his strenuous journey, and during his stay he was able at last to complete the copy for Daedalus V--which should have appeared in January--his work consisting mainly, if not altogether, in translating what he had prepared, into Latin, to meet the suggestion made by the King. After completing this work, he sent it to Upsala enclosed in an undated letter, received by Benzelius on Feb. 23 and which therefore was written about FEBRUARY 21:
Highly honored d: Brother:
Enclosed I send Daedalus V and rely on d: Brother in respect to it, now as before, with the humble request that d: Brother will give it his former unsparing kindness. I should have finished it long ago, but was on a journey ever uncertain, so that I had scarcely an hour's respite for such work. But as I have now come here to Stiernsund, I have some days free to put it together as well as can be done; hope it will win the approval of the Upsalnses [members of the Upsala Society] and, especially, of my Brother. I have added the Latin at the side, and this in accordance with his Majesty's own will, who marked out for me where the Swedish should be [and] where the Latin; for I hope that it will come out in the same way, corresponding to each other on their own pages.
As to the engraving of the same tap, I know not how to provide for it, as I am so far away and do not have permission to go myself. If Doctor Roberg could in some pleasing and engageant [inviting] way be again invited to interest himself in the matter, this would be the best way to have it done, especially since some minutiae are involved which Mons: Aveln1 may not be able easily to deal with.
1 The Stockholm engraver, see p. 86.
As concerns his project for the making of salt, his Majesty discourerade [discoursed] thereon and took the opposite side, proving it from Hungarian wine which can be entirely frozen. He related concerning himself, when he was in Poland, that a cask of Hungarian wine was so frozen that he distributed it to his soldier lads piecemeal with his sword, though it left an inner kernal of the very essence, as large as a musket ball. And since his Majesty seems to be very well disposed as to the making of salt in Sweden, we have sufficiently informed ourselves thereon in Udwalla,2 and have found that here in Sweden is the best opportunity therefor in the world, since there is abundance of wood and of streams that call carry it, and one could be confident in promising to procure almost as much as is needed, at from eight to ten d. k.m. per tun;3 which also will likely be remonstreradt [objected to], in its place.4 I may also conferera [make up] something thereon with Doctor Roberg, which can be sent on to the King, so that he call see a drawing of new salt pans whereby wood is economized and the speed of the work hastened many times; also a drawing of a pump and graduating pipes which likewise are new; though both there also, as in other places, by means of evaporation and wind in the summer5 and of freezing in the winter, it can be rafineras to such a degree that it can be worked up and boiled with the least amount of trouble.
2 Uddevalla.
3 The tun was equal to a little over four and a half bushels. The price of salt was at this time 100 daler per tun (Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 53)
4 Swedberg is probably referring to the objections likely to be raised by importers fearful of losing their profits. (See Miscellaneous Observations, p. 69).
5 The practise in some places in Bohusln on the west coast of Sweden, was to raise the sea water to a height and let it fall therefrom through a plate pierced with small holes, and thus in droplets. Owing to the action of the wind, part of the water would thus be evaporated, and that which fell into the underlying pan would be richer in salt. See Swedenborg, De Sale. p. 71.
6 A drawing and description of these salt pans can be seen in De Sale, p. 45
7 I.e. by its sale abroad, the salt would supply more foreign exchange with which to procure imports, than did the export of iron.
At Trollhettan, Gulspong, and Lake Hielmar also, all was found to be possible [feasible] and at no such great cost as was thought. If I contribute nothing more to the matter, I am a stimulus to it.
Brother will please greet Professor Elfvius and try him as to whether he would be willing to part with his Linea Carolina8 which he has in originali. I will willingly give what he wants for it, if it is not all too unreasonable. It is not for my own need, but, for the rest, a great man would like to have it. I beg to be permitted to rely on my Brother in this matter.
8 In 1661, during the Regency of Charles XI, Georg Stjernhjelm (see p. 112, note 2) was commissioned to standardize the weights and measures of Sweden, which then greatly differed in different localities. One result of his work was the Linea Carolina, being an iron rod which became the standard for the Swedish ell. His standard of weights and measures prevailed in Sweden until 1737 (Svenskt Biog. Lex., s.v. Stjernhjelm). Linea Carolina, 1657, Constitutio et Usus is a MS. by Stjernhjelm, preserved in the Royal Library in Stockholm. A copy of this MS. is found in the Upsala University Library; see Ups. Univ. Biblioteks Minnesskrift. p. 317 What is here referred to, however, is not a manuscript but the rod itself. Several of such rods, brass or iron, were in existence, and Prof. Elfvius was in possession of one of them.
To little Eric is sent my greeting. I hear he continues in his inclination to mechanics and to drawing. When he is about ready to leave his praeceptor, I would advise him to follow me; then I will seek his welfare in every way, instruction in Mathesi [mathematics] and more, if this is agreeable. Sister Anna is also greeted, and I remain a thousandfold
highly honored d: Brother's
most humble servant and most faithful
Brother
Eman : Swedberg
Stiernsund 1717.
P.S. I am using a new Signum [sign] in my Daedalus, namely, [scanner unable to insert symbol]; I wonder if there is such a sign at the printshop, or whether it can be made up by the putting together of duo puncta [two points], which I think can be done.9 I beg that the enclosed be put in print as soon as possible, as I am highly desirous that it be ready at least before the journey to Lund is undertaken.10
9 In the Daedalus, the matter was solved by placing 1 in a horizontal position, and setting two dots above it, and two below, as follows: [symbol]
10 No. V of the Daedalus should have appeared on January first.
While at Stiernsund, Polhem and Swedberg worked on Memorials concerning various projects which were to be presented to the King. The Memorial on Saltworks suggested that for the success of the work, the risks and advantages be shared by many persons; that is to say, that it should be undertaken by the issuance of shares. The Memorial also promised drawings of improved salt palls and graduating processes.
The Memorial on Inland Navigation dealt solely with the building of sluices between Trolhetten and Vennersborg, thus completing the canal to Vennersburg, the greater part of which had been constructed in the time of Charles IX, and so opening water traffic between Gothenburg and Lake Venner. The rest of the Canal via Lake Hjlmar was left for a later memorial.
The total cost of the work, which might be done largely by Russian prisoners of war, was estimated at 100,000 d. s.m.; but this would be lessened by the establishment of iron mills whose products could be used in the building of the canal. The Memorial therefore proposed the issuance of one thousand shares of 100 d. s.m. each, which would be guaranteed a return of ten per cent after the commencement of navigation, and later of twenty per cent. Polhem also offered to take several shares as part of his salary. The Memorial also noted that the establishment of salt boileries could be carried on in connection with the construction of the canal, and proposed for this work the issuance of one thousand shares.
On January thirty-first, the King had authorized a private "sluice guild" for the building of the locks to Vennersborg, but with no effect. Polhem, in the above-mentioned Memorial, now puts forward more definite proposals.
There was a third Memorial on Manufactures, which proposed the enactment of Royal Ordinances designed to free master workmen and their employees from the restrictions of the trade guilds.
Finally came a Memorial on the Establishment of an Astronomical Observatory, and of a Society such as had been planned by Polhem, Benzelius, and Swedberg which should have charge of mechanical inventions, etc.
When Emanuel left Polhem's house, it was with the agreement that he would return at Easter, when the two men would resume their active work in the King's service. He then journeyed to the beautifully situated estate of Starbo, some forty-five miles southwest of Stiernsund where his stepmother owned iron mines and a furnace. With Starbo as a center, he also took occasion to make visits to the neighborhood where were many iron mines, and this with a view the better to fit himself to enter into his official position as an Assessor of the College of Mines, after his special work with Polhem had been completed.
At Starbo he received a letter from Benzelius--forwarded to him from Stiernsund-promising to see Daedalus V through the press, and apparently casting some doubt as to the accuracy of Prof. Elvius' Linea Carolina.
From here also Emanuel wrote to Polhem, suggesting that, for No. VI of the Daedalus, he send a continuation of his article on the Resistance of Mediums which had appeared in No. IV. In this letter he also intimated that he proposed to include in No. VI a description of Stjernhjelm's Linea Carolina, and that he hoped to accompany it with a life of Stjernhjelm to be written by his brother-in-law, Eric Benzelius.
On March 22, he arrived in Stockholm. His object there was to visit the Bergscollegium, of which he had so lately been made an Assessor Extraordinary; to study more closely the plans for the various projects Polhem and he had in hand; but more especially to write out some thoughts that had come to him concerning the Progress and Stoppage of the Earth and Planets--a work in which he adumbrates for the first time some Positions which, later, in his Principia, he dwells on at length.
He had already written out a formal plan for the establishment of an astronomical observatory; and this he now forwarded to Baron Fahlstrm,11 preparatory to its being presented to the King.
11 Baron Ludovic Fahlstrm (d. 1719) was the head of the Cammar Expedition, a committee which, under Charles XII, had charge of all civil matters, both provincial and state (Nordberg, Karl den XII, vol. II, p. 445).
From Stockholm, Emanuel wrote to Benzelius a letter dated MARCH 24, 1717:
Highly honored d: Brother:
The day before yesterday, I came here to Stockholm; intend to remain here till Easter, having pretty much to do before all that I have in mind is set in order. I got my Brother's letter from Stiernsund to Starbo, and could not answer until now, inasmuch as I made a little journey around the mining district. I thank my Brother who devotes such great care to the Daedalus, would wish that Doctor Roberg would be so good as to help it with copper engraving. If my brother would be pleased to follow up Daedalus VI with Stiernhielm's Linea Carolina, I stipulate that the latter's life also be added. This I should most heartily like to see, as it is worth while, and I have now little time to write up anything that demands speculation and quiet.
If the saltwork and the inland water passage,l are in a good way, I think it will win furtherance from his Majesty. I am now sending down to Deputy Councillor Fahlstrm the project for the obseuvatorium in Upsala. I suppose that his Majesty will approve it, and also will send to Upsala, to present a plan for setting up the Society. The outcome will likely show this perhaps between Easter and Pentecost.2 N. B. Prof. Elfvius is greeted, and is appealed to for his Linea Carolina. It does no harm that it is little acurat [exact]; can yet make me familiar with it. I beg for this, all too insistently, because I have already half promised it. Ah! if only I were so fortunate as to get Daedalus V ready before Easter, yes, and Daedalus VI, if that could be, to take them down with me to offer to his Majesty--perhaps the journey will be to Lund first; if it be possible, it ought to be done. To the sixth number also, the Latin is to be added opposite. In Gothenburg, I cashed my Brother's note on Magister [Rhyzelius] which I will make good.
1 I.e., the projected waterway to Stockholm.
2 For the year 1717 this is equivalent to "between April 21 and June 9."
Sister Anna is greeted a thousandfold; remaining
highly honored d: Brother's
most humble Servant and
most devoted Brother
Stockholm 1717 Eman: Swedberg
24 Mar.
Soon after the dispatch of this letter, Emanuel received word from his brother-in-law that the plate to illustrate the article on Polhem's tap, had been engraved, and that Daedalus No. V was now being printed. He also asked that another pair of kid gloves be purchased in Stockholm. It is probable that in this letter Benzelius informed him that the first installment of Polhem's work on Ungdoms Heder, etc. (see p. 87) was now printed. This work has been wrongly ascribed to Swedenborg. See Hyde no. 66 where its publication date is given as 1716 instead of 1717. The printed copy consists of twelve pages 16mo,--but bears no date.3 The work was advertised for the first time in the Stockholm Kundgirelser of April 2, 1717, as follows: "It is herewith announced that the Fifth [a mistake for Fourth] part of the so-called Daedalus Hyperboreus came out some time ago, containing [then follow the contents of Part IV]. The work for the whole year is sold for 32 styfwers4 by the bookseller on Nygatan and in Upsala.
3 The printing of this, Polhem's first published work, was never resumed.
4 A styfver = 2 re; 16 styiver = 1 daler.
"Also on sale is a little beginning of a Cursum Geometricum Arithmeticum och Mechanicum, called Wishetens 2: dra Grundwahl, published in Upsala."
In his reply to Benzelius's letter, Emanuel expressed his gratefulness for the care that had been bestowed on the Daedalus. He also referred to a little work on a Theory of the Earth which he was then writing.
A few days later, about March 30th, Swedberg was called upon by Polhem's two oldest daughters, Maria, aged nineteen, and Emerentia, nearly fifteen, who had lately arrived at Stockholm on a visit, probably to their Uncle, the Mathematical instrument maker. They delivered to him a letter from their father, dated MARCH 27:
Well-born Assessor:
At this opportunity, [when] I am sending my daughters Maja and Mensa to Stockholm, there is also sent a draft of the continuation of the former installment in Physicis,1 which I have not since given myself time to read through, and therefore it is the sense rather than the words which should be attended to.
1 The "former installment" is the article on The Resistance of Mediums, printed in Daedalus IV; see p. 108.
2 Urban Hjrne (1641-1724), widely famed as mineralogist, chemist, physician, poet, and man of learning, was at this time Vice-President of the Bergscollegium (appointed 1713), and was thus Swedberg's superior. He was also President of the Medical College (appointed, 1696). He was the discoverer (1678) and exploiter of the medical springs at Medevi, which were now resorted to by persons of the highest rank. Hjrne was a close friend of Bishop Swedberg, with whom he had been associated in the work of revising the HYmnbook; in fact, the two men commenced the work privately in 1691 (Tottie, Jesper Swedbergs Lif, I. 91). But later an estrangement arose between them, owing perhaps in part-to an entire contrariety in disposition, for Bishop Swedberg was a pronounced royalist, while Hjrne was opposed and even bitterly opposed, to all royal power. The occasion of their estrangement will come to be noted later on.
3 The article never appeared in the Daedalus.
It is a very good idea that Stiernhielm's vita, science and learning be described, and it would do no harm if some serviceable carmina [verses] be set over it to the honor both of Sweden and of the person; the matter seems suitable for this.
In the degree that the sun gives to Sweden short and cold days in winter, in that degree are they longer and more lovely in summer, so that in this respect southerners have nothing to boast of when the year is up. So likewise also, though Sweden nourishes the most dull-witted people, whom other nations justly despise, yet, on the other hand, there are again lively ingenia [geniuses] who, on the other hand, call surpass and teach other nations, though in other places these two extrema [extremes] together constitute no more than intermedia [the average], or vice versa.
I am expecting the Herr Assessor at Easter, according to agreement. As yet no machine has been set going in Fahlun, on account of the cold, but this will probably be done in these days.
On Sunday [April 7], the rural Dean will be buried, when I and my wife will be there.4 Let me know what news is heard in Stockholm, for since the Dean's death, no journals have arrived, and since I shall soon leave on my journey, I am not bothering to order the same since it must be done for the whole year. I remain with very earnest greetings,
4 That is, in Husby, some two miles from Stiernsund, the seat of the Pastor of the district. The Pastor, Jacob Troilius, died on March 6, 1717.
Herr Assessor's
dutiful servant,
Stiernsund C: P:
27 March 1717
On the blank fourth page of Polhem's letter of March 27, 1717, Emanuel made the following notations (see Polhem Bref, p 276):
Write to Werner.1
1 That is, Werner in Upsala who printed part V of Daedalus Hyperboreus. It was published on April 1, and was presented to the King about May 22.
---- to Chronhielm.2
2 See p. 66 note.
---- to Cameen; ask concerning a box at the theatre. Show ------------------. Ask what ... ... ----.3
3 Words that are indecipherable.
---- to Cederstedt.4
4 Jonas Cederstedt (1659-1730). In 1713 he became a Councillor in the Bergscollegium.
Send to Hjrner.5
5 Probably refers to the sending of Daedalus Hyperboreus, pt. V. If by "Hjrner" is meant Dr. Hjrne the Vice-President of the Bergscollegium, Emanuel probably had in view his projected visit to the College to take the oath.
Sketch the proportions.
---- to Polhammer.
Write to the Librarian about sending the fine paper [edition] of Daedalus [Pt. V]; concerning my theoria [telluris]; greetings.6
6 This letter was written on April 5, 1717; see p. 153.
--- high hat [?]
Noble and highly esteemed H. Secretary.7 Since I am thinking to take the usual oath in the Bergscollegium tomorrow a.m. between 9 and 10, it is my humble request that the highly esteemed Herr Secretary will be pleased to announce this.8
7 Johan Frondberg (1668-1748) was Secretary to the Bergscollegium from 1713 to 1720. In the January preceding the time when Swedberg wrote him, he had been ennobled, and had taken the namely Bergenstierna. He became Assessor in 1720. See p. 300.
8 Here follows four illegible words.
This was followed, a week later, by another letter from Polhem, dated APRIL 3:
Well-born Herr Assessor:
My last letter and the package will probably have arrived with the children. As the time now approaches when the journey must presently be made, the Herr Assessor will be pleased to make his arrangements accordingly. His Majesty hastens our return to Lund; yet I will first go to Carlscrona, and then the Herr Assessor is at liberty to go down to Lund or to remain in Carlscrona. We all send earnest greetings to the Herr Assessor
and remain
the Herr Assessor's
dutiful and obedient Servant
C: P:
Stiernsund
April 3, 1717
P.S. It is not my intention that the second part of Meck. nat:5 shall be printed at this time, but that something can be extracted from it in illustration of the former part.
5 I.e.. The nature of Mechanics. This was the continuation of Polhem's paper on the resistance of mediums.
Before receiving this letter, Emanuel, already conscious of the fact that the time was drawing near when he must needs rejoin Polhem, and that he would then soon have another opportunity of seeing the King, wrote to Benzelius on APRIL 4:
Highly honored d: Brother:
My last letter has probably arrived. I now beg that my Brother will have the goodness to send over Daedalus V, so that twenty copies come on the fine paper and a portion on the other kind, since, both here and in Lund, I must complete theirs with the same paper as they had of the former copies. I might follow1 with the theoria telluris which I mentioned in my last. I intend to travel in a fortnight from yesterday.2 Should there be no opportunity of sending over the copies and the plate before then, I shall willingly stand for a special messenger who brought them with him, for the sake of the use they would serve me in Lund.
1 Presumably in Daedalus VI.
2 This would seem to indicate that between March 24th and April 4th, Swedenborg wrote a letter to Benzelius--now lost--in which he spoke of his theory of the earth; for in the letters now preserved, this is the first mention of that theory. It is not likely, however, for Benzelius was extremely careful in preserving letters.
I wonder what decision has been come to in respect to what has been laid before his Majesty concerning the Observatorio Coelesti, inland navigation, and the salt boilery, of which I will communicate information as opportunity offers;
I leave with Brother G. Benzelius the remaining pair of kid gloves. I should like to hear when moster3 Brita Behm is expected from Upsala.
3 Moster, that is, mother's sister. Brita Behm (1670-1755) was a younger sister of Sarah Behm, Swedberg's mother. In 1684, when she was fourteen years old, she married Prof. Joh. Schwede of Upsala University, but became a widow in 1697. She was a woman of strong character and some wealth, had a fine house on the Mynttorg near the College of Mines. Her daughter Eva married Prof. Upmark (Rosenadler). See p. 60.
Greet all a thousandfold, remaining
highly honored d: Brother's
most faithful Brother
Eman : Swedberg
Stockholm, April 4, 1717.
P.S. If 20 to 30 copies of the first and second Daedalus be sent here when occasion offers, it would be well, since an announcement is published this week concerning the whole work and its price. I think I will preferably keep to some one seller for them, and give him a definite compensation, since the booksellers are unreasonable in setting a price on them, and so have but few sales; yet, to my account is paid 2 styvers less than the price that is fixed for them. For the fourth Daedalus, Rger has asked no less than to styfers, and has refused those who offered 16, when yet they ought to be sold for 8. If d: Brother will be pleased to print the price on the fifth, in case it is not already in print,4 I will see to it that I trust myself to one certain person.
4 As Daedalus V was already printed before Swedberg's letter was received, this advice could not be followed. Moreover, the number was printed without a title-page. No price was put on any issue of the Daedalus.
Wishetens andra grundwahl is sold out at Rger's; if more could be sent, it would be well. I wonder if it is sold out in Upsala, which I am desirous of knowing in order to see whether a continuation will pay me. Here it has been sold for 5 styfwers; perhaps I shall get back 1-1/2.
On Saturday, April sixth, two days after writing this letter, Emanuel presented himself at the Bergscollegium, where, probably, for the first time, he met Urban Hjrne. Here his warrant as Assessor Extraordinary was read, and after taking the oath, he was allotted his place at the council table.
5 The same who was Emanuel's cousin, brother-in-law, and stepbrother; see p. 71, note 7.
During this time he found in the Archives of the College6 an article by Polhem on the curved course of bullets when shot from a gun. This he decided to insert in his Daedalus No. VI, adding to it an easy method of calculating this course. With the coming number of the Daedalus in mind, he also prepared (somewhat hastily, as he afterwards confessed) articles on testing ship models, on human life as consisting of tremulations, and on the geometrical calculation of the secants of an are.
6 Daed. Hyper. VI, p. 1.
On April seventeenth, at the meeting of the Bergscollegium, he received leave of absence to go to Karlskrona as Polhem's assistant. This was four days before Easter, when he was to rejoin Polhem at Stiernsund. Probably, however, he received word from Polhem that the latter could not at once depart. At any rate, instead of going to Stiernsund, Emanuel went to Upsala and spent the Easter week with his sister and brother-in-law, taking with him the material for Daedalus VI, and also the MS. on Finding the Longitude which he had completed in Stockholm, and which was to be printed in Upsala. Toward the end of his visit, he accompanied his brother-in-law to the latter's country estate Ribbenbeck;7 which the family occasionally visited for rest and recreation.8 It was while at Ribbenbeck that Emanuel left his host without so much as taking leave--perhaps he had an unexpected offer of conveyance--and rejoined Polhem in Stiernsund, when the two journeyed together to Karlskrona. Here Emanuel resumed his work in connection with the great dam for the dry dock, after which he took advantage of Polhem's permission to attend on the King in Lund, where he arrived on May twenty-second, proudly to present to his Royal Majesty the Swedish-Latin Daedalus V. It was while in Lund that he wrote a Memorial to the King pleading, among other things, for the freeing of workmen from the domination of the trade guilds.
7 A small estate situated about 14 miles west of Upsala. It belonged to Eric Benzelius until his death in 1743.
8 Schck, Frn det Forna Upsala, p. 133.
MEMORIAL
If manufactures are to be expected here in Sweden, the following Ordinances are highly necessary:
1 Instead of no more master workmen getting leave to become such, than those whom the Guilds in the cities permit at their discretion, each and every one who is able and willing to be a master should be permitted to become such, unhindered and without being reckoned as a dabbler or dishonorable in his craft, especially those who work with their own materials, and have no other means of support.
2 And, in order that the number of hand workers in the country might be more greatly increased--which is a cause leading to a good sale of their products, and a good sale, a cause of larger returns, and larger returns, a cause leading to profit and culture for the country--no other handworkers should be tolerated save those who can be counted, as either masters, journeymen, or apprentices; that is, he who is not willing to support journeymen and apprentices in his shop, who could do the coarser work for a better sale than can the master himself who must support wife and children--such man must either serve as a journeyman under another master, or serve as a soldier, and, nevertheless, practice his trade wherever he can.
3 Since all such free Masters who become such without the Guild's permission and their rules and standards, would hardly be able to carry on under the Guild Master's law and the Guild Ordinances, therefore an inferior judge in the country and in the cities should alone have charge of them; and, in order that he might the more faithfully and willingly enlarge and improve the work and manufacture, his sole and foremost merit should consist in this same; so that whenever an inferior judge wishes to seek advancement with the King, he must first show how many masters have been added during his time; and the one who shows the best proof in this matter, would be the nearest to advancement.
4 And, in order the more to stress the increase of handwork and manufacture, each citizen should not only receive them as per inventory, but when selling them should be responsible for any lack in them when another receives them after him. So long as the King's Ordinances in this case are not disobeyed by them, they should be given a free hand in all that serves their continuance and increase. Indeed, it would do no harm if, after every third year, they give a report of those which have become increased, and those which have diminished, lest any long neglect herein should in time give rise to an incurable case.
5 All new workshops which ire not under the Guild master should enjoy, for twenty years, freedom from all taxes, whether foreign or domestic, this freedom to commence from the time when the master employs at least three or four persons.
6 And, to the end that each and every master may bring his workshop to the greatest number of persons, they should have rank and honor over each other, not according to age, but according to the number of persons at their workshop.
7 The settlement and contract on which the master and journeymen agree, must first be confirmed in writing with witnesses, and must be rightly observed by both sides; and, that none may make an agreement of which he afterwards repents, no contract should be concluded until the journeyman is over fifteen years old, and before it has been before each of the parties so long as they desire.
8 If any journeyman wishes to journey abroad for his work, he may do so, if only he enters a guarantee that he will return within a certain time, provided he is living and has good health.
9 A judge should decide all disputes between masters, journeymen, apprentices, in accordance with the contract, circumstances, understanding, and the rules which can be drawn from the Ordinances respecting mining, guilds, workmen, houses and hired servants; but other and higher matters, such as come under the usual courts, will remain as before.
As already stated, this Memorial was read by the Handels Expedition on June 11. On the same day the Expedition also read a Memorial by Polhem, outlining the work on the proposed canal, and suggesting that Russian prisoners of war be employed at the work. The result was not long in coming; for on June 13th the King authorized the formation of a shareholding company to build locks to Vennersborg, and, as an inducement to investors, he gave the company freedom from all future taxes;
9 Bring, Trollhhtten, p. 325
No such success seems to have been in sight with respect to the observatory. Swedberg had already sent a memorial on this subject to Baron Fahlstrm, the head of the Cammar Expedition. This Committee would necessarily deal with the matter in the first place, but for the expenditure of funds, it must also come before the Handels Expedition. Therefore, while in Lund, Emanuel brought the matter to the attention of Bernard Cederholm, the Secretary of the Handels Expedition. He had, however, little prospect of success, as Cederholm thought that the request for an observatory should come from the Upsala Collegium Curiosorum, or "Society" as Emanuel sometimes calls it, and not from a private individual.
From Lund, Emanuel wrote to his brother-in-law on JUNE 26:
Highly honored d: Brother:
Since I journeyed from Upsala, I have neither returned thanks nor anything else for the last hospitality. The excuse for my departing from Ribbingbeck so hastily without taking leave, has without doubt been announced by others on my behalf. Five weeks ago, when I came here to Lund, I offered Daedalus V to his Majesty, who was pleased with it, and even more. For the rest, I have communicated with Secretary Cederholm the proposal regarding the Observatorium, but have found him cool-minded to it, because it did not come direct from the Society in Upsala. Yet, one must await opportunity. The Councillor of Commerce1 has adopted the attitude of not bothering himself about anything save what concerns himself; for he has noticed that a mass of new things is debited to him, which he has had very little knowledge of. Yet the salt boilery goes, and to it his Majesty has resolved to grant great and weighty privileges which will likely induce many covetous persons to venture their means on it; and should interessenter [shareholders] be lacking in other places, Lund, with its deputy councillors, should do the most.
1 Polhem.
For the rest, I have had to busy myself with a new system of numbering which his Majesty has hit upon, namely, to let the numbering go on to 64 before it turns, in the same way that the ordinary numbering turns at 10. He has himself dictated for it new characters, new names, etc. He has written and changed a great deal with his own hand. This I have in my custody, and in time it will deserve to be a monument for some library. The system of numbering is difficult in multiplication, etc., but in solutions it has its use and importance in extractione radicum Qv: et cub: et Biqvadr:2 all of which are contained in 64, as well as consisting of lesser numbers. His Majesty has powerful penetration.
2 The extraction of square, cube, and biquadratic roots.
Sister Anna and little Brother Eric are greeted a thousandfold.
Remaining, highly honored Brother's
most faithful serv.
Eman: Swedb.
Lund: 1717
26 June.
P.S. The foregoing I wrote [for] the last post. The salt company's privileges have since been signed. They are fairly good, to wit, that, together with the Herr Councillor of Commerce they will have interressera [shareholders] in a salt company; that they have freedom to purchase whatever woods there are; to choose whatever place they will; to have twenty years freedom from all taxes, and for all time afterwards never to be liable for more than one-half of the duty or tax which foreign salt [pays]; that, after the company has been formed, which consists of 200,000 shares--a share being of 1 marck silvermynt3 no other company will be permitted; that they enter their names before the end of September; for the rest, he promises many other advantages whenever required.
3 Four marck s.m. was equal to 1 daler s.m. or 3 d. k.m.; or, 1 marck s.m. was equal to 8 styvers s.m. or 24 st. k.m. The low price of the shares was due probably to the universal scarcity of ready money, especially silver. This is indicated in a letter written by Polhem from Karlscrona on December 19th, 1717, long after the time limit for subscriptions, where he says: "The subscribers here in Karlskrone ask that they pay in notes or else be stricken from the list" (Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 54).
4 The company was advertised in the Stockholm Kundgirelser of August 6, 1717. Erland Cameen (1670-1729) was an assessor in the Kommerskollegium. See p. 85, note 2.
This week I shall probably journey to Warberg; Udvalla, Strmstad, to look out suitable locations. Meanwhile, all good friends are greeted.
P.S. Within eight days we journey from here. How goes it with Daedalus VI?5
5 This issue ought to have appeared in April.
I have twice talked with Deputy Councillor Liljenstedt concerning Doctor Rudbeck's yachts, who promises the best outcome, and says that already he has several times made application in respect to them.6
6 In 1667 the government granted Prof. Olaf Rudbeck, Sr., the privilege tax-free of sailing two yachts three times a week between Upsala and Stockholm for the carriage of passengers and mail. As the fare (2-1/2 dal. s.m.) was one-third the coach fare, the business was a profitable one. After Rudbeck's death it was carried on by Rudbeck's widow; but in 1717--the year of the present letter--application was made to transfer the privilege to her son, Olaf Rudbeck, Sr. (Annerstedt 2: 2: pp. 253-4) It was probably in connection with this transfer that Emanuel called on Johan Lilljenstedt (1655-1732), the head of the Utrikes Expedition (Foreign Commission). (Nordberg, 2, p. 445) At any rate on August 22, two months after the date of the present letter, Carl XII granted the request for the transfer (Annerstedt, 3: p. 161). Doctor Rudbeck wished to save his yachts from being requisitioned by the navy. It is somewhat amusing to read concerning these yachts, that "to protect the so-called honorable class from unnecessary annoyance, the captains were instructed to keep order among the common folk, that those under the deck do not annoy the other passengers with tobacco smoking, drunkenness and other annoyances like brute beasts." Forsstrand, Lind, p. 8n, quoted from Annerstedt, Olof Rudbeck d..
During his six or seven weeks in Lund, Emanuel talked with the King only twice. He seems to have been on his guard against presuming on any grace the King had shown him during the preceding December. Many sought audience of the King for the purpose of asking favors, and the actions of Emanuel, as also of others, were not unnoticed by the eyes of jealousy. Indeed, Emanuel seems to have suspected that something of the sort was present with Polhem, who had now joined his assistant in Lund.
The talks with the King were in part a continuation of those held last December concerning the invention of a new system of numbering, and Emanuel probably commenced at this time to write out that illustration of the new system which he subsequently submitted to Eric Benzelius, see pp. 165, 200.
The Daedalus and the attention that had been called to it by the King on several occasions, gave Swedberg some fame as a mathematician, and there were not wanting in Lund persons of importance who suggested that he follow up his work for the advancement of science in Sweden, by writing a treatise on Algebra in Swedish, for up to now no such work had ever been published. Moreover, following the King's pattern, it began to be the fashion to dabble in algebra. See p. 170.
When Polhem and his Assistant left Lund, they traveled through Skne, Halland, and Bohuslan to Stramstad via Uddevalla, investigating the possibilities of various locations for the establishment of salt boileries, and at the same time, seeking to interest many persons in the new Salt Company, with a view to their buying shares. Little success seems to have attended these efforts, for as late as September 24th, an advertisement appeared in the Stockholm Kundgirelser inviting intending shareholders to send their application to Polhem in Karlscrona before the end of the month, and promising that the company would sell salt at the works for 2 d. s. m. a tun.
Emanuel returned to Brunsbo in August. On one occasion during his stay here, while he was traveling on some business, he learned from a peasant that a soldier in a neighboring parish had told him of the existence of hot springs in the immediate neighborhood of the parish, Emanuel was naturally very interested, but since the soldier lived some distance off his route, he could not pursue the matter. When he returned to Brunsbo, he communicated the information to his cousin Doctor Hesselius,7 who had his home with Bishop Swedberg, and asked him to look further into it.
7 Johan Hesselius (1087-1752) was the son of Maria Bergia, Bishop Swedberg's sister-in-law. In 1714 he became public physician for West Gothland, and made his permanent home with his uncle the Bishop.
At Brunsbo, Emanuel found a condition which at once aroused his interest, both in a practical way and as a writer; namely, a great falling off in the supply of printing paper--a commodity which was as the breath of life to his father and almost equally so to himself. The cause was the falling off of imports, due to the war. The establishment of a domestic manufacture came at once to his mind as the proper remedy. He therefore entered into an arrangement with his father and Maria Christina Bonde, the widow of General Lars Hjrta, that the three of them should form a stock company for the operation of a paper mill to be built at a waterfall on the river Mossan at Frmmestad on the Bonde estate, some few miles east of Trollhtten.
Since in many places there are sites suitable for the establishment of paper manufacturing, and at the present time, in view of the lack in its importation, one holds that its manufacture is highly necessary, both for the use of printing and for other needs, therefore certain interessanter together with myself, are disposed to establish such a manufactory, in one or two places, provided that His Majesty would graciously grant them freedom, to wit:
1. That without hindrance, they might establish it on some free land by a river, without injury to ally individual's private rights, and without hindrance to other manufactories and works.
2. That they then be undisturbed at all times, and their property be settled on them.
3. As in the case of other works and establishments, there should also be granted them some years freedom from taxes, until they are in a condition to pay them.
4. And that, since one has difficulty in procuring suitable men, either they might procure them from foreign lands, or might seek men well experienced in such work at other factories here at home. As is the case at other factories, such workmen should have the benefit of being freed from conscription, etc.1
1 In view of the fact that Charles XII was seizing every available man for the purpose of his projected attack on Norway, this provision was highly necessary.
5. Since the procuring of the necessary materials has hitherto hindered the advancement of many such factories,2 His Majesty should grant that the public pay some small part of their taxes in rags and old cloths, in the following way, namely, that when any one brings the said rags of wool or linen up to a certain weight to persons authorized by the owners of the factory and receives a note as a receipt therefor, the sheriff or landlord shall receive the said note as good for the taxes, he in turn to get the due payment from the owner of the factory, for which payment the factory is pledged.
2 The reference is to factories in foreign lands, for up to 1820, the only paper made in Sweden was made by a small mill in Upsala.
6. And that, the better to induce the public to bring such goods, the factory's representative or the factory itself, be permitted to exchange the aforesaid rags for groceries and other wares serviceable to peasants.
Eman. Swedberg
in utmost humility.
This memorial is undated, but it is marked as having been received on September 1, 1717. Apparently little attention was paid to it, for on November 2nd, Bishop Swedberg felt under the necessity of writing to the King and reminding him of the matter. His letter is officially stamped "granted," but despite this, nothing further is heard about the matter--which is not surprising, owing to the disturbed and impoverished state of the country.
In September, Emanuel left Brunsbo for Karlskrona, to be present at the lowering of the great dam on September 17th. The bottom of this dam had been fitted with hides and also with boards which, being fastened at one end only, could move up or down according to the nature of the ocean bed on which they rested. It was hoped that these would serve to fill up any gaps resulting from the difference between the ocean floor and the bottom of the dam. The lowering of the immense structure, 70 feet long and 22 feet high, was a difficult task,3 and was watched with great interest. The result, however, was somewhat disappointing, as the bottom of the dam did not prevent a free flow of water. This was indeed remedied in time as the sand and stones at the bottom of the sea gradually filled in the gaps, but it was not until August 1718 that the water held in by the dam could be pumped out and the work of blasting the rock for the dry dock commenced.4 Meanwhile, criticism was not lacking.
3 How it was done is described by Swedberg; see his Chemistry, p. 234
4 Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 51.
While at Karlskrona, Emanuel wrote a short letter to his brother-in-law concerning his doings, in which, among other things, he spoke of a hot spring in West Gothland, of which he had heard.
With the completion of the dam, Swedberg's work with Polhem was finished, nor was there any prospect of its being resumed until the matter of building the canal lock had been decided on.
5 Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 326.
6 Birger Vassenius (1687-1771) was the son of a peasant soldier and was born in Vassende (whence his name) near Vennersborg. He was therefore in the diocese of Bishop Swedberg, and was a pupil of the school at Skara. He entered Upsala in 1712, and five years later had already distinguished himself as an astronomer (see p. 232, note 14).
7 The reference is to Swedberg's article on Finding the Longitude which appeared in Daedalus IV.
At the beginning of December, soon after his arrival at Brunsbo, Emanuel wrote to his brother-in-law a letter dated DECEMBER 1717:
Highly honored d: Brother:
From Carlscrona I sent some lines, and since then have now come to Brunsbo, where for the present I think to remain until Christmas. From here I have less distance in order to correspond with d: Brother. When I came here, I found d: Father away on a journey to Lund on behalf of the Consistory.1
1 Bishop Swedberg's object in going to Lund was to see the King in order "to seek some relief for the teachers and the priesthood, because the grain which they received as compensation was held in sequestration"; and "to secure from the King freedom from the burdens that oppressed him personally,"--as, for instance, that he might retain his conscripted coachman (Tottie, II 198-99). Neither of these requests was likely to please the King who needed all that he could obtain for his contemplated attack on Norway.
I hear that little Brother Eric2 has gone to Upsala to get the smallpox; I should be deeply sorry if any harm befell him therewith. I am longing to hear of his recovery; his liveliness gives a bad omen that he should make it for a long time, yet it rests with God to change this.
2 Then twelve years old.
I am writing to Mons. Vassenius as I could not do it earlier because he was at a place which I had no knowledge of; would like to do something in the matter of the stipendium dupplex3 and anything else for his service, but the obstaclen [obstacles] are these: If any one opens up anything before his Majesty which does not properly belong to his office, one knows well the answer; then, if any one should be relied on to present it, it would be Secretary Cederholm who will do nothing without R.3a The Herr Councillor of Commerce has submitted to things but only obtained a decision on the saltwork. I got to talk with his Majesty no more than two times, and that was all concerning fancies in mathesis, puzzles in algebra, etc.; for the sake of the Herr Councillor of Commerce, I have sought with all diligence not to get this grace more often. At some other place, should I alone have the say, I will seek to do something for Mons: Vassenius's benefit; meanwhile, I have done what I could, and for the present have had the Herr Councillor of Commerce and my Father keep him in mind.4
3 The reference is perhaps to the two stipendiaries or apprentices in the Mechanical Laboratory; see p. 118 and note 2.
3a Since the Privy Council was ignored by the King, R perhaps refers to the King's Chaplain Rhyzelius; see pp. 126, 168.
4 Both Bishop Swedberg and Eric Benzelius showed great favor to Vassenius. In 1727 the former procured for him the lectorship in Astronomy in Gothenburg. Bishop Swedberg wished him to become Lector at Skara, but he remained in Gothenburg until 1751 when he retired and settled in his birthplace (Skarstedt, p. 185).
To Professor Vallerius is presented my most dutiful greeting, as also to Sister Anna. Remaining
Highly honored d: Brother's
most faithful Brother and Servant
Eman : Swedberg
Brunsbo : Dec. 1717
While in Brunsbo, Emanuel received a letter from his father telling about his reception by the King in Lund, and his preaching in Malm. From Malm he had now returned to Lund, and was preparing for a disputation on his Schibboleth.5
5 The title of a book published by Bishop Swedberg in 1716, advocating the retention of the old Swedish inflections, and a reformation of Swedish spelling to conform with pronunciation, e. g., jag for jagh; gamla for gambla. The disputation on the book was held January 4, 1718. The later development of the language favored his spelling reform, but not the retention of the old inflections (26 Fryzell, 98).
Having for the time no professional occupation, Emanuel now devoted himself to literary work. First he set to work on that new system of numbering which had been suggested to him by the King. But, mindful of the inability of Swedish printers to supply the necessary new type, and of the difficulties of a system having its turning point at sixty-four, even though he had the King's own exposition of this system, he confined himself to a simpler system based on eight. This he worked out with new characters and illustrative applications in multiplication, division, etc., and so produced a small treatise to which he added a preface to the Reader. He hoped to have the work printed that he might present it to Charles XII in person. He also began the writing of a Swedish Algebra.
While he was yet at the very commencement of the latter work, he interrupted his literary labors to indite a letter to Benzelius dated JANUARY 7, 1718:
Highly honored d: Brother:
Enclosed I send something which I have had time to write up here at Brunsbo. It is a new system of numbers, which I got a line on when I was in Lund. His Majesty was right well pleased with a numbering of this kind, and himself made the characters, names and rules therefor; but that went up to 64 before there was any shift. I have 2 arks on this matter, written by himself, which shall become the Library's.1
1 These sheets, though later referred to by Swedberg as being in his possession, are now lost. See p. 463 and Misc. Observations, p. 116.
Since I now have time here at Brunsbo, I will write up something which shall be sent on, that I think will be pleasing to the publicum. I have something ready for two posts. If Mons. Vassenius would take on himself the trouble of looking after the proofreading, I ought to find opportunity to serve him in turn; opportunity may occur frequently.
D: Father is still in Lund. He is preparing to dispute his Schibboleth which has probably already been done. Sandell2 has got the Hemmora pastorate and a Samuel Hesselius is to journey in his stead.
2 Andreas Sandell (1671-1741), the father of Samuel Sandell (ennobled Sandels), a familiar friend of Swedenborg in his later years, who delivered the Eulogium over him after his death. Andreas Sandell returned from his pastorate in Wicaca (now Swedesboro, N. J.) in 1717 (Acrelius, p. 256).
D: Brother will please excuse the hastiness. There is something to be attended to at a fair. Meanwhile, I wish d: Brother a good blessed new year and much pleasure and gladness. Sister Anna and little Brother Eric are greeted, Remaining
Highly honored d: Brother's
most faithful Brother
Jan. 7, 1718 Eman : Swedberg
P.S. If anything in the preface is to be corrected, my Brother will kindly have the care thereof, and help me to hotter, now as before.
Something will indeed come of the Saltwork if selfishness does not rule too powerfully, which, it is to be regretted, is making some considerable beginning; I ward it off as much as I can. I think that I will entirely withdraw my hand therefrom so that the blame may not fall on me, in case it should go lamely and slowly. Meanwhile, I think it will not stand on any good footing unless C. Polhem is supported as much as he had thought. The salt may well turn out to be tolerably good like the Luneberg salt, quite serviceable for cooking purposes. More another time.
After writing the above, Emanuel completed his Regel Konst (literally, Rule-Art) being a small work on Algebra.3
3 This was the first book on the subject ever to be published in the Swedish language, and the first to introduce the differential calculus to Swedish readers. It was therefore necessary for the author to introduce new terms, e.g., circle-step (degree), water line (horizontal), touch line (tangent), throw-line (parabola). But although Swedberg's was the first published Swedish book on Algebra, there were earlier Swedish works, but in MS. only. The Regel Konst was published in 1717. In the following year, were printed Duhre's Lectures on Algebra, a work which was more systematic than the somewhat hastily written Regel Konst. For a very fair review of the latter, written in 1889, see Enestrm's Swedenborg ssom Matematiker in K. Vet. Akad. Handl. 15, afd. I. no. 12.
Meanwhile, he received letters both from his father and from Benzelius. The former told him of the disputation, in defence of Schibboleth. The letter is now lost, but its contents can be inferred from a letter which the Bishop sent to his friend and relative John Rosenadler, the Royal Censor Librorum, dated Brunsbo, February 28, 1718:
"With respect to the Schibboleth, I had foreseen the same criticism, especially from Vice-President Hjrne, who formerly was one with me in everything and we were mighty good friends and brothers; but only in the Jagh, migh, etc., and in the doubled vowels were we in disagreement, yet without the least ill will against each other. But I know all too well his disposition--that with ill-natured words and judgment he spares no one, whoever he may be, who does not make one with him. Thus I expected such criticism from him; .... But that in his work now being printed, he is mighty abusive against other honest men and especially against myself 4--this moves me somewhat; yet not so greatly, because this springs from his presumption which arrogates to himself wisdom and authority in all fields... Such has been his character, and such it remains. When his Majesty was so gracious as to command me to come forward with my Schibboleth in the hall of learning, and publicly to present it and submit it to the examination of the learned,5 all went well; but a theological professor began a very violent attack....
4 In his book opposing the Schibboleth, Hjrne made the grossest insinuations against Bishop Swedberg's honesty in his office as Bishop. See Tottie, Jrsp. Svedbergs Lif, II 237, cited below on p. 195.
5 The facts of the case, as given by the Bishop himself, are that when in audience with the King, he spoke of Hjrne's bitter attack on the Schibboleth, the King went into his room and produced Hjne's book Orthographia Suecana. The Bishop then offered to hold a public disputation in his own defence. To this the King consented and lent him Hjrne's book (Swedberg, Lefv. Beskrif., 568). The disputation was held Jan. 3, from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m. (Swedberg, Hedersfrsvr, p. 6).
6 In the course of his Schibboleth, Bishop Swedberg attacks the priests for buying their preferments, and the gentry for their insistence on being addressed with high sounding titles. See p. 169, note 8.
7 It seems strange that a man of Charles XII's hardihood, would be deterred from attending the disputation because of the cold, especially since it was his habit to attend all disputations (Carlsson, Gamla Lund, p. 52). The King undoubtedly held Bishop Swedberg, his father's favorite, in high respect, but the Bishop may have exaggerated the meaning of this respect. At any rate, this is indicated in the diary kept by the King's Chaplain, Rhyzelius, who writes under date of November 30, 1717: "Bishop Swedberg preached, at which the King was not well satisfied, and asked me the next morning, why the Bishop had preached. I said that he had not asked me about it, but had adduced his office and the King's command. Then said the King: He has authority to preach in his own diocese; and he added, He does not preach as well as he did before the late King, for he is now old. The same Bishop pushed himself forward in the Academy with a disputation on his Schibboleth, to defend it in a public disputation. But his royal Majesty did not attend and the disputation did not come off to the Bishop's honour and pleasure" (Helander, Rhyzelius, p. 81). But Rhyzelius himself may have been moved by jealousy.
8 The reference is to two specimen letters, written in the style of the time, full of high sounding titles, of varying orthography, and interspersed with Latin and French words--all of which Bishop Swedberg criticizes in detail; see Schibboleth, p. 441 seq.
It was probably the dispute of Hjrne with his father,* that led Emanuel to read the former's Acta Chemica Holmiensium, being an account of chemical experiments carried on by Hjrne at the Chemical Laboratory of the College of Mines. Emanuel did not think much of the work.
* An interesting account of this dispute is given in Wrangel 202-6.
The letter from Benzelius contained a request for further particulars as to the warm spring of which Emanuel had previously written. Such a spring (he added) was said to have been discovered in Sdermanland, and perhaps there were others in West Gothland. Benzelius also inquired as to how the sinking of the dam in Karlscrona had gone off.
In his reply, Emanuel encloses the MS. of his recently completed Regel Konst, with the intention of having the work printed in Upsala. This reply was received by Benzelius on January 14th, and was therefore sent from Brunsbo on JANUARY 11 or 12:
9 Whether the work had really been completed, or whether only a part of the MS. was sent to Benzelius, is not clear. What is known is, that as published in Upsala in 1718, while the title-page announced that it consisted of "ten books," the printed work contained only seven books. Moreover, it lacked the numerous figures referred to throughout the text.
Highly honored d: Brother:
Since I have had some moments leisure here in Brunsbo, I have composed a Regal Konst or an Algebra in Swedish, though I have hid at hand not a single book or helpful material. I have sought to present it with all possible ease and brevity; it is not likely to be more than 6 printed arks.1
1 The printed work fills eight and a half arks.
2 The title of Polhem's little work; see p. 83.
Can it be true that Bishop Gezelius3 received orders to nominate priests, etc., for his diocese? then the professors' offices are also vacant. In such case, the recommendations of the Councillor of Commerce and of some others should be of avail with the proper authorities.
3 Johan Gezelius (1647-1718) succeeded his father as Bishop in bo in 1690, but when the Russians took Finland in 1713, he fled to Sweden where he died. Early in 1718, steps were taken for making peace with Russia, and the return of Finland and the restoration of Gezelius' diocese was expected. In the Diet of 1714, however, Gezelius had opposed the warlike policy of Charles XII, and therefore he experienced the King's disfavor (28 Fryxell, 115-1G). Hence the note of surprise in Swedberg's question.
If there could be a delay in sending out the Contenta of the Daedalus, I greatly wish that something more mature come out first, which I have in view, if only there were time and quiet therefor. One part in the Daedalus has been done with too little reflection; this I wish to replace with something else.4
4 Daedalus VI had not yet been printed, nor was it printed until October. Swedberg, however, does not seem to have had time or inclination to replace the part that had been done "with too little reflection." Presumably the reference is to the brief sketch on human life as consisting of tremulations. In 1719, after the Daedalus had been given up, he rewrote this in greatly enlarged form, but half of the work is now lost. Both works were translated by Prof. C. Th. Odhner and published by the Mass. New Church Union, in 1899, under the title Tremulation.
I have had the pleasure of receiving two letters, one enclosed in d: Father's, the other sent with Magister Varolin;5 but the one sent with Gothenburg's carrier, I have not yet seen; I think he must have taken it with him farther on.
5 Nicol. Jonas Warolin (1702-1734) who, in 1719, became lector, and in 1725 professor of philosophy in Skara Gymnasium. He was ordained in 1727. At the time Swedberg wrote, he had come from Upsala to become instructor in the Skara gymnasium.
Of the salt spring in Srmanland [Sadermanland], I have heard nothing; would like further information thereof, especially whether there were woods around it. I know of two inland springs,6 and have seen and tested them; but aside from the fact that they are close to the sea, there are no woods whatever around them, nor any peat, and they are weak, namely, 2 lod of salt in one sklpund,7 that is, 2 lod in 32 lods of water--though those in Germany are no stronger either. The sea at Strmstad or in Bohuslan, when it is at its strongest, as in winter, is two-loded, that is, it holds 2 lods of salt in 32 lods of water. In Smland also I know of a salt spring, but there likewise there are no woods in the neighhorhood. I am waiting to hear something more of the one in Srmanland. I hope to get along well with the saltwork, if selfishness does not wish to have too strong a hand in it.
6 The reference is to inland salt springs which Swedberg had seen in Bohuslan.
7 The Swedish sklpund equals about 15 ounces.
As to the warm baths which are supposed to be found here in Westergyllen, there is no certainty about them. The circumstances were as follows: When I was traveling to Grlle, Gouv: Hrdz's8 estate, to carry out some business, I had a peasant with me, whom I asked concerning all kinds of springs, and among them concerning salt springs and concerning hot springs. He then said that a soldier living in the next parish had told him that a spring of hot water would be found in the neighborhood; it would be boiling hot. I offered as an objection that he likely meant some of those in foreign countries, when he answered that it would be found right there in the neighborhood; and this he had protested with the utmost assurance.
8 Carl Gustaf Hrd (1674-1744). He accompanied Charles XII in his European wars, when he received the appointment of General. In 1717 the King appointed him Governor of Skne.
As to the building in Carlscrona, this has not gone altogether according to expectation, yet one has no doubt but that what is aimed at will finally be attained--though with this there is some petty complaint.
D: Father has not yet come home; he is expected today or in the morning, when we shall hear a heap of news. He seems to have been well received by his Majesty; has eaten three times at his table, preached before him the second Sunday of advent,9 talked with him many times. He also preached in Malm when the people nearly pushed the church asunder. When he returned to Lund, he talked with the King and received orders to hold a disputation on his Schibboleth. Many have opposed this, but yet it took place, though how it came out is not yet known--well, I hope. The King had Hjrne's abusive writing against him, which d: Father got from the King as a loan. What shall one do with this Hjrne! Must he be allowed so shamelessly to attack one in person? Had he gone to the matter itself and explained it with reasons--but when he goes for the person, and this with words. I have read his Chymie through; find him there to be very little grounded in the things on which chymie should be built.10 But more another time.
9 November 30, 1717.
10 Swedberg would have had little difficulty in exposing the defects of this work; for, though Hjrne, in many respects, was in advance of his day, yet there were many crudities in his writings. Thus, in his Acta Chemica, published in 1712, he defines primitive salt as "that which is generated by the rays of the sun and moon, and is more intimately bound in with ...air, water, and subtle earth" (p. 54).
The utmost greeting to Sister Anna, remaining
highly honored d: Brother's
most faithful Brother and Servant
Brunsbo 1718 Eman: Swedberg
With plenty of leisure in the peaceful Brunsbo home, Emanuel had much time for reflection and writing. The attention that he had been paying to the establishment of saltworks, had turned him to the study of chemistry, and as the preliminary result of this study, he wrote a little treatise on round particles. This was undoubtedly the first outline of the theory, later developed in his Principles of Chemistry, and still later in his Principia, that all nature consists of round particles of varying degrees, and that the elements of nature have their origin in the different arrangement of the last of such particles and of the parts resulting from their being broken up. In writing it, Emanuel had actively in mind the idea of publishing it in Latin for the benefit of the learned world.
While engaged in this work, about January 18th or 19th, he received from his brother-in-law Benzelius an answer to his letter of January 7th, which somewhat disconcerted, him.11 Instead of showing any enthusiasm for the treatise on the new system of numbering, which Emanuel had enclosed with that letter, he discourages any thought of putting it into print. The adoption of such a system could only produce confusion in the reckoning of money and in the carrying on of business. Its author would gain no credit by its publication, but merely the reputation of loving to
put forth novelties, regardless of their practical use. Moreover, with the common people the publication might awaken the suspicion that there lay behind it some scheme for devaluing the coinage, something which bitter experience had taught them to dread.12
11 Benzelius's letter is lost, but its contents are gathered from Emanuel's answer.
12 In his New System of Reckoning, Swedberg speaks at length concerning the application of the system to the calculation of Swedish money.
Benzelius also informed Emanuel of the death, on January 12th, of Per Elfvius, the Professor of Astronomy, and pointed out that the vacancy thus created offered to Emanuel a chance of appointment as Professor Elfvius's successor. He had now made some name for himself, and already had excited envy, and here was an opportunity for him to enter into an honorable and permanent position--a position secure for life.
Finally he reminded Emanuel of some venison which appears to have been promised him, or which, perhaps, he had paid for.
Emanuel answered this letter immediately on its receipt, in a letter dated BRUNSBO, JANUARY 21, 1718:
With the post I had the honor of d: Brother's letter, and also concerning Prof. Elfvius's death; God give him peace and rest; I think his wish was also the same. As to what d: Brother was pleased to counsel me concerning Succession,1 I recognize my Brother's goodness and good-will from all my heart, and, just as I know none of my family has yet desired me such good as does my Brother in everything, so I know that the same good thoughts are present in this case also. My Brother's reasons therefor are quite good, though, on the other side, I also have reserved for myself other good reasons; such as: [1] That which I have is likewise an honorable position. 2. In this also I call be of use to the fatherland, and, in praxi [a practical way] more than in the other position. 3. To draw me from one Collegio [to another] which has not been my genius--; my genius is mechanics, and shall likewise be chymie [chemistry], and our Collegium is noted for having occupants who have little understanding of these subjects; and so, on my side, I will seek to offset this, and I hope that my genius therein will profit them as much as their genius in another subject. I also think that no one will have cause to judge me as unworthy. As to envy, this gives me more amusement than bother, for I have ever striven to be invidiosus [envied and in time should become more so. The only reason which would encourage me thereto2 would be the opportunity of being in my Brother's company, and also of enjoying one or two years quiet to get my thoughts on paper, a thing which I have a little difficulty with. But in no way will I solicit the consistorium and Rectorem thereon in writing, for then, should it come to nothing, I would have had the mortification of having made application for removal from a position of such honor, wherefrom, in time, I can gain greater good fortune than in one where I get the promise of remaining till my dying day; I should also have had the mortification declarera [of declaring] myself unworthy of the position I have. Therefore, if the Academie finds me useful therein, they are likely to do it without any prayer on my part; but if they do not find me useful, to that I am indifferent.
1 I. e., concerning Emanuel's becoming the successor of Professor Elfvius.
2. I.e., to taking the professorship.
As to what my Brother means by its being advisable to let it rest, namely, the publishing of the new system of numbering, for the reason mentioned, at first I did not understand my Brother's meaning; and because my inventa mathematica will be reckoned among noviteter [novelties], which the country cannot understandBto me, this was truly a little discouragement to follow up a thing I had in hand. I wish I had as many noviteter, yea, in re literaria, a novitet for each day of the year; then the world would find pleasure therein. In seculo [a century] there are enough of those who go in the beaten track to be in accord with that which is old; but perhaps there are 6 or 10 in a whole seculo who bring forth noviteter which are founded on reason and on another foundation.3 But I understood later, that what was meant was such novelties as concern our exchange in money and our business dealings--that here they will have another name. I myself know that I have not yet put forth anything that in the least degree has been a trouble to the country. The only thing I have pousseradt [pushed] has been in respect to the saltwork, which, I will maintain, would be more useful to the country than ally proposition in the world, and can be done better than people think, as one can see from the following: 1. The saltpans at Strmstad, over 30 in number, have been in use for now a hundred years; 2. which have made salt to advantage--one tun every 24 hours with a single cord of wood. 3. In good times, it has sold for 4-1/2, dalers k. m., and had some profit besides. 4. Bohusln and a part of Dahl4 avail themselves, both in the one and in the other, of no other salt. 5. There have also been saltworks in many places, as at Gulmarsberg, Count Ashenberg's estate, now laid waste by the enemy.5 6. Saltworks are an advantage in Scotland, and the country uses no other salt. The water there is like our water at Stramstad. 7. In Lyneburg6 and many other places in Germany are saltworks; their springs are weaker than our sea water.
3 Probably what is meant is enlightenment, or genius.
4 Dal or Dalsland, a province north of Bohusln. The southern part of Dal is near Uddevalla.
5 Gen. Major Count Christian Ludovic Ascheberg (1662-1722). The Ashenherg estate (in Bohusln) was laid waste by the Danes in the summer of 1771.
6 Lneburg.
7 This is a reference to his new mode of calculation.
8 Improbera, being the Latin improbo with a Swedish ending, means to disapprove, but the context requires the meaning approve. Swedberg probably meant to write approberadt.
I have 5 tractatulos [little treatises] which I should like to have out by spring. One, which I am now this day finishing, is on round particles; Dr. Roberg will likely find pleasure in it, since he is very subtle and delightful in all that concerns minima [minute things]. This I will send from rebro or Starbo whither I intend to go ill the morning in order to deal with some business in respect to the Skinskatteberg works; so, with earnest greetings to Sister Anna, I remain,
Highly honored d: Brother's
Brunsbo most devoted brother and Servant
21 January 1718 Eman: Swedberg
P. S. Would my Brother be so kind as to get pltar from the provincial treasury in return for my pltar, because I must use them for the printing. Were it not so, I would have held the plt to be worth more than 3 coin tokens or 9 dalers in current stivers.9
9 Prior to 1715, the plt (plural, plta) was stamped 6 dal. k.m. (= 2 dal. s.m.), but since the copper contained in the plt was sometimes worth more than 6 dal. k.m., therefore, in1715, it was stamped "9 dal. k.m." On Dec. 5, 1717, the King decreed that from March 1, 1718, the plt would be reduced to 6 dal. k.m. On Dec. 23, he decreed that until March 1, 1718, the plt could be exchanged at the provincial treasuries for 9 dal. k.m. in notes; but on Feb. 24, 1718, came a new decree forbidding the use of the old pltar until they had been restamped (Fryxel 28:68). It therefore devolved on Swedberg to turn in his old pltar which were large round copperplates, in exchange for the new square pltar stamped 6 dal. k.m.; and this before March 1 (Anecd. Benz. 657). The new coins, being intrinsically worthless than their stamped value, were not real money, but tokens.
P.S. D: Father has come home from his journey. He has a lot of things to tell about, and also a lot concerning the straight truth he there spoke out to the King.
As regards the venison, d: Father at once sent a messenger to Governor Fock10 concerning one that had been promised; this, d: Morchius11 will send on to Upsala by the first messenger.
10 Col. Gustaf Fock (d. 1725) who, in May 1716, had been appointed by Charles XII Governor of Elvsborgsln, which included Dalsland and the southern and western portion of West Gothland including the city of Vennersborg (Nordberg, Karl den XII, vol. 11 P. 603; Fryxell 28:110).
11 Probably a pet name for Doctor Moraeus, Emanuel's uncle and his childhood's tutor. Doctor Moraeus was the city physician of Skara, and made his home with Bishop Swedberg.
After posting the above letter, Swedberg set out on Wednesday, January twenty-second, via rebro and Skinnskatteberg to Starbo where he arrived a few days later. At Skinnskatteberg was an iron furnace and forge, of which Emanuel was part owner, and it was in connection with this property that he was visiting Starbo, there to consult with his brother-in-law Lars Benzelius and Doctor Rudbeck, as to its disposal.
This important property, with its accompanying woods and meadows was left by Albrecht de Behm, the wealthy mine owner, to his daughters Anna Margareta (married Peter Schnstrm, Jesper Swedberg's older brother), Sarah (Emanuel's mother), and Catharine (m. Peter Aroselius). By 1693, all these daughters and their husbands had died, with the exception of Jesper Swedberg. The latter then took charge of the property on his own account and in trust for the Schnstrm and Aroselius heirs. In consequence of having drawn upon the income over and above his own share, he was threatened by the heirs with a lawsuit, but he appears to have settled the matter in Part by transferring to them other property. At any rate, Skinnskatteberg was now the property of Olof Rudbeck, Jr. (m. Peter Schnstrm's daughter, who was Emanuel's cousin) representing the Schnstrm and Aroselius family, and Jesper Swedberg representing the Swedberg family.
12 See Nya Kyrkans Tidning for 1927, Mai-Juni, p. 58, and Nov.--Dec. p. 116; and I Documents, 83-87.
13 1 Doc. 373.
On his arrival at Starbo, Swedberg found awaiting him a letter from Eric Benzelius, wherein the latter informs him that his Algebra had gone to press. Benzelius appears also to have again raised the question that Emanuel apply to Upsala University for the professorship left vacant by the death of Professor Elfvius. Swedberg answered with a letter dated STARBO, JAN. 30, 1718:
Highly honored d: Brother:
I am sending over some Novieter in Physics on air- and water-particles, showing them to be round, which will likely be contrary to the philosophy of many; but since I build it on evidence and geometry, I hope none will reasonably deny it. The prejudgment one has acquired from Cartesius and others will likely cause the most trouble and objection. Doctor Roberg, who is himself subtle in all that is minute and subtle, can best judge concerning it.l If my Brother will be pleased to hand it to him, I should like to hear his judgment. If Professor Vallerius would lay aside a little his own and his father's Cartesium, his judgment also would be a great pleasure to me. This is a subject which I have had in view to bring out in a large book, as the learned in foreign lands do with their speculations; but since here one has not the facilities for so large a publication, the mouth must adapt itself to the foodsack; [so] I bring forward only the most general views.
1 Lars Roberg (1664-1742), professor of anatomy and medicine, was an exceedingly able man. His lectures dealt with "the nature of the human body and of the phenomena and courses of the principal bodies of the visible world so far as a knowledge of them throws light on the animal economy."
2 The reference is perhaps to the article on Cubes, Cylinders and Spheres which appeared in No. V of the Daedalus.
3 See p. 152.
As regards a profession in Upsala, I expressed my thoughts thereon from Brunsbo. My Brother will please receive them favorably. I hope to be able to be of such great use in that which is entrusted to me, and also of such great use and benefit to myself, seeing that I now have a step to further advancement, which I do not have any expectation of at Upsala; nor do I think that his Majesty would have me leave my position. As concerns the Collegium,4 I shall, with all diligence, make myself at home in mechanicis, physicis, and chymicis; at least, I shall seek to obtain a good foundation in all these, for I hope in time that there will be no reason to reproach me with being entirely unworthy of coming in, though I have no desire to be called legisconsultissimus [an expert].
4 Swedberg is here referring to the College of Mines. In his letter of Jan. 21 (p. 174), he notes that the Assessors of that College knew little of mechanics and chemistry.
I had intended the New Reckoning for the learned. I hope that my Brother will order it to be printed. I take all responsibility on myself, and warrant that no such publication will be forbidden. In respect to laws, war, and taxes, the King has free disposition; but in respect to words, language, and reckoning, none at all. One has, indeed, cause to be weary at all the noviteter [novelties] which are going on. God grant that such had not been the case in the coinage, etc., but only in the reckoning in connection with the coinage; with this, the country would have been better off. Ah! Lord God, what kind of an order has come out in regard to post horses5; the like is unheard of.
5 The ordinance referred to transferred all postal duties to innkeepers, upon whom fell the conveyance of letters and parcels and also the supplying of horses and carriages for travelers. The result was a great increase in price for both letters and travelers, and universal protest on the part of the public. See Fryxell 27: 51.
6 4-1/2 bushels.
7 Namely, the driver.
8 The Swedish mile was, at this time, equal to 6.64 English miles.
I arrived here in Starbo in the evening; found no one at home. Brother Lars and sister Hedwig are at the fair. I came here to have a conference about the Skinskatteberg forge which the syskon9 are thinking of releasing to a man named Jonas Ahlgren for 32,000 dalers k.m., with the stipulation that he pay 6,000 dalers a year, an agreement I also will enter into since iron has a fixed price of 32 dalers a skeppund.10 If I do not find money from the works, I shall seek it where I can.
9 Namely, my brothers and sisters.
10 In 1717, the King gave the Upphandlings Deputation, dominated by Goertz, power arbitrarily to fix and change the price (in the unsteady Swedish money) of iron and other mine products; and on December 30 of the same year, he issued an order intended to compel mine owners to sell to the government at the fixed price, the intention being that the government would sell abroad for gold. See Fryxell 28: 85-88.
Sister Anna is greeted a thousandfold.
Remaining
highly honored and d: Brother's
most faithful Brother
E. S.
Starbo, Jan. 30, 1718
P.S. Morchius sent a messenger to Wennersborg to fetch a deer which had been promised by the Governor there, which also shall be forwarded by messenger for my Brother's use.
I had thought of sending this off by the earlier post, but was prevented; and, meanwhile, Doctor Rudbeck has arrived here, which gives me the opportunity of sending it over.
11 Nils Hasselbom (1690-1764) born in Kleva some ten miles north of Skara, after studying in Skara Gymnasium, was entered in 1712 as student in Upsala. In 1724 he became professor of Mathematics in bo.
During his stay in Starbo, Emanuel busied himself with completing his treatise on Finding the Longitude, which he had commenced at Karlskrona at the end of 1716, with the view of publishing it as a separate treatise; seep. 139.
Meanwhile, Polhem had continued his efforts to get authorization for the building of the Gothenburg Canal. It will be recalled that after the failure of the "sluice Guild" owing to lack of subscribers, Polhem, in October 1717, had addressed a new memorial to the King, proposing that the King himself defray the cost of building part of the canal at Karlsgraf as an experimental project, to demonstrate the feasibility of the whole project (see p. 163) As a result of this Memorial, the King called upon Polhem to submit an estimate of the cost of such building. His Majesty was favorable to the project, and in December 1717 commanded Polhem to come to Lund for further conference. The result of this personal conference was the Royal approval of a plan far exceeding Polhem's expectations, for it contemplated the building, not of a single lock, but of the whole canal from Gothenburg to Norrkping, from which place there was a natural waterway to Stockholm.l2 This plan was contained in a Royal Ordinance, dated Lund, Jan. 16,
1718, wherein the King promised a grant of 40,000 d. s.m. yearly for five years when the canal was to be completed. Polhem himself was to be paid 5 d. s.m. per day, and in addition was to receive large bonuses each year on the completion of the work designated for that year.13
12 The present canal runs somewhat south of Norrkping, through Sderkping, where also is a natural waterway to Stockholm.
13 Bring, Trollhtten, pp. 68 and 329.
After receiving this Ordinance or Contract, Polhem at once wrote to Emanuel, urging him to hasten to Vennersborg, in order to commence work there as his chief assistant. He also informed Emanuel that, in the course of his conversation with the King, in the early part of January, the latter had expressed surprise and, indeed, some displeasure, that Swedberg had not continued his publication of the Daedalus Hyperboreus No V; the last issue had appeared on April 1, 1717.
The same day that he received this letter, Emanuel wrote to Benzelius in the EARLY PART OF FEBRUARY:
Highly honored d: Brother:
By brother Rudbeck I am sending something new in Physicis, I do not know whether it will arrive before this.1 It treats of round and minute particles, or of air and water, and I think will be enjoyed abroad. I have still one or two other things, and among them a more detailed exposition of the method of finding Longitudinem Locorum in which I have acquired more and more facility.
1 It appears that Dr. Rudbeck did not intend to go direct from Starbo to Upsala.
To-day I got a letter from the Herr Councillor of Commerce from Wennersborg, who is urgent and insistent that I shall go there. He has got the decree that the sluicework is to be built, and navigation instituted between the Baltic and the North Sea by way of Vener and Vetter to Norkping at his Majesty's own cost. With this, one is likely to have a great amount of work. But I am under the necessity of remaining here two weeks more; and then, with my Brother's kind leave, I am thinking of going as quickly as possible to Upsala to push forward the printing of what I have in hand.2 The Councillor of Commerce writes that the King is wondering about my not going on with the Daedalus now as before, and has entertained unfavorable thoughts thereon. I should much like to take down with me something which falls in with the King's liking. Let nothing interfere with my new way of reckoning; it may be very useful for those who will use it. The responsibility I take upon myself.
2 Namely, the Swedish tract on Finding the Longitude.
I will set down some points on which I ask for my Brother's counsel and answer, when I come to Upsala.
1. I am thinking of dedicating the treatise which Doctor Rudbeck is taking with him, to Abbe Bignon abroad, and the other on the Longitudine to Edmund Halley of Oxford, who also has done some work in this field.3
3 The first of the works here referred to was not then printed, but some years later was translated into Latin and included in Swedenborg's Chemistry, printed in Amsterdam in 1721. The second was printed in Upsala in February or April 1718, and was dedicated to the English Astronomer, Edmund Halley. It may be noted that Doctor Halley, as Savillian professor of Astronomy at Oxford, was a member of the British Committee entrusted with the duty of awarding the large sum of money offered to the discoverer of a method of finding the longitude at sea.
2. That this be done in pure Swedish, and that I then translate the one together with the other and so send it over;4 for I hope it will secure someone's favor.
4 i.e., over to France and England, respectively.
3. Whether in place of Elfvius's profession, another could be established in the Swedish language.
4. Whether Magister Unge5 could thereby receive some advancement; more of this another time; I am prevented from writing further.
5 Emanuel's brother-in-law.
Remaining
highly honored d: Brother's
most faithful Brother and Servant
Em. Sw.
Starbo. 1718
Feb.
Owing to the negotiations respecting the proposed sale of the Swedberg shares in the Skinnskatteberg property, Swedberg was obliged to remain in Starbo for some time after the writing of the above letter; but toward the end of February, he was able to pay a hurried visit to Upsala. Here he read the proof sheets of his Algebra, so far as it had been printed--it appears that the student Hasselbom had not taken on this work--and gave to the press, his method of finding the Longitude.
From Upsala, Emanuel went to his home in Brunsbo, and from there, early in March, he proceeded to Vennersborg, there to commence work as Polhem's assistant in carrying out the first year's construction of the projected canal to Norrkping.
6 The present Gothenburg Canal runs somewhat north of Karlsgraf.
While Polhem had been given the disposition of 40,000 d. s.m. for the expenses of the work for the first year, including salaries, the money was held by the Upphandlings Deputation, which had general oversight of the undertaking; and, owing to the depleted state of the treasury, it was not always easy to obtain it. At any rate, whether or not a salary was promised by Polhem to his chief assistant, the fact was, the latter not only received no salary at this time, but, in addition, had to defray the cost of his own maintenance at Vennersborg.
His special work at Karlsgraf consisted in overseeing the construction of the lock at Brinkeberg. For all previous canal building undertaken by Sweden, builders from Holland had been called in to design and supervise the work. But now, for the first time, the ingenuity and mechanical inventiveness of the "Swedish Archimedes," as Swedberg called Polhem,7 was able to dispense with all foreign help. The lock was constructed on new lines. Its gates were to he opened by power supplied by a water wheel, and the lock itself, constructed of heavy timber carefully guarded against rot, was built in such fashion that any piece of timber could be taken out and replaced without displacing or injuring any other part.
7 Daedalus Hyperboreus, VI, p. 1.
The greatest trouble encountered in the work was the lack of man power. Nearly all the able-bodied men had been drafted into the army, and Polhem was dependent on the peasants and farmers in the neighborhood; and since these frequently absented themselves in order to work on their own land, the work had frequently to be carried on by old men and even by women. Polhem was indeed promised the help of the many Russian prisoners of war who were then in Sweden, but whether this promise was ever fulfilled is unknown.8
8 Bring, Trollhtten, 70, 71.
Early in April, the work was inspected by Baron Goertz,9 the all-dominating spirit of Swedish undertakings, and the head of the Upphandlings Deputation Goertz had been in consultation with the King at Stramstad, preparatory to his journeying to the island of Aland as one of the two Swedish plenipotentiaries to the peace conference there to be held with the plenipotentiaries of Peter the Great. His visit to Vennersborg was with a view to inspecting the progress of the canal work; and during this inspection he was naturally accompanied by Swedberg.
9 Georg Henrik v. Grtz, Count v. Schlitz (1688-1719), coming into disfavor at the court of the Duke of Holstein, whom he had served for many years, introduced himself to Charles XII after the latter's return from Turkey in 1715, and such was his genius and resourcefulness, that within a year he became the King's most powerful representative in all diplomatic matters, and was also given practically despotic power over all inland affairs. The debasement of the coinage, the ever new regulations for increased taxation, and enlarged conscriptions, etc., were all due to his fertile imagination and resourcefulness. As a consequence, he was thoroughly hated throughout the land, though not altogether justly, since what he did was in the service of a king who was acknowledged by all as having absolute power, and to whom he was a faithful servant. After the King's death, the new government, which was actuated by a spirit of reaction against royal absolutism, tried him for treason against the country. The Commission that conducted the trial, was so manifestly prejudiced that his condemnation was assured from the very beginning. He was beheaded in Stockholm on February 19, 1719, two and a half months after the death of that King, under whom he had been the most powerful man in Sweden. By some Swedish writers, he is regarded as a martyr, because his only fault was that he was faithful to a despotic king. (See Lindeberg, Goertz, Ett offer fr envldet.) By others his execution is regarded as being in accordance with the English practice of holding a minister responsible for the acts of his king.
Early in May, Baron Goertz, when on his way to land, made a second visit to Vennersborg, but this time with the object of meeting the French Ambassador Louis Pierre Englebert, Count de la Marck, who had come up from Lund for this special purpose. The purpose of his meeting with the French Ambassador was a discussion with regard to the French attitude to the proposed reconciliation with Russia.10
10 Bring, Karl XII, 438.
Meanwhile, Emanuel had received from Upsala copies of his newly published Algebra and Attempt to find the Longitude.
* This is not correct since both warrants clearly designate Swedenborg as Assessor Extraordinarius. See p. 137.
Emanuel was particularly gratified at having these two works in his possession, for on May fourteenth, shortly after Goertz' departure for Aland, the King himself came to Vennersborg, on his way to Lund, to make an inspection of the Karlsgraf lock,11 and Emanuel was glad to have some literary work to show his hero, especially since, although due in July 1717, No. VI of the Daedalus had still not made its appearance.
11 Nordberg, Karl den XII, II, 666; Helander, Rhyzelii Anteckningar 83.
Being in charge of the building of the lock at Brinkeberg, Swedberg saw much of the King during the latter's tour of inspection, which included also a visit to the Trollhtten falls. He did not, indeed, make bold to present him with the recently published works, but he was careful to see that copies of them were laid on the table in his room; and subsequently he had the satisfaction of learning that the King had read them "a good while." There was no opportunity, however, to discuss their contents with his Majesty, as the latter left for Lund early in the morning of May sixteenth. Possibly he again had an opportunity of talking with the King on the latter's return from Lund.
At the END OF JUNE, Swedberg again wrote to his brother-in-law:
Highly honored d: Brother:
I am observing a somewhat long interval before writing to d: Brother. The delay fits in with the distance and the augmented rise in the postage, yet I hope my Brother's confidence still remains as before. We are daily occupied with the first lock in bringing it to completion, which, however, cannot likely be done before Michaelmas.1
1 Namely, September 29.
2 Swedberg is somewhat premature in this account of the cheapness of the work, for the total cost of the Karlsgraf work was over 22,000 d. s.m., instead of the 6,000 d. s.m. estimated by Polhem. See Bring, Chr. Polhem, pp. 200 and 203.
It seems to me that the trouble of further promoting Mathesis receives little reward, both because of the lack of money to advance therein as far as one ought, and likewise because of the jealousy which so strongly prevails against those who exert themselves in any matter more than others; when a country in general leans toward a state of barbarism, it is likely to be vain for one or two persons to hold it up.
Baron Goeurtz has traveled through here twice. He has likewise inspected the construction of the sluice, he being the head of this work. On his return journey, the French Ambassador met him and had two days conversation with him; then, when the one went to land, the other betook himself to his previous home station in Lund. By his Suite, one or two persons in the town were assured of peace in a short time--that we have better terms and conditions to expect than we had supposed. O utinam ne sub melle lateat ...3
3 If only under the honey there lies not concealed-
His Majesty also inspected Trollhttan, and I had the favor of talking much with him.
4 Algebra and Attempt to find the Longitude.
Here in the surrounding neighborhood wonderful things are told about us; among others is also this: That we stopped up Trollhettan5 at the moment the King was there--such is the confidence the people here have in art.
5 That is, Trollhtten Falls.
How is Professor Vallerius now? God grant that I hear of his health and good condition. Sister Anna is greeted a thousandfold, likewise Count Mrner and also little Brother Eric. I remain
highly honored d: Brother's
most faithful Servant and Brother
Wenersborg, 17186 Em: Swedberg
6 The letter is marked by Benzelius "Junio Vergente" (at the end of June).
The King left Lund for Strmstad on June eleventh, and perhaps again visited the work at Karlsgraf.7 At any rate, his attention had been called to Swedberg's work, and in some way also to the fact that he was receiving no pay for that work; for on his return to Strmstad, his Majesty issued an order to the Upphandlings Deputation, dated June 1718: "Inasmuch as we have graciously willed to afford Assessor Swedberg8 3 d. s.m. a day, for support so long as he remains at the sluice work and is assistant to Councillor of Commerce Polhem; therefore, it is now our gracious command that, from the means appropriated to the sluicework, you allow him actually to enjoy such support."
7 Helander, Rhyzelii Anteck., p. 85.
8It may be noted that the King styles Swedberg "Assessor" not "Assessor Extraord."
Although this order was given, it had no effect, nor did Emanuel know of its existence until more than a month later. Then, on August third, probably in answer to his own inquiry, he received a letter from one of the King's Secretaries, Bernard Cederholm, enclosing a copy of the King's order, and also, as it appears, informing him that at Baron Goertz' request the King had granted him free board at Vennersborg.
Geheim Rd and Chief Marshall.1
1 These were Goertz' titles in the Holstein service. He had no official position in Sweden.
On the occasion of your Excellency's last return to Wennersborg, I neglected to pay my most humble attendance; but since none of us at Carlsgraf had knowledge thereof until after your Excellency had already departed, my duty now demands that I wait upon your Excellency in humility, and, at the same time, offer humble thanks for his gracious recommendation to his Majesty in respect to my receiving hoard at the sluicework. By the last post, Herr Secretary Cederholm communicated to me a copy of his Majesty's most gracious resolution; and it is now my further most humble request that your Excellency will be pleased to allow met, make use of the means which have been appropriated thereto, that I may avoid making application therefor to the right worshipful Royal Deputation; which will still further bind me constantly to be in every matter,
the high and well-born Herr Baron's
your Excellency's
most humble servant
Emanuel Swedberg
Wennersborg
August 4, 1718
P.S. If your Excellency so desires, I will from time to time send a drawing or plan of the work at the sluice, that your Excellency may see how quickly it is carried on to your Excellency's pleasure.
On the same day he wrote to the Upphandlings Deputation:
The High and Well-born Herr Baron
Geheim Rd and Chief Marshall
And
the Well-born Gentlemen, Members of
Royal Uphandlings Deputation.
Since his Royal Majesty has been pleased graciously to afford me support at the sluicework, my duty demands that I come before the Right Worshipful Royal Deputation in humility, and most humbly request that it be granted me to enjoy the said support from the means appropriated for the sluicework. I submit myself to the Right Worshipful Royal Deputation's gracious pleasure, and with the deepest respect, remain
the High and Well-born Herr Baron's
and
the Well-born Deputies'
most humble and obedient servant
Wennersborg Emanuel Swedberg
August 4, 1718
[Annotation by the Secretary of the Deputation]:
On this matter, answer has gone to Polhem, and the King's letter for Swedberg is delivered to Ecklef. 22 September, 1718.
Presumably, Swedberg received the board promised him, but whether or not he received his salary of 3 d. s.m. per day, is not quite certain. In his next letter, he does indeed say that he will receive this salary, but, on July 9, 1720, in a letter to the successor of Charles XII, he writes that he had worked with Polhem for three years "at my own expense" (p. 240). If, however, Swedberg did actually receive a salary at this time, such salary would have been the first money he had ever earned; for, up to this time, his support had come either from his father or from his share in the mining property left him b his mother, and from his enjoyment of the Starbo income, the use of which had been given him by his stepmother.
While Swedberg was busily occupied with his work on the Karlsgraf lock, a Colonel Engelbert came from the Royal camp to Vennersborg, having been sent there by General Ducker, one of the King's ablest and most trusted officers,* to consult Polhem as to the best means to be used for the conveyance of a brigantine and other war vessels over land from Strmstad to Iddefjord (a distance of 16 miles), where they were to be used for the attack on the Norwegian fort at Fredrikshall. To reach Fredrikshall by sea was impossible, owing to the Danish blockade. Stores and munitions must, therefore, be conveyed over land, and the King had conceived the idea of transporting ships also, these being indispensable to the attack.
* Dcker was in command of the army under Charles XII.
Emanuel left for Strmstad in the middle of July, and at once set to work. After several days' labor, the brigantine was brought up to a certain point, where difficulties were encountered which seemed insuperable. These could be met only by cutting new timber wherewith to strengthen the roadbed, and by preparing larger and stronger rollers. Moreover, the five hundred soldiers who had been laboring at this work were found to be insufficient, and request was made to increase the force to eight hundred.2
2 Karolinska Frbundets rbok, 1920, pp. 170-71.
While these preparations were going on, Swedberg returned to Vennersborg to resume his canal work, but he went back in the latter part of August, again to advise on the. work of transporting the ships.3
3 As to Swedberg's connection with this transport work, see NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1926, p. 6 seq.
During these visits, he associated with the high officers of the army, all straining every nerve in preparation for the attack on Norway. Among them he also met Count Mrner,4 the Governor General of the Gothenburg, Holland, and Bohus Territory, who received him with great kindness. But what most greatly pleased him was the special favor shown him by the King, who was in constant attendance at the actual work of transportation, cheering the laboring soldiers, and encouraging their efforts, and with whom he talked many times.
4 Carl Gustaf Mrner (1658-1721) served as a soldier under both Charles XI and his son Charles XII. He rose from the ranks, until in 1716 he was appointed Governor, and in 1717, field marshal.
His second visit to Strmstad witnessed the final stages of the laborious work of transporting the brigantine and the other vessels over land to Iddefjord. On September second, the last of these vessels had arrived at the latter place, and were soon engaged in combat against the Danes; and, if we are to believe local tradition, "Charles XII, the Duke of Holstein [Charles' nephew], Swedberg, and the general staff, stood at Hllesmrk and, from a hill, followed the changing fortunes of the battle, not without distress as to the outcome which would be decisive for the whole northern campaign."5
5 Svensk Dagbladet for April 8, 1905, in an article "Emanuel Swedenborg som Ingenir" by Bohusiensis. (New Philosophy, 1926, p. 12)
While in Strmstad, during this second visit, Swedberg received a letter from Benzelius, which had been forwarded from Vennersborg, wherein he was asked if he could provide an opening at the Canal work for Benzelius' nephew, Erik Esberg. His answer was written after his return to Vennersborg, in a letter dated SEPTEMBER 14, 1718:
Highly honored d: Brother'
I received d: Brother's welcome letter at Strmstad after it had sought me now in Wenersborg and now in Strmstad, and therefore I could not answer it earlier. I have been in Strmstad twice, and think I shall soon go there still another time. Have found his Majesty very gracious to me, and more so than I could suppose, which to me is a bonum omen. Count Marner has likewise shown me all the favor I could ever wish.
Every day I had mathematical subjects to the fore with the King, who takes pleasure in such things. When the eclipse took place,1 I took his Majesty outside to see it, and reasonerade much concerning it. This was only an entree. I hope, in time, to achieve something in that quarter for the advancement of Mathesis, being unwilling to ask for anything at this time, which might seem new.2
1 This was an eclipse of the moon, which took place on August 29 (O.S.) 1718, at 9 p.m.
2 Swedberg is referring to his unwillingness to take advantage of his talks with the King by advocating the building of an astronomical observatory.
As to my Daedalus Hyperboreus, his Majesty was quite critical that I have not since followed it up, but I pleaded lack of means, a thing he does not willingly wish to hear about; hope to get help for it as soon as possible.
With regard to Herr Esberg,3 I shall see to it that he will be employed at the sluicework, but this is not likely to be before the beginning of Spring; if, meanwhile, he learns his Mathesis well, and makes a beginning at constructing models, it would probably help him.
3 The reference is probably to Eric Esberg, the older of Eric Benzelius' two nephews. The Bergskollegium had appointed him assistant to Lars Benzelius who had charge of the Starbo district (see p. 85, note 1). The appointment was made in 1718, but in what month is not known. Probably it was in or after October, when it became evident that he could not get work on the Canal Project until at earliest the Spring of 1719.
I wish little Brother Eric were grown up. I think that next Spring, if all continues in shape as at present, I shall myself begin upon a luck, and have my own command, so that I shall likely be able to serve one person or another. At the sluicework, I shall receive no more than 3 d.s.m. a day; hope soon to get more.
Polhem's oldest daughter is betrothed to the King's Hofjunkare [Court Carver], who is named Mannerstram;4 I wonder what people will say about it, since it is my post.5 His second daughter [Emerentia] is, in my opinion, much prettier.6
4 Martin Ludwig Manderstrm (1691-1780). He waited upon Charles XII during his stay in Turkey, and afterwards, from his return to Stralsund to the day of his death. He remained in office as a court official during the reigns of the next three kings of Sweden, rising, finally, to the position of general court manager.
5 Owing to a mistranslation (1 Doc. 303), it has been supposed that Emanuel was betrothed to Polhem's oldest daughter Maria. It is probable that this had been Polhem's desire, but there is no indication that it was Emanuel's--indeed, rather the opposite. The poet Atterbom, who published part of the correspondence between Swedberg and Benzelius in the Upsala Journal, Lsning fr Bildning for 1818, notes here: "With the desire still further to unite his two learned and mechanically skillful friends by a still closer bond, Charles XII wished to make Swedberg Polhem's son-in-law. Polhem had no objection to this, but the girl was restrained by another inclination. The oldest daughter seems to have been the one whom it was desired should marry Swedberg." The authority for Atterbom's statement is General Tuxen who, in a letter to Anders v. Hpken, describes a conversation he had with Swedenborg in 1770: To a question as to whether he had ever been married, Swedenborg answered: "No, but that once in his youth he had been on the road to matrimony, King Charles XII having recommended the famous Polhem to give him his daughter. On my asking what obstacle had prevented it, he replied, 'She would not have me as she had promised herself to another person to whom she was more attached'" (2 Doc. 437). It would appear, therefore, that Polhem's daughter Maria was already betrothed.
6 This statement, uttered offhand, as it were, contradicts the oft-repeated assertion that Swedberg was engaged to Emerentia Polhem (see I Doc. 50)--an assertion which was made for the first time in 1789, and without any supporting evidence.
How is Professor Vallerius thriving? it would be very pleasant to me to know of his health and well-being.7
most faithful brother and servant
Eman. Swedberg
Wennersborg
September 14, 1718.
7 Johan Valerius, Professor of Mathematics in Upsala, had died August 25th, at the age of 41 (Annerstedt, Ups. Univ. Hist. II. 2. 78). He was not a professor when Emanuel attended the University.
The work at Karlsgraf was not proceeding as rapidly as had been expected, owing to many difficulties, not the least of which was the scarcity of labor, a scarcity which was greatly aggravated by the peasants' stopping work to attend to their farms. With a view to removing these difficulties, if possible, Swedberg, on September 15, addressed a Memorial to Baron Goertz (see Appendix):
Humble Memorial concerning the speedier carrying on of the Sluicework.*
* This Memorial of September 15 was enclosed in a letter dated Karlsgraf, September 15, 1718, written by Polhem to Baron Goertz. Polhem there complains of the difficulty in procuring charcoal for the smelteries. Plenty of suitable wood was found at Hunneberg, but the peasants there refused to sell their charcoal at a reasonable price--the price at other places had risen fivefold. Polhem therefore asks that the King allow the Hunneberg peasants to pay their taxes in charcoal to be delivered to the sluice works in Karlsgraf. This was granted by the King on September 22.
1 An unsteady supply of workpeople has been the greatest hindrance. If in its place, a steady supply of people is allotted, the work would go on more speedily.
2 But since the peasants are our best carpenters, they also are seen to be necessary; therefore, if the crown servants would be ordered to cultivate their land and fields for pay, during the time when this is necessary, one will obtain steady workpeople from them also.
3 The procuring of timber has also delayed the work; if it should be graciously permitted, to choose therefor from the supply of timber that is withdrawn from Trollhetten, which is paid for according to the market prices in Gothenburg, this also would speed the work.
4 If his Majesty would graciously command me to give to his Excellency Baron Goertz, and his Majesty's Chancery, weekly or monthly reports of the work, as to how it is progressing, greater care would likely be taken as to its speeding up.
4[a] If next year,* the Councillor of Commerce Polhem could be persuaded, that the work should also be taken up at some other place, such as that between [Lalies] Venner and Vetter; the one work would then speed forward the other.
* i.e. in the Spring of 1719. The royal contract stipulated that the work at Trollhtten, and between lakes Venner and Vetter, was to be done in the second and third year.
As to whether this Memorial had any effect, this is not known. A day or two after despatching it, Swedberg obtained leave of absence, and went to his father's home in Brunsbo. He had evidently been influenced by the King's reproaches as to the Daedalus Hyperboreus; for, after arriving at Brunsbo, he immediately applied himself to the writing of articles for No. VI of that journal. Since he had not received from the King any offer of financial help, and certainly had not ventured to ask for it, his ambition now stopped short of all edition in Swedish and Latin, and he decided perforce to revert to his former practice of issuing a small Swedish number of sixteen pages, instead of the ambitious forty pages of No. V. Moreover, in order that the work may come out at once, he entrusted the printing to the Skara printshop, instead of sending it to the Academy printshop in Upsala. He had the satisfaction of seeing the work in print before he left, and also of sending a copy to the King at Strmstad.
During his stay at Brunsbo, he had naturally heard much said about the scurrilous attacks made by Urban Hjrne against Bishop Swedberg. The first part of Hjrne's book Orthographia Suecana, consisting of 152 quarto pages directed against the spelling reform advocated in Bishop Swedberg's Schibboleth, had been loaned to the Bishop by the King at the time of the former's visit in Lund during the Christmas season of 1717l but by now the Bishop had doubtless obtained a copy of the book for himself. He was naturally indignant at the personalities in which Hjrne indulged. Thus, the Bishop was accused of making it a custom to force his presence at the funerals of deceased priests, that he himself might officiate, with the result that the poor local ministers would be deprived of their scanty fees.1 Moreover, in the course of his book, he calls the Bishop "light-minded," "a reading blackguard and paper waster," "a reckless assaulter" who ought "to be rapped on the fingers," etc. He does not, indeed, mention Swedberg's name throughout the whole of his book, referring to him always as "Eusebius"; but this itself must have hurt the old Bishop.2
1 Tottie, Jesper Swedberg, II. 237.
2 von Beskow Minne fver U. Hjrne, p. 56
In August, Bishop Swedberg had already written a refutation and defence which he entitled "A Just Defence of Honor against V. President Urban Hjrne's thoughtless writing against my Schibboleth." This was in two parts, the first being a defence against Hjarne's slanders, and the second a refutation of his arguments. Both parts were sent in MS. to Eric Benzelius, but in a letter of September 2, 1718, to his nephew-in-law, John Uppmark, the erstwhile Skyttian professor at Upsala but now stationed in Stockholm as Censor Librorum,3 Bishop Swedberg wrote that, for the present, he wished only to print the second part, reserving the first until Hjrne's whole work had been printed.4 In this letter, the Bishop says:5 "As my Brother can judge with reason, I am compelled to defend my honor against the insults poured out against me by V. President Hjrne."
3 Johan Uppmark (1664-1745), together with many others, including Emanuel Swedberg, was ennobled in 1719, when he took the name Rosenadler. He had married Emanuel's cousin, Eva Schwede, the daughter of Brita Behm, Bishop Swedberg's sister-in-law.
4 In his printed 152 pages, Hjrne promised that the work would be continued "in case it is not forbidden by the Chancery College" (v. Beskow Minne fver Urban Hjrne, p. 49); its publication, however, was forbidden.
5 See I Doc. 160-62.
After Uppmark had seen the first or personal part of the Bishop's answer, he protested somewhat against it; for in a letter dated October 3, Bishop Swedberg admits that "here and there something may have been answered too harshly. But (he adds), when one considers how shamelessly he has attacked my honor, no one can wonder that I use a sharp pen. Can not a grammaticus [grammarian] express his thoughts on orthography without any defamation, but that another must, for this reason, make an attack on his honor? And I hope that Herr Brother is so just as not to permit him to issue such things from the press as he did previously." At the same time, the Bishop's indignation seems not to have been characterized by personal animosity, for he concludes his letter by sending greetings to Hjrne, "my good friend and our dear brother," and asks Uppmark to "beg him to reflect on his mortality, and that, for the sake of my office, I must be solicitous of my honor .... God be gracious to him." His lack of personal animosity is shown by the fact that in the beginning of 1719, the two old friends became reconciled. Hjrne did not continue his Orthographia Suecana, and, while the Bishop published the second part of his defence, the first part was never sent to the press.
When Emanuel arrived at Brunsbo about September 16th, it is not surprising that Hjrne's attacks on his father were a frequent subject of conversation; and it is rather natural that the young man's indignation was less tempered than that of his sexagenarian father. His
Emanuel's stay at Brunsbo was not altogether a happy one, sisters and/or their husbands, with the exception of Anna and Eric Benzelius, seem to have been jealous of him, and their jealousy was by no means decreased by the very manifest favor shown him by his stepmother. It would appear from Emanuel's account, that they, or some of them, were of a grasping disposition, and certainly there was dispute among them over the disposition of the inheritance left them by their mother, and over that which was subsequently left them by their stepmother.
During this visit, Emanuel's father announced that he would give his share of the inheritance left by Sarah Behm, which included the rich Skinnskatteberg property, to his children, hoping they would unite in love. At this time, as already noted,6 the heirs were considering a proposition to sell their shares in the Skinnskatteberg property to a Jonas Ahlgren for 32,000 d.k.m. While negotiations were in hand, Emanuel was very dissatisfied with the attitude taken by his brother-in-law, Lars Benzelius, who seemed to him to favor the purchaser rather than the family. It must be remembered, however, that Lars Benzelius was not only a shareholder, but was also the Mining Master of the district in which Skinnskatteberg was situated, and therefore the state official having oversight of the sale. Thus it may be that what Emanuel thought to be partiality to Ahlgren, was, in reality, a due observance of the purchaser's right to buy at a fair price. However, the sale was never made.
6 See pp. 178, 180.
Emanuel left Brunsbo to return to his work at Karlsgraf on October 5. This is mentioned in Bishop Swedberg's letter to Johan Uppmark above referred to, dated Brunsbo, October 3, where he says: "Emanuel, who is now here, is setting up the sixth part of his Daedalus, and the day after tomorrow he is traveling to Strmstad where he will be right graciously received by his Majesty. In this place (Skara), there is great distress with all the people, over food, which they cannot obtain for money because everything is bought up for the needs of the army, and the little people have, must go for the sowing, etc., etc. God grant a good end there.
On the eve of his departure from Brunsbo, Emanuel wrote to Benzelius on OCTOBER 5:
Highly honored d: Brother:
All prepared, I am now on the point of leaving Brunsbo for Karlsgraf, after having been here for three weeks; have meanwhile made up Daedalus VI which treats of the following: 1. An experiment to show the curve of cannon shots, by C. Polhem. 2. A ready calculation of a pile of balls assembled in a triangle, by Em: Sw. 3. A test whereby shipbuilding can be improved.1 4. The doctrine that our living essence consists of small contremiscentier, together with a number of experiments.2 5. Concerning a curve whose secants [always] form the like angle with it; its use. This I have already sent to his Majesty, together with the accompanying figures.3 When I get the opportunity, it shall be sent over. I am sending it at the first opportunity to Vice-President Hierne, together with a polite but, at the same time, firm letter that he desist from any more of his scurrilities, for perchance another might show him in like measure his own puerilia and crudities in Mathesi wherein he has ventured to utter himself. I will send the copy of the letter another time.
1 This is a mistake; the article did appear in Daedalus VI. The Latin work published in Amsterdam in 1721 was a rewriting of this article.
3 These figures must have been hand drawn, for they were never published in the Daedalus, although they are referred to in its text. This is an indication that Daedalus VI was printed in haste, and there was no time to make woodcuts or copper plates.
Dear Father has honored us with his share in the works; hope it will come to a happy conclusion. Brother Lars is somewhat adverse to me; it would be well if he did not wish to continue so; for to consider an Algren's advantage rather than his brother-in-law's, seems unbecoming in a relative. Among all my brothers and sisters, I find none who has wished or does wish me well save d: Brother; in this I became especially confirmed from a letter my Brother wrote d: Father, on the occasion of my journeying abroad.
4 manuel's brother-in-law.
His Majesty is probably coming to Weunersborg at the end of this month, when the army is to be reviewed; will see if I cannot get leave to go with it to Norway. If I could then do anything to the advantage of my relatives, the greatest pleasure would thereby be attained. Remaining,
highly honored d: Brother's
most obedient Servant
Eman : Swedberg
Brunsbo [Oct. 5], 1718
As stated in his letter, Swedberg left Brunsbo for the works at Karlsgraf, and not, as his father had supposed, for Strmstad. The Bishop had, of course, heard much from his son as to the work the latter had done in the transporting of warships over land, and as to the favor which the King had then shown him. Doubtless also Emanuel had told him of his expectation of again being called to Strmstad.5
5 It is possible, however, that Emanuel did go to Strmstad, but that, because of the secret nature of his work there, he preferred not to mention the matter to Benzelius. His road to Strmstad lay through Vennersborg, the headquarters of the Karlsgraf operations.
It may be assumed that Emanuel's desire to go with the army to Norway, indicates, not that he desired to enter into the war, but that his thought was to resume his work in connection with the transporting of ships and cannon, or to undertake other engineering tasks. This is confirmed by the statement in his letter of October 5, that, if he did go with the army, he hoped to do something to the advantage of his relatives. It will be recalled that after his return from his second trip to Strmstad, he expected to go there for a third time. As a fact, however, there was no occasion for any more work on the transporting of ships, for, so far as is known, no more ships were required in Iddefjord.
In any case, Emanuel did expect to meet the King, and it was doubtless with that he observed such haste in getting out the sixth number of the Daedalus.
6 The Swedish text of this work was printed in the Upsala Annual Lychnos for 1937, and an English translation was published by the Swedenborg Scientific Association, in 1941.
That he did not present it, is evident from the fact that the MS. was found, nearly one hundred years later, in private possession. But that he did meet the King once more, and this for the last time, is indicated by what he wrote some thirty-five years afterwards in his Memorabilia n. 4703: "Many transactions between me and Charles XII* were recounted, and it was then clearly shown that the Lord's Providence had been in the smallest details ... also that, unless the state with Charles XII had changed from good into anger, one person would certainly have perished." Since the King's attitude to Swedberg had hitherto been uniformly one of great favor--if we except the King's annoyance at the delay in publishing the Daedalus--it would seem that this change of state in Charles XII occurred at the last meeting between him and Emanuel. On October 5th, the latter intimates that he expected to meet the King in Vennersborg at the end of the month, and he expresses the hope that he may be able to follow the army to Norway; but on December 8th, he writes: "Praise God, I have escaped the campaign in Norway, which had very nearly caught me, had I not used plots to withdraw myself."
* In the original MS., after "C. XII" come the crossed off words de nuptiis. With these words, the passage would read: "Many transactions between me and Charles XII concerning nuptials were recounted." This suggests that the rupture between Swedenborg and Charles XII had to do with the latter's desire that Swedenborg marry one of Polhem's daughters. Considering the extraordinary obstinacy of the King, this is not unlikely.
As a reconciliation of the seeming contradiction between these two letters, the following seems to fit all the known facts of the case. Swedberg ardently wished to go to Norway with the army, in order to continue the engineering work on which he had already been engaged under the King's own eyes and in the company of many high army officers. When he saw the King, and perhaps intimated something of this to him, Charles immediately wished permanently to enlist his services as a military engineer.
Be that as it may, Swedberg does not appear to have gone again to Strmstad, and certainly he did not join the campaign in Norway; it is equally certain, however, that he met the King at Vennersborg. Meanwhile he continued the work at Karlsgraf until about the beginning of December when, owing to the weather, that work must necessarily be suspended until the Spring.
Returning then to his home in Brunsbo, he found there, to his great delight, a letter from Eric Benzelius awaiting him, which announced that he and his wife intended to spend the Christmas holidays with Bishop Swedberg.
As soon as he arrived home, he sent to the Skara printing office his treatise on the Motion and Position of the Earth and Planets, a MS. which he had written out with the same meticulous care as The New System of Reckoning,7 intending, apparently, to present this also to the King. He had commenced this work at Lund in the Summer of 1717, and had since worked on the MS. several times. See p. 159.
7 The neatly written MS was found in the same private possession as The New System of Reckoning. MS sent to the printer was a copy thereof, with slight verbal changes and the addition of two chapters.
At Brunsbo he also made provision for two or three future members of the Daedalus, his practical knowledge and his fertile imagination, making the writing of the articles easy.
The last news of the campaign in Norway, that reached Emanuel before leaving Karlsgraf for the Christmas holidays, was of the taking of Gyllenlw, an advance fort belonging to the defence of Frederickshall. This was taken on November 27, when the King, followed by his soldiers, himself scaled the walls and easily overcame the Danish soldiers, who offered little resistance.8
8 Nordberg, Karl XII, II. 679.
Highly honored d: Brother:
Here in Brunsbo, I had the pleasure of receiving d: Brother's letter. First, I am now staying here until the Christmas holidays; then I am thinking of going for some weeks to the mining district and Stockholm. Praise God, I have escaped the campaign in Norway which had very nearly caught me, if I had not used plots to withdraw myself. I am rejoiced beyond measure to hear of my Brother's arrival here, which I shall await above all things. Although d: Mother makes some remarks about her fodder, even so, d: Brother's horses could be well cared for at Magister Unge's place,1 at the priest's in Fgre,2 or at the inn where Brother Lunstedt's horses were for fourteen days;3 this, moreover, I will take care of. If my sleigh and reindeer coat would be of any use during the journey, my Brother may like to bring them down here. I think the harness is likewise with it. If my muff could also come with them, it would be well. I am very desirous of getting my telescope and my thermometers down here, which perhaps could be enclosed in a wooden case stuffed with hay; if this would not be too much trouble, I would ask for these.
1 Jonas Unge, who had married Emanuel's younger sister Catharine, was then the Pastor of Varnhem, a village some seven miles east of Skara.
2 Johannes Faegraeus; see p. 8.
3 Anders Lundstedt (circa 1680-1750) was the son of B. A. Ludenius, Rector of Skarstad, a few miles southwest of Skara, who, as belonging to one of the learned professions, had Latinized the name Lundstedt to Ludenius. After serving in the Household Cavalry, he was appointed in October 1716, first Captain of the Uppland Cavalry, and received his discharge on June 5 1718. In 1713 he married Margaret, Emanuel's youngest sister (b. 1695). By an oral bequest (see p. 290), their only child, named Sara, received from her grandmother, Sara Bergria, an inheritance equal to that of the latter's step-children (Leuwenhaupt, Karl XII's Officerare; Warholm, Skara Stifts Herd. I, 167; Lindh, Swedenborgs Economie in N. K. Tiding, 1927, p. 77). See p. 178 and cf. above at 11 1. 5b.
I shall have the pleasure of showing Daedalus VI to my Brother on his arrival. Daedalus VII I have held up until his Majesty supplies offerings thereto, which, moreover, I have been allowed to understand, at the same time that I have all ready for two years. For the rest, I have printed here my theory of the slackening of the earth in its course, which, with all diligence, I have sought to make pleasing. I understand I will receive this more especially at the time of my Brother's arrival.
My humble greeting is given to Herr Count Mrner, Syster Anna, I remain
highly honored d: Brother's
most obedient and faithful Brother
Eman: Swedberg
Brunsbo
Dec. 8, 1718
P.S. Gyllenlw, a redoubt at Fredrikshall, was taken by storm on November 27.
I await my sleigh, reindeer coat, and muff.
With the King's death, of which Emanuel heard almost immediately after he had written the above letter, all work on the projected canal to Norrkping at once ceased. Polhem did indeed have an unexpended balance of several thousand dalers in bank notes, but such was the condition of Swedish finances, that even workmen looked askance at these notes, fearing only too justly that their value would greatly decrease.4 Subsequently, in 1719 and 1720, Polhem endeavored to induce the new aristocratic government to continue the work, but in vain5; and Karlsgraf remains to this day an unfinished work, which passengers on the modern Gothenburg canal are sometimes taken to see.
4 1 Doc. 306.
5 Svenska Riksdagarne, Stockholm, 1825, pp. 236, 540.
Meanwhile, the news of the King's death reached Stockholm on December fifth, and two days later Charles' younger sister Ulrica Eleonora was proclaimed Queen. This action was taken hurriedly, in order to forestall the anticipated claim of the Duke of Holstein, the son of Charles' older sister who had died in 1708. In the meantime, the generals of the army, assembled at Uddevalla, refused to recognize Ulrica as Queen, until Frederick her husband, who was present with them, had assured them that absolutism would be abolished. Then Ulrica was proclaimed to the army as Queen.6 This was in the first days of December, and the news soon reached Brunsbo.
6 Fryxell 30:21.
After the holidays, following the plan he had laid out, Emanuel left Brunsbo for the mining district, which included Starbo, where he busied himself gathering practical knowledge of mining and metallurgy. From there he went to Stockholm where he arrived at the end of January, when he at once wrote to his father telling him of his arrival. One of his objects was to report to the College of Mines, hoping doubtless to be recognized as an Assessor, entitled to receive the salary of an assessor.* The first meeting of the College which he attended was on February 13, 1719, and in the minutes of this meeting, he is listed as "Assessor." But the College, led partly by thought of the exhausted treasury of the country, still refused to recognize him as aught but Assessor Extraordinary, and thus as having no claim for a salary. For this reason, Swedberg did not again attend the sessions of the College during this visit to Stockholm. Meanwhile, he conducted some correspondence with Polhem, doubtless with regard to the prospects of continuing the canal work.
* It should be remembered that according to the practice of the College, he was not entitled to an assessorship until there was a vacancy.
In this same month of February, while still in Stockholm, Swedberg took some Part in the discussion of what was then a burning question, namely, the redemption of the enormous sums of inflated money issued during the latter years (1715-1718) of Charles XII, and even immediately after his death, in the form of tokens (mynttecken), being coins stamped with a value many times their real value. The total amount of such tokens was over twenty-seven million dalers silvermint (Malmstrm, i, 117). These token coins were discredited both at home and abroad. Imports became almost impossible, and a period of inflation set in. The worst sufferers were civil servants, pensioners and others whose fixed income was greatly reduced by being paid in the inflated currency. Workmen and merchants, etc., adjusted matters by increasing their prices.
To meet this situation, the Secret Committee1 of the Diet met on February 23, 1719, and appointed a sub-committee, the "Deputation on Tokens," to study the matter.
1 During the whole "time of freedom" (1719-1772) the Secret Committee was the most powerful arm of the Government. It was elected by the Diet, and consisted of fifty members of the House of Nobles and twenty-five each of the House of the Clergy and of the House of Burghers, pins the presiding officer of the House of Nobles who was its ex officio chairman, and the presiding officers of the other two Houses. Though the nobles had 50 members, it had only one vote, this being decided by the majority of its members. So also with the Clergy and Burghers (Malmstrm, 1, 98). The House of Peasants had no representation in this Committee.
Swedberg had some practical ideas on the subject, and these he embodied in a Memorial addressed to the Deputation on Tokens. The Memorial was anonymous, but the author's name was known to the members of the Secret Committee, as shown in the minutes of that body.2 The MS. is undated, but since it was read in the Committee on September 27, it must be dated September 26, 1719:
2 Svenska Riksdagarne, pp. 6, 16.
PROPOSAL
For the Redemption of Tokens and Paper Currency
The loss which the now current coinage has caused, and daily continues to cause, is a matter which affects every individual in his privat [personal affairs] and the kingdom in its general oeconomia; and, if this coinage is not abolished in good time, then, like a disease, it will grow more and more until it becomes incurable. To allow these coins further currency would be, for mining districts and husbandry, for business, and for the whole kingdom, a ruination which could not be repareras for a long time. It therefore follows that each and every one who is concerned for the welfare of the kingdom, provide or approve of means for their speedy abolishment, and look to the eventual good of the kingdom.
In the last war which England carried on with France, she entered into a debt of fifty million pounds sterling, equal to 2,500 tons of gold. Although the whole country with its trade and commerce is not able to raise such a sum for a long time, yet in a fund they have found ways to pay off this sum in a certain time by yearly payments, the principal aids to which were the good condition and state of their country's culture and economy.
So likewise in Sweden, where merely the sums in which we are indebted for the redemption of our tokens and paper money--not to mention banks, mortgages and the wages of servants and of the militien [soldiers]--amount to more than the whole of Sweden's copper and iron industry, together with her other producter, could satisfy in twelve years.
That the Houses of the Diet pledge themselves to redeem them within a certain number of years, and, instead of tokens and the larger and smaller paper obligationer, issue assurance notes or attester [certificates], similar to our bank loan notes, to be paid off yearly according to the following plan:
Those who wish to be paid the whole sum [of their tokens], to receive payment in twenty-five years, that is, to receive 4 per cent yearly. Those who will give up one-fourth of each token, cent that is, 8 re3 s.mt., to receive their payment in ten years, that is, 10 per cent yearly. Those who will give up a half, to receive payment in five years, that is, to per cent yearly. Those who will give up three-fourths, to receive payment in two years, or 50 per cent yearly. In this way about one and a half million will come to be paid annually. Doubtless, those who see that with a smaller sum they can get greater interesse, will give up rather than content themselves with a long-term payment.
3 One daler s.m. equals 32 re s.m.
For the first year's payment there will likely be no other resource than the lowering of the tokens to one re s.m. This would amount to about one million [dalers].4 The 5 or 6 tons gold5 which would still be lacking, could best be procured by means of things at the arsenal which are not needed.
4 i.e., if the sum total of the tokens is 32 millions. The actual sum was over 27 millions, which, however, does not include the depreciated paper money.
5 2,500 tons gold equalled L50,000,000 sterling.
Objections
That those who wish the entire amount to be paid, will lose the whole capital sum, and in place thereof, will receive a small interesse for a limited period instead of actual payment. ANSWER: On the contrary, the greater part has gained 4, yes, 5 times their capital, since they actually receive 16 to 20 pro cent annually; that is, they get back their capital with reasonable interesse, or they gain as much thereon as they would by trading.6
6 Swedberg's arguments seems to be based on the current value of the daler token which was 2 re. Thus, if one wished to cash the tokens at once, then, for 100 dalers he would receive 200 re. With compound interest at 6 per cent, this would amount in twenty-five years to about 850 re, whereas, by receiving 4 per cent of 100 d. annually, he would have received nearly four times as much, or 3,200 are. At 5 per cent, 200 re would amount to about 700 re in twenty-five years.
That the Diet's Notes might have the same value as the tokens, especially since no fund is provided for their yearly redemption. ANSWER: Everything depends on the country's credit and general stability. One sees that a well ordered government can easily raise sums four and even five times larger than the country actually possesses. On the other hand, an insecure government has trouble in collecting one-sixth of the kingdoms property. And, provided the country is now placed on a better footing, one can have no doubt as to the country's credit, from which commerce flourishes, the kingdom is cultiveras, and money goes out and in with safety. Then, as in England and Holland, there will be no difficulty in finding means sufficient for the debts of the following years; such, for exempel, as moderate increases [of the taxes] on things which have the very largest consumption in the kingdom; lotteries; also the balancen in foreign trade, which by wise ordinances by the Diet and the Colleges, should be increased more and more. If this be set aside as a fund for the payments, one can have no doubt as to their redemption, nor on the soundness of the above mentioned notes in accordance with the termin of their maturity, having at least the assured advantage that a cash capital can be borrowed on them, and they meanwhile be left as security for the payment of the interessen.
If all the tokens be withdrawn and notes issued in their stead, it would then follow that the carrying on and movement of trade, both domestic and foreign, and also the production of our iron and copper, etc., must stop, and this would do more harm than the continued currency of the tokens. ANSWER: If security and credit become the basis of our recovery, one cannot doubt concerning the circulation of these notes, and their validity in a certain measure; but, in any case, should it be proved that the first year's payment of one and a half millions was too small a sum for the maintenance and free movement of trade, it would perhaps do no harm, if, to begin with, four or five millions rulerade [were in circulation], providing that at the same time they should be exchanged every three months without hindrance, and that they had a specific and secure fund for their redemption.
The million in res s.mt will consist of the same unsuitable coins, and are not likely to gain better credit than the tokens, inasmuch as they are four or five times above their worth; and thus there would be no assurance that they would not be counterfeited and thrust upon us. ANSWER: Not to mention the circumstance that despite the probable depreciation of the tokens to re s.mt., they are yet quickly dispersed among the people, and nowhere are they assembled in any great amount. Nor is business directed by small change, and still less is the domestic or foreign course of exchange upset by them--with the reservation, however, that they are restricted to a reasonable sum. Yet one cannot deny that their reduction to their real value would be better and surer.
If the kingdom should combine to give up the greater part and be content with a smaller payment within a shorter time, how could there be a fund for so large a payment? ANSWER: If now the debt were twenty-five millions and it were paid off in twenty-five years, then one million would be paid out every year. If all were to give up a fourth, that is, 8 ore s.mt. per token, the 1 and 4/5th of a million7 would be paid out for a period of ten years. If all were to give up one-half, then two and a half millions would be paid out annually for a period of five years. If all were to give up three-quarters, then somewhat over three millions would be paid annually for a period of two years. Thus one sees that the highest payment would be three millions, and this would likely be raised from what is not needed at the arsenal, and from a contribution by the Diet.8
7 25 million less one quarter would be 18,750,000. According to Swedberg's proposal, ten per cent of this was to be paid out yearly. This would be about 1-4/5 millions (1.8 millions).
8 That is, by the authorization of the taxes suggested in the Appendix to the present Memorial.
That it seems untimely to talk of reducing the tokens so long as we are still involved in a war,9 for which one had no secure means. To impoverish oneself in the meantime, by a hasty withdrawal [of the tokens] would be to put oneself out of a position in which one could make resistance. Moreover, we are uncertain as to provinciers restitution [the restoration of our provinces],l0 and certain of the loss and insecurity we have to expect from Russia if the ports and free trade in the Baltic are left to her, which would be a hindrance to our establishment of a sound oeconomie and would deprive us of any hope of the fundens security which is based on a flourishing trade, etc. ANSWER: AS concerns the first point, more is likely to be undertaken hereafter with one daler in good coin than with tell in the present currency; for its further circulation is likely to result in its self-depreciation into ores, that is, into its real value. Thus no help for the carrying on of war could in any case be expected from them.
9 At this time, Sweden was still in a state of war with Hanover, Prussia, Denmark and Russia. Peace was made with Hanover on November 9, 1719, with Prussia on January 21, and with Denmark on June 3, 1720. Prussia and Hanover, however, and after June, Denmark also, had committed no warlike act against Sweden since the death of Charles XII. Russia, on the other hand, continually ravaged the Baltic coastline of Sweden, and it was not till August 30, 1721, that peace with that country was signed at Nystad--a harsh peace.
10 Of all the lost provinces, only Finland and Swedish Pomerania were restored to Sweden by the peace treaty of Jan. 21, 1720, and of August 30, 1721.
How could refusion [restitution] be obtained by the mining district and others who more than others have taken the tokens as current coin in exchange for real metals; and also the King's servants who have received their salary in a coinage which, at the merchants, is not worth one-sixteenth of its value? If they should now satisfied with interesse instead of the capitalet, or be called on suddenly to give up the same amount as the merchant, it would be unreasonable.
Project for raising a fund for the Redemption of Tokens and paper Currency
1 Metal guns and other metals, together with any unusable copper, silver or gold that is found with the public, to be coined or sold.
2 The life interest to be mortgaged or sold to skatte or frlse owners.11
11 Skatte property was property, the rent whereof belongs to the crown or to private individuals. Frlse property was property, the owners whereof were freed from taxation, but were obligated to furnish to the State and to maintain a cavalryman and horse.
3 All mortgaged properties be sold to skatte or frlse owners.
4 All crown farms to be sold to the owners of skatte or frlse property.
5 All prize ships at the navy yards, and all else that the Crown has no need of, should likewise be sold.
6 Every house in the cities which belongs to the public, and cannot be used therefor, or is shown to be unnecessary, should likewise be sold.
7 One-fifth of the revenue coming to the Crown from copper and mining, to be appropriated thereto. This must be paid into the Treasury.
8 The Upphandling's taxes12 must continuera and must remain in this fund.
12 These were taxes imposed by Charles XII for the support of the purchasing (Upphandlings) committee of his army.
9 All exported wares to pay as per the following licent [tariff]:
re
dol. s.mt.
For every Skeppund bar iron, besides customs duty 8
Skpd sheet iron, besides customs duty 8
Skpd iron nails, besides customs duty 8
Skpd anchors, besides customs duty 8
Skpd iron guns, besides customs duty 8
Skpd unrefined copper or copper sheet, besides custom duty 8
Skpd brass wire, besides customs duty 8
1 load tar, besides customs duty 1
1 load pitch, besides customs duty 1 10-1/23
1 barrel alumn, besides recognitionen 16
1 barrel or m13 of wood, besides recognitionen 1
1 Sklpund potash, besides recognitionen 5-2/3
13 About 41-1/2 gallons.
IMPORTED GOODS
re
dol. s.mt.
For every 1 barrel Spanish salt 8
1 barrel French salt 6
1 barrel Scotch or Pomeranian salt 4
1 barrel Lneberg salt 8
1 barrel Wheat, rye, malt, peas, grain14 8
1 oxhead15 of wines of all sorts, and of French Brandy 1
All other imported wares, whatsoever their name, to pay for every 100 dalers s.mt. 1/2% or 16
14 i.e. rice, oats or barley.
15 51.9 gallons.
The above memorial was read in the Secret Committee on September 27th, but it did not receive approval.* What the Committee finally decided on was to devalue the daler token fifty per cent or to 16 re s.mt., 2 re to be paid in good coin, and 14 re in Assurance Notes which would be cashed when it became possible (Malstrm, i:117).
* February. (See Riksdagarne p. 6.)
From Stockholm, Swedberg went to Upsala, there to be present at the coronation of Queen Ulrica Eleonara, which took place on May 17th.
16 Due to this haste, the work was actually incomplete. It was completed in a second edition published at Stockholm in November of the same year.
* Being ennobled was an important factor in Swedenborg's future; for on May 26, three days after Swedenborg had been ennobled, the Diet passed a law decreeing that noblemen alone were eligible to the higher offices of the State, including Assessors in the Colleges (Malmstrm 1:126).
17 About the same time, Ulrica elevated about one hundred and fifty families to the nobility, and this for political reasons (Fryxell 30: 88; Malmstrm, Sv. Polit. Hist. I, 217). In the case of Bishop Swedberg's family, however, she was following an ancient custom, according to which all bishops' families, though never the Bishop himself, were ennobled.
From Upsala, Swedberg, now Swedenborg, returned to Brunsbo, where he was busily engaged in writing several small treatises, one of which, Tremulation, involved his study of the human brain and nerves. During the summer he traveled around the mining district, with the object of collecting from original sources information which he used in writing (probably at Starbo) an exhaustive treatise on Blast Furnaces.
Provided with the several small treatises he had written, Swedenborg then went to Stockholm, in order to put them in print. His main purpose, however, was again to attend the sittings of the College of Mines, where he was still without salary, though still entered on the minutes as "Assessor."
In Stockholm, where he arrived at the end of September, he of course met Urban Hjarne, the Vice-President of the Bergscollegium. A few days previous to this meeting, Hjrne had received an anonymous letter from Upsala, written evidently by a person who had read Part 1 of Bishop Swedberg's answer to Hjrne's personal attacks. Parts 1 and 2 of this answer had been sent to Eric Benzelius, but, as the Bishop wrote to John Uppmark, the censor of books, he had no intention of publishing Part 1 for the present. A portion of Part 2 had already been printed in Skara, and the other portion was then being printed in Upsala.18 Hjrne was highly incensed at what he heard, and he spoke to Emanuel on the matter. Later, he obtained a copy, or part copy, of Bishop Swedberg's work; but this only increased his choler.
18 Act. Lit. Suec. I, 17, 80.
19 See New Church Life, 1924, p. 407.
By now Swedenborg had put the finishing touches to the first work he had ever written dealing with the brain--a work which reveals an astonishing knowledge of the human body. This work which, as now preserved, has no title, was an amplification of his article in the last number of the Daedalus Hyperboreus, entitled Proof that our living essence consists, for the most part, of little vibrations, that is, tremulations. It was a work of some size, and its author deemed it of sufficient importance to be put in print. On November first, therefore, he submitted a clean copy to the Royal College of Medicine for censorship.20
20 The MS. is now lost. It had been given out to the Members of the College for perusal, and those who read it, seem to have expressed approval. Finally, it appears to have been submitted to Doctor Magnus von Bromell, an influential member of the College, and there all trace of it is lost. Fortunately, Swedenborg had his first draft, and from this he made a second copy of certain parts--of which more anon,--and these are still preserved among the papers of Eric Benzelius. See p. 227.
Soon after his arrival in Stockholm, Swedenborg addressed to Eric Benzelius a letter dated NOVEMBER 3, 1719:
Highly honored d: Brother:
Some days ago I arrived here in Stockholm, when I at once heard one person or another tell me that a new decouvert has been made in France respecting us terricolas [inhabitants of earth], to wit, that the earth has drawn some 25,000 miles nearer the sun;l also that letters have been written thereon to the learned academies.2
1 If it is Swedish miles, and not French that are meant, this would be equal to 166,000 English miles.
2 A very careful search in the contemporary journals and transactions of the learned societies, has not resulted in finding trace of any article discussing the subject here referred to.
For the rest, it pleases me that I publice gave out something of the sort a year ago in the treatise on the Motion and Position of the Earth, where I advanced the theory that the earth runs ever more and more slowly in respect both to its annuum and to its diurnum motum; from which it necessarily follows that it must more and more draw itself toward the sun; for the stronger the motus and the vertigo in the vortice solari, the farther are its planets thrown outward from the centre; but the weaker the motus, the more do they draw themselves inward. And it is well known in what proportion the vis centrifuga, in traveling outward or inward, increases according to the speed. Of this, Isaac Newton treats in his Principia. And with the planets, it is the same as if a long arm were made with a bullet on it which would be free and could run along the arm forward and backward, outward and inward, at the least vi [force]. If now it be whirled around very rapidly (preferably under water), the vis centrifuga would so have increased, that the ball would have drawn itself outward along the arm away from its centre; but if the speed is diminished, then it draws itself inward. So also with a planet. If the primum mobile decreases, then the planet draws nearer to the centre; but if it increases, it is projected far outward.
For the rest, if the nature of motion, both that which increases and that which decreases, be examined, it will be found that all the motions are in ratione duplicata, and that, at the end, a motion decreases more in one minute than previously in 20. For example, if anything be whirled around, the speed at the end decreases more in a moment than previously in to. But it does not seem that this can he applied to our planet; would like, therefore, to get more exact information concerning this.
I have now given myself a rest during the summer, to set one or two matters on paper which I think are likely to be my last word, since all such speculations and arts are unprofitable in Sweden and are esteemed by a lot of political blockheads as a scholasticum which must stand far in the background while their supposed finesse and intrigues push to the front.
What I have been working at is, first, an exact description of our Swedish smelting and- blast furnaces; and second, a theory or investigation concerning fire and hearths; for this, I first procured all that could be found out from smiths, charcoal burners, roasters,3 smelting masters, etc., and on this the theory is founded, and hope to have made a number of decouverter therein, which in time will likely prove to be useful; as, for example, to be able so to make fire in new stoves, that the wood and charcoal which serves for a single day can give more heat for six days. Vice President Hierne has given his entire approval to this, and on demand, it will likely be demonstrated in a test. Today, I am handing the aforementioned in to the Bergscollegium.4
3 i.e., roasters of ore.
4 The work on Blast Furnaces, the first work of its kind in Sweden, remained unknown until 1903, when it was printed in the mining journal Noraskogs Arkiv. IV, pp. 201-32. It forms the first draft of the first seventy pages of the work on Iron, which Swedenborg published in 1734.
I have also written up a little anatomy of our vital motions, which I judge to be a contremiscence.
5 In his principal work De Fibra Motrice, the famous Italian professor, George Baglivi (1669-1707) ascribes the whole empire of the body to the animation of the dura and pia maters; see The Cerebrum, II, n. 218.
6Only the Collegium Medicum had the right to censor medical or anatomical books (Hist. Tidskrift, 1893, pp. 130-31).
For the rest, I have improved the work which was published in Upsala concerning the Height of Water in the Primeval World, and have added a number of clear proofs, and also an undeniable demonstration as to how stones have been moved in a deep sea; also the possibility of proofs for the changing of the northern horizon, and that it is reasonable to believe that in former times Sweden was an island. This I have left with the Censor librorum to publish it anew.
There are also a number of other small works. The industry I have expended on them has caused the former works which I gave out, to appear to me as altogether contemptible; this I wish to set a good touren [turn] to, when it is verteres [translated].7
7 Swedenborg has in mind to translate these little works into Latin, and to publish them in one volume intended for the learned world.
Vice-President Hierne showed me a letter from an anonymous person in Upsala, who says that our d: Father's work against him, where he is attacked modis indignis [in unworthy ways], is in press, calling it a foedum opus [vile work]. The Vice-President pesserar [ponders] over it, and promises [to repay more] than tenfold if it were not for my Brother's sake and mine. However, it is a purely defensive work, and so my Brother will please soothe the old gentleman so far as possible. With earnest greetings, I remain
highly honored d: Brothers
most faithful servant
Eman: Swedenborg
Stockholm
Nov. 3, 1719
Swedenborg had not been in Stockholm two weeks before he gave proof of his interest in the mining work of the country, by a Memorial addressed to the Queen on November 13, advocating the development of sulphuric acid works at the great copper mine at Fahlun.
The Memorial, which is now lost, was sent by the Queen with a favorable recommendation to the Bergscollegium (I Doc.: 405) and that body considered it on November 26th, but nothing seems to have come of the matter.
Swedenborg attended the meetings of the College of Mines a few times in November, being entered each time in the minutes as "Assessor"; but after the 18th, he ceased that attendance altogether. It became plain to him that the College had no intention of recognizing him as an Assessor legally entitled to a salary; and he did not again present himself until four years later, when at last, he won recognition.
In addition to his present attendance at the sessions of the College of Mines, Swedenborg busied himself during November with literary work. Early in the year he had greatly interested himself in what was then the burning question of the hour, namely, the redemption, by a depleted treasury, of the millions of paper notes which were then in circulation. In the preceding February, before going to Upsala, he had presented a memorial to the Committee on paper tokens, proposing their redemption by yearly installments, namely, 25 installments for those who wished the full value of their notes; 10 for those who would remit 25 per cent; 5 for those remitting 50 per cent; and 2 for those remitting 75 per cent. To raise the sums necessary for this redemption, he proposed the sale of all unneeded prize ships and guns, the mortgage of crown lands, export and import taxes, and a contribution from the crown revenue from the copper mines. See p. 205 seq.
And now, turning to another side of the coinage question, he writes a small work, advocating the adoption of the decimal system for weights and coinage. The current Swedish system was based on the octonary number, 16 ores k.m. equalling 1 re s.m.; 8 res s.m., I mark s.m.; 8 marks, 1 Riksdaler, and 8 Riksdaler, 1 Mark sterling; and so with many of the weights.8
8 Confer Swedberg's New System of Reckoning, p. 22 seq.
More nearly concerning his work as a metallurgist was another little treatise which he wrote during the month of November, entitled "New Indications for Discovering Mines."
9 The MS. (or perhaps an autograph copy) was found among the private papers of Eric Benzelius, but, so far as is known, no copy has been found in the archives of the Bergscollegium. A translation of the work may be seen in Swedenborg's Scientific and Philosophical Works, I. p. 71.
While engaged in these literary labors, he received a letter from Eric Benzelius, in which the latter expresses pleasure in reading Swedenborg's reflections on the slowing down of the earth's course around the sun. In this connection, Benzelius called his attention to a quotation in the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen for August 2, 1719, from a review in the Catholic journal Memoires de Trevoux, of an anonymous work published in London in 1714, and entitled An Enquiry into the Nature and Place of Hell. The author, as was then well known, was the Rev. Tobias Swinden, a clergyman of the Church of England. The main contention of his work was that hell fire was real fire and was eternal. Therefore it could not be in the center of the earth, as commonly believed, for then it could not be eternal, nor was the centre of the earth large enough to contain all the damned. So the author places hell in the sun, which, at the last day, will consume the earth, but itself be unconsumed.10 "Herr Swinden (says the Neue Zeitungen, quoting from the Mem. de Trevoux), who believes himself to have found that hell is in the sun, presents his arguments in the same way as Father Malebranche in his Christian Meditations, for he is a deep thinking philosopher." Benzelius perhaps also informed Swedenborg of another article in the same number of the Neue Zeitungen, quoting, also from the Mem. de Trevoux, a refutation of Swinden's theory: "Concerning the situation of hell as being in the sun; the opinion of an anonymous Englishman, refuted by Fredericus Otto. Herr Otto says that the Englishman s opinion is contrary to the Word of God, and contrary to the doctrine of the papists, that hell is in the center of our earth. The Editors [of the Mem. de Trevoux] conclude . . . that it would have been easy to refute Herr Swinden because his proofs are mere unfounded suppositions.
10 Acta Eruditorum, 1715, p. 107.
* Francisco Ribera (1537-1591), a Spanish Jesuit and Bible Commentator. Cornelius a Lapide or van der Steen (1566-1637), a Roman Catholic professor, distinguished for his numerous commentaries on the Bible.
11 These Latin and Greek words (ubi and pou[Greek]) both signify where, somewhere.
Benzelius concludes his letter by expressing himself respecting the controversy between Bishop Swedberg and Urban Hjrne, and, seemingly, with a somewhat sympathetic leaning toward the latter. Swedenborg answered his brother-in-law in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, NOVEMBER 26, 1719:
Highly honored d: Brother:
I also derive pleasure from my Brother's good health, and also much from the circumstance that what I spoke of in my former letter was to my Brother's liking. This encourages me to think further thereon. As yet, I do not find many proofs thereof in the matter of velocity, but think, as I wrote before, that in this respect, so sudden a change in the earth's course could never have taken place within a short time, but indeed in a long time; and one cannot possibly be brought to think that a planet rushes so swiftly toward its centre as though driven by a Phaeton, if such a circumstance does not at once manifest itself in the sun's diameter. If the sun grows larger and larger before our eyes, then first would be the time to entertain fear because of it, and to commend oneself to God's hands. That the earth, little by little, is drawing in toward its centre may also be concluded from the change in our horizon; for the same shape which exists in the vortice telluris, that same shows itself in the sea or on our earth; and since, in a hundred years, the horizon itself has changed considerably, in that the sea has become rounder, this is a clear proof that the earth is going more slowly, and, consequenter, is drawing itself in.
Moreover, it should be certain enough that the whole vortex telluris in which we and our earthly mass lie, is held together only by motion. If the motion stops, the vortex itself is at once dissipated; thus, all "up" and "down" is unmistakably lost; all vis centrifuga or centripeta loses its path; all that holds our elementary substance together, is without hold; thus, in a moment, all things must disperse into their least particles, and this can well be called a fire. For if the vortex is gone, then gone also is all that is "down" to the centrum terrae, and all that is "up" to the zenith; there is no longer any pressure or weight; no diamond so hard that it can be held together. Thus, the holding of things together comes from the ether's pressure to the centre, and this results from the vortice telluris; so that the fire with which our planet will be destroyed might well result from its nearer approach to the sun, and from the circumstance that, in a single moment, all matter, every corpus or element, is dissipated into its minutest particles.
As to what my Brother mentions concerning the pou [Greek] damnatorum1 being in the sun, I think just the opposite, namely, that there, more likely, is the pou [Greek] beatorum.1 My reasons for this are as follows:
1 The "where" of the damned, and the "where" of the blessed.
1. That the sun is a centre for the whole of our mundus planetarius, and that the motion and essence of all things in the vortice solari has its origin in the above-mentioned centre. 2. That the "up" and the sky of the planets is toward the sun; so that if mention is made of going up in the vortice sobari, it is always to the sun, while down is to the extremitates vorticis, ad Saturnum, ad Tartara. 3. That the most eminent light and glory is in the sun, while far away therefrom is darkness and other terrors where the sun is hardly to be seen. 4. But the main reason seems to be the fact that the subtlest of all atmospheres, and the finest essence wherein is the minutest element, are in the sun; for the nearer to the sun, the finer; and in its centre is presumably such fineness that the particles are almost devoid of composition, and so put off the denomination of matter, and also of form, weight, and many other properties possessed by compound particles.
As regards the fire, it would be too gross to think that the damnatorum corpora2 are to be tormented by this; for a burning away without destruction is not naturaliter possible. When a fire is burning, one gets the sensation that it is tearing something asunder, loosening it up, and destruerar [destroying] it; where there is no destruction, there also is no burning away. Thus, anguish in the conscience should be a strong enough fire. I hope it will not be interpreted ill that I philosophize on this subject; yet God's Word is the foundation.
2 The bodies of the damned.
As to what I mentioned in my last letter concerning the written matters, I should like to have the opportunity of publishing one or other of them, but still more to show one or other of them in the working. For the rest, I mentioned nothing of having made a careful description of our Swedish ovens and blast furnaces, which I also gave in to the Royal Bergscollegium; and this is the beginning of a description of all our Swedish mining works. Therefore, I handed in3 a little treatise with the title Nya Anledningar til grufwors ignefinnande,4 or some hitherto undiscovered ways to search out mines and treasures long concealed in the depth of the earth, and this has won the good opinion of those concerned.
3 insinuerade. This is the word regularly used to indicate the submission of a written document to one or other of the colleges. In the present case, the document was submitted to the Bergscollegium.
4 New Indications for the finding of Mines.
For the rest, it is likely that what I have now printed, together with an ark [8 pages] on the decimal in our coinage and measures will be my last word, since. I notice that only Pluto and Invidiae [the Envies] have their seat among the hyperboreos, and one secures greater fortune if one acts as a fool rather than as a rational man, etc.
At the same time that I received d: Brother's letter, I was in company with the old man Hjrne; and since I saw that what was written therein concerning him was such that it could be communicated to him, I showed it to him; but he promised to answer it himself.5 My earnest greeting to all d: Brother's family, I remain
Highly honored d: Brother's
faithful brother and servant
Eman: Swedenborg
Stockholm, Nov. 26
1719
P. S. Brother Alh. Schnstrm,6 sends his greeting and says that in case d: Brother has not yet obtained carriage horses, he has two pairs to show my Brother, from which to choose.
5 Hjarne's answer was written on the same day. See his letter on Nov. 26th cited on pp. 212-13.
6 Albrecht Schnstrm (1684-1740) was Swedenborg's cousin, being the son of Peter Swedberg (ennobled Schnstrm), the older brother of Bishop Swedberg. He had just been made (Aug. 6) Lieutenant Colonel of the Household Cavalry (Lewenhaupt, Karl Xll's Officerare).
Swedenborg was much disturbed at this time because of the little encouragement that was given in Sweden to the promotion of learning, even practical learning. The whole attention both of
statesmen and the public was taken up with the many political questions involved in the change that was now going on from an absolute government of the most autocratic kind, to a government
in which the Queen and her Consort were little more than figureheads, the real power resting actually, though not nominally, in the hands of the higher nobility. In addition there was the universal poverty caused by the wars which had prevailed for almost twenty years of Charles XII's reign, and which had brought about the loss of almost all the European possessions of Sweden. The feeling of despair as to the progress of learning experienced by Swedenborg was shared in by other learned Swedes.
The effect on Swedenborg himself was to draw his thoughts more and more to the publishing of his works in Latin, that they might come to the notice of the European world of learning--a world which was especially active in Holland, France, and England. In addition, he began to think of traveling to the continent, not only to publish his books, but also to come into contact with a world where learning was less bound by governmental censorship, and the academic trammels of Lutheran orthodoxy.
It was therefore in a somewhat depressed mood that he wrote to his brother-in-law on DECEMBER 1, 1719:
Highly honored d: Brother:
What I spoke of in my last, to wit, the decimal in our coinage and measures, I am now sending over,--which is my last, of what I am setting up, and this for the reason that qvotidiana and domestica vilescunt [daily and domestic matters are becoming of low esteem], and I have already worked myself poor with them, and have sung long enough to see whether ally one opens up, and puts some bread in my hand therefor.
For the rest, I have long been taken with some desseiner [plans] which I have now at last firmly set my mind on, to see how far they will win my Brother's approval.
1. Vertera [to translate] what I have printed, into Latin or French, and then to send it over to Holland and England; with which, though later on, I wish to include some of my decouverter [discoveries] respecting fire and furnaces and other matters useful in mining districts, together with something that is not printed. My Brother will please be so kind as to give me the names of those who write the Acta and Memoires in those places.1
1 That is, the writers or editors of the French Memoires de l'Academie Royale des Sciences (published also in Amsterdam, under the title Journal des Scavans), of the English Philosophical Transactions and of the Acta Eruditorum published in Leipzig.
2. As I think that I now have some understanding of the mechanics connected with mining districts and mines, so far at least as to be able to describe everything there that is new and old better than any one else; and also the theory with respect to fire and furnaces, in which I have made a heap of decouverter; therefore, I am thinking of using all my remaining time on everything that can be profitable to mining districts and their working; and, on the foundation that has already been laid down, of making myself as well informed therein as possible.
3. If fortune so ordains that I can get together the required means, and if, meanwhile, by means of the above-mentioned praeparatorier and communication,2 I have been able to gain some credit abroad, then my mind is toying with the idea of going abroad and seeking my fortune in my craft, which consists in all that has to do with the advancement of mining, and with mines, etc. For he may be regarded as a fool who is a free and independent fellow, and has his name in foreign lands, and yet remains here in a darkness (and freezes to boot) where the Erynnider,3 Invidiae [the Envies] and Pluto have set their abode, and are those who dispose of all rewards; and such labors as I have taken on me are rewarded with wretchedness. Until that time comes, my only joy now would he bene latere;4 I think I could finally obtinera an angulum [corner] for this in Starbo or Skinskatteberg. But since that time will likely arrive after four or five years delay, I well see beforehand that long laid desseiner [plans] are like long insurrections, which do not carry far, and that some circumstantier, both in the community and in the individual, may break them off and make a change; thus homo proponit, Deus disponit; yet, have always liked it that one knows what he is aiming at, and that one always forms for himself a fine plan on the most feasible lines, to carry out in his daily life.
I remain,
highly honored d: Brother's
most faithful serv. and B.
Em. Sw.
Stockholm, Dec. 1,
1719
2 Namely, by means of the works which were to be published in Latin, and of the addresses and letters of recommendation to be given by Benzelius.
3 The Erinyes or Enmenides (furies).
4 To lie low in peaceful retirement.
On the same day that Swedenborg was writing his letter of Thursday, November 26, 1719, Doctor Eric Benzelius,5 Lars Roberg, and Olof Rudbeck the younger, the only remaining members of the old Collegium Curiosorum, met together with three other Upsala Professors, and formed a Bokwetts Gille (Literary Guild) which was to meet weekly. Its objects were the discussion of all discoveries relating to the advancement of learning, and the publication of a quarterly journal, Acta Literaria Sueciae which was to contain reviews and notices concerning Swedish publications. As the intention was to introduce these publications to the learned world, the journal was to be written in Latin. The Acta Literaria Sueciae has rightly been considered as the successor of the now discontinued Daedalus Hyperboreus, as it is most certainly the predecessor of the present Transactions of the Royal Scientific Society of Upsala.
5 Eric Benzelius had received his degree of Doctor Theologiae, on May 20, three days after Ulrica Eleonora was crowned in Upsala.
The first number of the Acta, which appeared in January 1720, contained a long review of Swedenborg's Height of Water in the Primeval World. This review constitutes the first introduction of Swedenborg's name to the learned world of Europe, and thus fulfilled, in part, his desire to introduce his thoughts and discoveries to a wider and more liberal audience than was to he found in his own country. It may be added, however, that the first mention of Swedenborg's name in the foreign journals occurs in the Neue Zeitungen for March 31, 1721, which printed a long notice of the review of Height of Water in the Acta Literaria.
Toward the end of January, Doctor Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg, inviting him to become a member of the Bokwetts Gille, and the invitation was readily accepted.6 In his letter of acceptance, Swedenborg promises to send communications to the Society from time to time.
6 In the Society's minutes of February 5, 1720, it is Said: "Herr Doctor Benzelius related that the Herr Assessor Emanuel Swedenborg had received with thanks the offer made him, to come into the Society, and he promises, on occasion, to communicate what might occur to him." In the Minutes of August 14, 1724, he is included among the members present. The Society, however, does not seem to have kept a list of its members, and after Benzelius's departure from Upsala in 1726, it was perhaps forgotten that Swedenborg was a member; for, in the meeting of October 1, 1729, it is proposed to invite him to join. It may be noted, however, that the Society had now obtained a Royal Charter, and had changed its name, so that the invitation may be considered as an invitation to a new society.
7 In his brief autobiography, written in 1769, Swedenborg implies that he has never been a member of any society except the Royal Academy of Sciences of Stockholm. This is not strictly correct, but it must be added that Swedenborg attended only one meeting of the Bokwetts Gille, and after 1721 seems to have had no communication with it.
Inspired perhaps by the example set by Eric Benzelius and his learned friends in Upsala, some of the more active of the learned in Stockholm raised the question of forming a learned society in that city, and they approached Swedenborg on the subject. The latter, however, was not over enthusiastic, perhaps because he felt there was not a sufficiently strong guiding spirit to ensure success. At any rate, he wanted to be assured that the proposal would not end in mere words. His doubts seem to be justified by the fact that, although the Bokwetts Gille obtained in 1728 a Royal Charter as the Upsala Literary and Scientific Society, it was not until 1739 that the Royal Academy of Sciences of Stockholm was established.
In a letter of about February seventh, Benzelius informed his brother-in-law that he had read his letter of acceptance to the Guild at its meeting on February fifth, and that he had also read the New Indications for the Discovery of Mines, as the first literary communication to the Society by its new member. This letter from Benzelius had been sent enclosed in a letter to Doctor Kudbeck, who was then visiting in Stockholm, but seems to have been lost, as Swedenborg never received it.
About February eighth, a few days after he had accepted membership in the Bokwetts Gille, Swedenborg fulfilled his promise to the Society, by sending to Benzelius the first and second chapters of his Tremulation.8 These were read before the Society at its meetings on February 12 and 19, the name given to the work being The Anatomy of our Finest Nature.9 It was Swedenborg's intention to send installments of this work once or twice a week.
8 That both chapters were included, is seen from the MS. copy. See I Phot. MSS. 141
9 Bokwetts Gille, Prot. I, 15, 16.
Highly honored d: Brother:
Last post day I began to send over my Novellas litterarias; shall be wishing that this, as well as the continuation may be pleasing. It is true that Baglivi did indeed first open up the idea; Descartes likewise touched on it somewhat; later Borelli. But no one as yet has proved it and carried it forward; for I hold my proofs to be new and my own, and the idea itself to be another's, though I may well say that what is contained therein I got for myself, and noticed afterwards that it was one with Baglivi's--which has pleased my imagination--such as what is said there about Meningum functione.l It will be somewhat extensive, and I think will reach to seven or eight weeks, even two times a week. Medici [the medical doctors] here in the city will take it first, and all express themselves favorably in regard to it. I will not get it from them until Bromell2 also has had it.
1 The function of the meninges; of Baglivi quoted in the Cerebrum II, 218.
2 Magnus von Bromell (1679-1731) had become a member of the Collegium Medicum in 1716, and in 1724 he became its president and received the title of First Physician. At the same time that he was elected to the Medical College, he inherited a considerable fortune, and with this, he devoted himself more and more to the collecting of coins, and of natural curiosities. This perhaps accounts for his apparent carelessness with respect to Swedenborg's MS. See p. 213, note 20.
Here also they are aiming to set up a Collegium curiosum, and have requested me to join with them, but I ask them as: to actualities and not words.
If it is possible that my two treatises which were mentioned in my last could be translated into good Latin, I earnestly beg for this.
I remain,
highly honored d: Brother's
most humble servant
Em. S.
Stockholm
[about Feb. 11, 1720]
On February 12, 1720, the first chapter of Swedenborg's Tremulation was read at the meeting of the Bokwetts Gille. This chapter treats of motion as the evidence of life, and of the finest of all motions, as being tremulations.
This chapter he therefore copied out and enclosed in a letter to Benzelius dated Stockholm, FEBRUARY 24, 1720:
Highly honored d: Brother:
One of d: Brother's letters I received, but that which was enclosed in Doctor Rudbeck's has likely been mislaid in the post to him. I am now breaking off the material and am sending the thirteenth chapter, for otherwise one might grope for the right meaning; would indeed desire that it be taken into full consideration, and that objection be made thereto, from which the subject could receive some enlightenment for myself, thinking that from objectiones I may be able to discover somewhat as to whether I am on the right or a misleading path. But to represent much to oneself concerning spiritibus animalibus, and to pretend to have knowledge of their chymie and function but none at all of their geometry, seems to be too weak a defension. For I assert that tremulation begins in liquido or fluido membranaceo,1 so that, if there is to be any spreading, the membranae must be tensed both with their duro2 and with the vasis sanguineis; for thus all the vasa lymphatica or vasa fluidi nervei in membranis lie in their proper condition and, like all else, the fluid in accordance with its contiguum, premerar [presses] almost in instanti, and thus brings the membranas into tremulation with itself, and these their ossa [bones], so that, almost the whole body comes into a subtle quivering which gives sensation.
highly honored d: Brother's
most humble servant
Eman : Swedenborg
Stockholm, Feb. 24,
1720
1 The liquid or fluid of the membrane.
2 Hard [bone].
The first number of the Bokwetts Gille's quarterly Acta Literaria Sueciae was published about the middle of February, and on February 26th, Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg, enclosing a copy. Naturally the latter was pleasing to its recipient, for not only did the Acta give a notice of his Daedalus Hyperboreus parts I-VI and of his little treatises on Algebra and the Motion and Position of the Earth, but its longest article was a review of his Height of Waters, and the Strong Ebb and Flow in the Primeval World. The review was written by Eric Burman, the Secretary of the Guild, who later became Professor of Mathematics at the Upsala Academy.3
3 In the second number of the Acta, Eric Burman reviewed Swedenborg's Method of Finding the Longitude. Both the reviews were summaries, rather than reviews.
Although Swedenborg had given up attending the official meetings of the College of Mines, his interest in mining matters led him to keep in touch with the College itself. It was here that he learned of a report recently received from Henrik Kahhneter,4 then an auscultant of the College engaged in researches into mining engineering, in which he described a steam engine used in Newcastle, England, for pumping water from coal mines.5 Swedenborg was interested in Kahlmeter's report, and, thinking it would be a worthy contribution to the Acta Literaria Sueciae, he took the trouble to include a copy of part of it in the letter which was received by his brother-in-law on FEBRUARY 29, 1720, in which also he enclosed chapters III and IV of his Tremulation.6
4 Henrik Kahlmeter (1691-1764) became auscultant or learner in the College of Mines in 1714, and Assessor in 1734. He seems, however, to have had a special genius for observation, for, during the years 1718-1727, and again from 1729-1731, he was sent to foreign lands to observe and study mining (Almqvist, Bergskollegium). See p. 444.
5 This was an engine invented by Newcomen. A drawing of it is given in Encycl. Brit., s.v. Steam Engines.
6 This was an extra long installment, and Swedenborg refers to it later as "a double installment."
I now send over the Continuation of what has gone before; would wish that it could win the approval of the learned men concerned. Since it has raised doubts, I will observe some delay with it until I get to hear what there can be to object against it; for if one has a contrair opinion, then the best of reasons would be disregarded. In praeconceptis,1 each and every man is almost blind. Yet, from my heart I shall readily leave to the pleasure of my Brother and the service of the publici all that may be called for. One must indeed look out that he does not get the Litteratorum exprobration [reproach of the learned] against him because of some new finds and hitherto undisclosed arguments. In the next chapter are, I think, some still better and more evident reasons taken from our own Sensibus and sensation.
1 Preconceived opinions.
Besides this, I have also different matters which are not yet worked out--something which concerns the mechanism of our passions and of the emotions of our mind so far as these can be deduced from the structura nervorum et membranarum; 2 and, in addition, concerning some unknown properties possessed by the ramificationes minimae arteriarum et venarum for the continuationem motus.3 But since this subject ought to be limeras [carefully investigated] by many reflections and anatomical considerations, this is held back for some better occasion.
2 Structure of the nerves and membranes.
3 "The least ramifications of the arteries and veins for the continuation [or carrying forward] of the motion." A small treatise on this subject was included in the Author's Miscellaneae Observationes, published at Leipzig in 1722.
What has been written concerning fire4 is almost twice as long as this; there I did my best to use diligence.
All this that has now been sent over, I have written up from the first draft; should there be any fault in one or other of the sentiments as regards the wording, it must be ascribed to the circumstance that the correct copy is not yet at hand.
At this moment, I got d: Brothers letter of February 26, and the review5 is a delight; ipsa latinitas etiam laudanda est,6 but it would not have hurt if a little more had been mentioned about the proof that was brought forward regarding the moving of
4 The reference probably is to the work on Fire and Hearths; see p. 215.
5 Namely, the review of The Height of Waters.
6 Even the Latinity is praiseworthy.
N.B.N.B. I beg that Daedalus, etc., may be inventoried, as I among my papers; as to learn how far the auction has advanced. Two Bibles must have accompanied the packages of books;7 these should be bound at d: Father's expense, one for himself and one for me as a present. If they are in Upsala, I beg that it be done there.
7 These books seem to have been sent from Brunsbo.
Councillor of Commerce Polhem's books8 must be somewhere among my papers; as soon as they are found, they should be sent back.
8 This perhaps refers to the unsold copies of Wishetens andra Grundwal (see p. 150)--the only work by Polhem thus far printed.
If I can safely send the continuation of the preceding,9 it shall be done with the utmost speed; but I do not wish to leave anything to sinistris arbitris [sinister judgments] for heads are not always set alike.
9 That is, of the preceding installments of Tremulation.
In order to communicate further something curiosum which is worth while, there follows an extract from a letter which has lately come from Kohlmtter who is at Neucastel, respecting a new curieus pumping machine. He is an auscultant in the Bergscollegium
Copy:
Here, just outside the city is a newly invented pump built for their coal mines which are much troubled by water, this being their greatest drawback. This pump, an exceedingly fine invention, was first brought to completion six weeks ago. It is driven by fire and water, with a great iron vessel above it, entirely covered except for a little hole. In this vessel, the water is boiled, and the whole machine is driven by the vapor, which comes through the little hole above, which is very powerful and drives up the crossbeam of the pump; and, since with this operation the air is withdrawn, the opening sucks the pump or crossbeam down again; for, on one end of the crossbeam which causes its motion, goes a kind of churn or drum like that by which one makes butter, made of metal, which is so tight that no air can press in at the sides of the piston which goes inside the drum.
10 I.e., no waterfall to supply power for pumps.
11 A tunna is about 4% bushels.
12 Samuel Triewald (1688-1743) was at this time a Register or Secretary in the Swedish Foreign Department. He was an ardent advocate of the claim to the Swedish throne made by Charles XII's nephew, the Duke of Holstein, and when, in 1727, that claim was officially rejected, he left Sweden, never to return. His brother, Mrten (1691-1747) was a man of marked mechanical genius. In 1716 he was employed as mine inspector by Messrs. Ridley, the owners of coal mines at Newcastle-upon-Tryne. In 1717 they experimented with an improvement of Newcomen's "atmospheric engine" to pump the water from one of their mines; Triewald introduced several improvements in the steam pump used at the mines. He returned to Sweden in 1726, and in 1728-29, in a room in the House of Nobles, he gave lectures in physics and mechanics which were attended by the most prominent persons in the city. In the latter year he became a member of the Upsala Bokwetts Gille, then under its new name "The Royal Society of Sciences." Soon afterwards he became a member of the Royal Society of England, and in 1739, a charter member of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Stockholm.
My thoughts hereon, in consequence of this letter and also of models of similar machines which were published some years ago, and likewise how it can be used in Sweden, I will set forth in detail on another occasion.13
13 This letter is without date or signature; but the date of its receipt is noted down by Eric Benzelius.
About the same time that Swedenborg wrote the above letter, he in his turn received a letter from his brother-in-law, informing him that Eric Burman was to review his Finding the Longitude for insertion in the second number of the Acta Literaria, and that Birger Vassenius14 had undertaken to translate the whole work into Latin.
14 See p. 163. At this time, Vassenius was doing private teaching in Upsala. In 1722 he received his Master's degree, and became a member of the Bokwetts Gille. In the same year he commenced the publication in Skara of a greatly improved almanac which he continued for twenty-five years.
Swedenborg answered this letter on MARCH 3, but without enclosing any portion of his Tremulation.
Highly honored d: Brother:
By the last post I sent a double quantity to make up for the lack in this post, until I get some information as to whether what has been sent over secures approval or censure. For the rest, d: Brother has the disposal of the little I have assembled.
My Brother will please thank Magister Vassenius on my behalf, who has taken on himself the trouble of the translation.1
1 There is no evidence that Vassenius ever made a translation of Swedenborg's Longitude.
It is well that my Brother will have the work on Longitude reviewed, but I wish that it be done with some care, so that it may find favor abroad, especially since it can be of such great use to the public; am sure that, in some respects, this is the easiest method among those that have been invented. In the translation, and also in the review, for the sake of the continuation [continuity] of the matter, chapters 21, 22, 23 come immediately after the 12th chapter, to wit, in the following order, 12, 21, 22, 23, 13,14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 24.2
2 In the printed review, Burman did not follow this suggestion.
May not now be the time and occasion for proposing to the Diet that which was projected in the blessed King Charles XII's time in regard to the setting up of a new Societas Mathematica such as those that exist at those places where studies flourish, to encourage that for which there are indeed clever men in Sweden, but few encouragements, advancements, salaries, support, etc. In England, such an institution has been established from small beginnings, and by the contributions of many well disposed supporters, and it has performed great uses for that kingdom.3
3 The reference is to the Royal Philosophical Society of London. This Society had its inception in 1645, with informal weekly meetings of divers persons interested in "the new experimental philosophy." In 1662, a charter was granted by Charles II, and the name "The Royal Society of London" adopted. The Society was supported by the weekly contribution of one shilling imposed on its Fellows.
For the advancement thereof, permission will likely not be refused for the yearly establishment of a public lottery (according to my poor suggestion), in which the profit is reckoned in the same way as was recently done in Malm, and as is done every year in France, for the right bringing up of a number of young people and poor children.
highly honored d: Brother's
most obedient servant
Eman: Swedenborg
Stockholm, March 3,
1720
Almost at the same time that Swedenborg was writing this letter, his stepmother died--her death occurring at two o'clock in the afternoon of March 3d, after a short illness of three days.4 Swedenborg, however, does not appear to have heard of this death, for he left Stockholm so soon after March third that a letter from his father failed to reach him in that city. Meanwhile he went to his favorite retreat, Starbo, where resided his sister Hedwig and her husband Lars Benzelstierna.5 There he copied out chapters 5 and 6 of his Tremulation, which he enclosed in two letters to Eric Benzelius.
4 Tottie, Jesper Swedberg, II, 272.
5 Lars Benzelius was ennobled on June 25, 1719, when he adopted the name Benzelstierna.
It was while in Starbo that Emanuel received word of the sudden death of his stepmother, Sara Bergia. He had been her favorite among all Bishop Swedberg's children. Indeed, she wished to leave him the whole of her valuable property at Starbo, with its forge, furnace, woods, and meadows, etc., and it was only by the persuasion of the Bishop that she was prevailed upon to leave him only his due share, though with the proviso that he should have the option of buying out his brothers and sisters.
After receiving news of his stepmother's death, Swedenborg at once went to Brunsbo, not even troubling to take with him his papers and books.
From Brunsbo he wrote to his brother-in-law on APRIL, 12:
Highly honored d: Brother:
Since my departure from Stockholm, I have had no time to send the continuation of my Anatomy, nor can it he done from here since I do not have the first draft with me, nor does my head remember it. At the first opportunity that can offer, I shall communicate something thereon.1
1 This was never done and all that now remains of the work on Tremulation are the chapters (1-6 and 13) which had already been copied out and sent to Benzelius.
In Starbo, from a man named Kock, I heard something that is worthy of an observation which I shall make at the time of the solstice next June. He, with another man, watched one night on a mountain one and a half miles2 from Starbo. The mountain is called Lansberg and lies between Lodwika3 and Hellsjn, and has below it, toward the sunset, a great lake called Wesman. There he saw the sun over the horizon almost the whole night; and at midnight, when the sun had gone down for half an hour, he also saw it in Lake Westuan. He told this to Master of Mines, Lars Benzel and myself, as being an absolute fact. If this is so, the principal cause thereof must be [Lake] Wesman which made the horizon damp and more disposed for refraction. Meanwhile, I do not wish to set faith in it until I myself can make the same observation, which would be wholly worthy of the Acta Eruditorum.
2 About ten English miles.
3 Ludvika.
My most humble greeting to Sister Anna and little Eric. I remain,
highly honored d: Brother's
most humble servant
Eman : Swedenborg
Brunsbo, April 12
1720
At Brunsbo, Swedenborg began to devote more particular attention to the study of chemistry. He appears to have first entered upon an independent study of this science when, in the Christmas season of 1718, at Brunsbo, he read Hjrne's Acta et Tentamina Chymica, of which he had no very great estimation. But now, for the first time he had within his reach a rich store of hooks written by the leading chemists of the age. These books were in the possession of the provincial physician, Doctor Hesselius, who made his home with Bishop Swedberg. They had been gathered together by a former physician of the Skara district, Doctor Jacob Ludenius,4 who, while studying medicine in Holland, had acquired a considerable library. This was now in the possession of Doctor Hesselius, who became District Physician in 1715, and Swedenborg did not neglect to make use of it in his eager desire to master the facts of nature as a means of investigating their causes.
4 Jacob Ludenius (1679-1712) was the son of Bened. Andr. Ludenius, Rector of Skarstad, some twenty-five miles southwest of Skara. After studying in Upsala, 1701-7, he received an allowance from the Skara Consistory, enabling him to study medicine in Holland during 1708. Returning then to Skara, he was appointed District Physician there. He died in 1712, and in 1715, Swedenborg's cousin, Dr. Johan Hesselius, was appointed to succeed him. His brother, Captain Anders Lundstedt married Swedenborg's youngest sister, Margareta in 1713; See p. 202, note 3.
While in the midst of these studies, he received, at the end of letter from Eric Benzelius, begging him to continue sending installments of his work on Tremulation. Benzelius also stated his intention of going to Brunsbo on Ascension Day5 (May 26). Swedenborg answered this letter on MAY 2, enclosing in his answer a "project of the three tomes on Mechanism on which he was working--namely, On the Mechanics of Fire, of Hearths, and Of Ores":6
5 Probably to attend the funeral of Sara Bergia. In those days, the ceremonial funeral with a commemorative sermon was held several weeks after the death.
6 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. I, 24.
Highly honored d: Brother:
I received d: Brother's letter yesterday, and it would be my greatest pleasure if I were able to continue the anatomy from here. The first draft was left at Starbo; without this, it would be some trouble for me to open up the vestigia [traces] which are already deeply obducta alius generis cogitationibus.1
1 Covered over by thoughts of another kind.
Since d: Brother is pleased to be here on Ascension Day, I could likely be back in Starbo by the 11th or 12th of June, so as to make the observation referred to [in my last] de sole inocciduo or refracto. Until then, I am suspending judgment until my own eyes have witnessed it.
I am now engaged in running through all the chymier which are to be found in the Ludeniano penu librorum [Ludenian stock of books] which now belongs to Hesselius; for I have set before me to wish in every way to penetrate into all that concerns fire and metals a primis incunabulis usque ad maturitatem2 In accordance with the project of the preceding Memorialet, I am taking the experimenta chymica of Boyle, Beccher, Hierne, Lemmery, etc., and am searching into Nature in minimis, comparing them with Geometry and Mechanics; and I am daily encouraged by new decouverter in all that concerns the nature of subtle substances. This, I am more and more confirmed in, since I already notice that experiments, like a series of links, desire to be in agreement with it. It seems to me, that an endless number of experiments is a good foundation to build upon, in order to make use of the labor and expenditure of other men, that is, to work with the head, over that on which others have worked with their hands. From this could come a multitude of deductions in chymicis, metallicis fire and all their phenomena.
2 From their first cradle even to their maturity.
If it were not too much trouble, I would have liked it if my Brother would be pleased to bring with him Hawksbee's Experimenta Antleae suae3 which the Library bought through me. Therein are many fine experiments in respect to fire, the magnet, etc., in vacuo vel in moto,4 of which I do not remember circumstantierna [the details].
3 Experiments with his air pump. See p. 32, also p. 28.
4 In a vacuum or in motion. If motion is meant, the word should be motu. The context, however, indicates that motu is a slip for aero (in the air).
My most humble greeting is sent to Sister Anna, Brother Eric, etc., I remain,
Highly honored Brother's
faithful brother and servant
Brunsbo, May 2, 1720 Eman: Swedenborg
P.S. Pray bring Hawksbee. When I was journeying down here, I observed on the way how that the very largest stones, like little mountains, to the weight of 300 or 400 skeppunds,5 have come high up in [the mountains].6 Take note of this on the journey down; for me it is a demonstrative argument that in a deep abyss stones are rolled and scattered round about, to wit, are brought higher and higher (since the highest land is in the neighborhood of rebro),7 that is, nearer and nearer to the edge or surface of the ocean, until they come to so little a depth that it was no longer able to roll them away again. This is what I proved8--that a deep ocean is able to do this, but not
a shallow.
5 Between 61 to 81 long tons.
6 Here follows a line which is illegible owing to the frayed edge of the paper.
7 The road from Starbo to Brunsbo runs through rebro.
8 In The Height of Waters, etc.
Whether or not Swedenborg actually tested Kock's observation by visiting Mount Lansberg during the summer solstice on June 3, is not known. In the middle of June, he was in Skinnskatteberg, some thirty miles southeast of Lansberg, and from here he made his first written appeal to the Bergscollegium for recognition. It was dated JUNE 19, 1720:
High and well-born Herr Count, President*,
and Privy Councillor of Sweden
and
Well-born Herr Vice President**, Councillor of Mines and Assessors:
As I desire nothing more highly than to have an opportunity of being of use and actual service to your Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium, therefore, in view of this, I make bold to come in with a humble prayer that your Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium will be pleased to promote my purpose:
I remain your High Excellency's
and
the highly renowned Royal Collegium's
most humble servant.
Skinnskatteberg Emanuel Swedenborg
June 19, 1720
* The President (1721-1727) was Count Jacob Spens (1656-1721). He was succeeded (1721-1727) by Count Gustaf Bonde (1682-1765) who became a lifelong friend to Swedenborg.
** The vice-president was Urban Hjerne. In October 1920 the office was abolished.
*** According to an ordinance of 1673, an assessor extraordinary was entitled to half the salary of an assessor. But see p. 242.
Swedenborg's presence in Skinnskatteberg was caused mainly by the necessity of appearing before the law court in connection with the will of his stepmother. She had bequeathed her mining property at Starbo, Prsthyttan, etc., to be divided equally between Bishop Swedberg's six children, save that Emanuel was to continue to enjoy the full income of Starbo for one year after her death, and was then to have the option of purchasing the property.
1 See F. G. Lindh, Swedenborgs Ekonomie, in N. K. Tidning, 1927, p. 77.
When he had completed his part in this contest, Swedenborg went on to Stockholm Here he heard of the death, on June 25, of Johan Angerstein (b. 1672), one of the Assessors of the College of Mines. In his letter addressed to the College on June 19, Swedenborg had asked only for a salary as Extraordinary Assessor; but now, knowing that there was a vacancy, he makes an appeal to the King for appointment as Assessor. The appeal is dated STOCKHOLM, JULY 9, 1720:
Most mighty all gracious King:
I am impelled in humility to come before your Royal Majesty, and in utmost humility to relate, how that in Your Royal Bergscollegium, the post of an ordinary Assessor has become vacant by the removal by death of Assessor Angersten; and, at the same time, in humility to request that, on this occasion, your Royal Majesty, with royal grace, will he pleased to remember me his lowly subject who during the whole of his life has no higher desire than to get an opportunity, by some humble service, to bring into actuality that duty which a subject owes to your Royal Majesty. That I most humbly make request herein, is imposed on me, first, because I have expended my own means on foreign journeys of over four years' duration, when I took it upon myself to procure that which I thought might in time be of some use and service to Your Majesty's kingdom On my return home, I got orders from the late King Charles XII to accompany Councillor of Commerce Polhem, and to assist him in the establishment of public works; this, therefore, in humility, I complied with at my own expense, for three years.
During the same time, I have also laid out my scanty means in the costly publishing of many printed writings, with which, as likewise with that work on Fire and Furnaces which, in humility, I submitted to the Royal Bergscollegium a year ago;1 and also by another writing which can yet be published for the use and advancement of your Royal Majesty's Bergscollegium, I have thought only of showing as a subject my duty and intention to become of humble use to the highly renowned Royal Bergcollegium.
1 See p. 244, note 4.
In addition to this, I have for four years been Extraordinary Assessor in the above-named Bergscollegium, and, without salary, have awaited an occasion to be remembered; whereof also the late Charles XII has most graciously assured me by word of mouth. But since, with his departure by death, my temporal fortune now seems for me to be dead and extinguished, therefore, I flee to your Royal Majesty who is in his exalted place, and ask in humility to be remembered on this occasion with some grace; wherewith, I remain to my dying hour,
Your Royal Majesty's
My most gracious King's
most faithful and humble subject,
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm,
July 9, 1720
Two weeks later, this appeal for royal favor was supported by Bishop Swedberg, who, in a letter dated Brunsbo, July 21, appealed to the King, that, in view of the vacancy in the College of Mines, "he would deign to show me, in my old age, such grace as to favor with this post my son Emanuel Swedenborg, who for some years has been Assessor Extraordinary, and has well used his time in studies and foreign journeys; which, to me in my old days, would be a great satisfaction." Despite these appeals, the appointment went to Johan Bergenstierna,2 a man who had served the College for over twenty years.
2 Johan Bergenstierna (1668-1748) was appointed Auscultant in the Bergscollegium in 1699. He rose through the various grades of service until in 1719 he received the title, though not the office, of Assessor. He succeeded to the office itself in August 1720, and in all likelihood had been promised it when he received the title (Almqvist, Bergskollegium). He became Councillor in the College in 1731, and retired in 1747, two months before Swedenborg's resignation. In 1735 he married Elizabeth Brink, the widow of Swedenborg's brother Eliezer; see p. 110, note 3.
Although during his stay in Stockholm from November 1719 to the end of February 1720, he had attended the sessions of the Bergscollegium only a few times in November, Swedenborg still considered himself entitled to such attendance. But now that his application for an assessorship had been denied, his right to attend the sessions of the College seems to have been challenged. At any rate, one of the Assessors, David Leijei,3 denied him the right to sign any of the college documents, and, as it would appear, Leijel was not contradicted by the College. Yet this same Leijel had been present at the meeting of the college on April 6, 1717, when Swedenborg took the oath as Assessor Extraordinary; and. at subsequent sessions, he had sat with him at the Assessors' table. It should be added, however, that there was some uncertainty as to the exact status of an Assessor Extraordinary. According to an ordinance of 1673, there were to he two assessors extraordinary. These were to have a seat and voice in the Bergscollegium, and were to enjoy half the salary of an assessor.4 But until the appointment of Swedenborg by Charles XII in December 1716, there had been no assessor extraordinary for nearly forty years, and there was some obscurity as to the exact status of that office. During the life of Charles XII no difficulties were raised, and there was no question of salary, since, theoretically at any rate, Swedenborg was being paid for his work by the King. Swedenborg's appointment had been dictated by Charles XII without consulting the College of Mines, and it is not surprising that after the King's death, when Swedenborg attended the College, he was probably made to feel that he would not be recognized.
3 David Leijel (1660-1727) was the son of a Scotch nobleman, who had settled in Sweden. He became Assessor in the Bergscollegium in 1714 (Sv. Konversations Lex, s. v. Leijel).
4 Almqvist, Bergksollegium 17.
And now, having failed in these attempts, (1) to secure a salary, and (2) to receive an assessorship, nothing remained but to wait for the occurrence of another vacancy.5 The prospect of an appointment came with the death of one of the Councillors on November 11. This involved that Stromner, the senior assessor, would fill the vacancy thus created, and that a new assessor would then be appointed to take his place.
5 At that time, the membership of the Bergscollegium was restricted to one president, two councillors, and four assessors. After the appointment of Benzelstierna in August 1720, the four assessors were Anders Strmner, David Leijel, Anders Swab (Swedenborg's cousin, brother-in-law and step-brother, see p,. 7r, note 7), and J. Bergenstierna.
Justly disappointed at this unexpected nomination, Swedenborg therefore again appealed to the King, and this in a letter dated Stockholm, NOVEMBER 21, 1720:
Most Mighty all Gracious King:
Although I acknowledge with respect all that your Royal Majesty's Colleges are pleased to do, and am sure that all will he for the service of your Majesty and the kingdom, yet, your Majesty will not receive it ungraciously that, in humility, I venture to come forward and state:
That for the past half year after the late Assessor Angersteen's removal by death, I have been passed by, although I then had the advantage of having been Assessor Extraordinary in the Royal Bergscollegium for four years; and, further, to state that at the same time, it has been refused me by Herr Assessor David Leyel to sign the letters of the Royal Collegium, as I had done in the time of the late King, and have the right to do by virtue of my warrant. Yet, despite all this, I was in the humble hope of being favorably remembered on some other occasion; and now, in particular, after the removal by death of the late Bergsrd1 Kinmunde*, of being named in succession. But, as I note that I am again passed by, I am thereby shut out from the hope of winning, by preiennent in the Royal Bergscollegium, any opportunity of displaying my humble service in that which is incumbent upon me.
1 The title of a Councillor of the Bergscollegium.
* The true name is Kinnmundt.
Since your Royal Majesty's Bergscollegium is doubtless in some way justified in this action, therefore it is my most humble prayer to your Royal Majesty, that, ill grace, your Royal Majesty may be pleased to remember me, and graciously to examine into the reasons for which I am deemed unworthy.
I acknowledge that I have not yet attained by my years to the same worthiness as others,2 who were in service long before me; nor have had the good fortune humbly to attend the Royal Collegium as auscultant or bergmstare;3 and, in consequence thereof, have not been advanced to an assessorship by the recommendation of the Royal Collegium.
2 Bergenstierna, who had been appointed after Swedenborg's first appeal, was Swedenborg's senior by twenty years, and had entered the College as auscultant in 16933, but Bromell, who received the present appointment, while nine years older than Swedenborg, was a physician, and had not been connected with the College until December, 1719, when he was appointed assistant to Hierne in its chemical laboratory.
3 Master of Mines. A bergmstare had the regulation of mining matters in a certain district.
Your Royal Majesty will be pleased, therefore, not to take it ungraciously that I venture to mention the means whereby I have thought to be able to gain advancement from your Royal Majesty and the Royal Bergscollegium.
First: For over four years, I have been abroad in England, Holland, and France, and there have sought with all possible diligence and expense to acquire mathesis and the like sciences. After this, the late King Charles XII was pleased to appoint me Assessor Extraordinary in his Bergscollegium (as the [enclosed] copies show), and, moreover, showed and promised me all grace.
Then I was with Councillor of Commerce Polhem for three years, and, in humble obedience to his late Majesty's gracious order, was assistant to him at the dock, the sluice work, and other undertakings, and sought with diligence to gain praxin [practical experience] and to acquire whatever the said Councillor of Commerce possessed therein.
Moreover, by the press, I have made public a number of inventa in Mechanicis, Geometricis, Algebraicis, etc., in order to show my desire to be of service to your Royal Majesty, and in some way emulera [to emulate] in your Royal Majesty's kingdom, those who give out such works in foreign lands.
As regards mining matters, two years ago I humbly submitted to the Royal Bergscollegium some new investigations in respect to fire which in time could serve for the advancement of the practice of mining;4 have also had in mind to give an exact description of all Swedish mining operations, and, as a beginning, have humbly submitted a description of Swedish Blast-furnaces and hearths, etc., which the Royal Collegium seems to have received favorably.
4 Swedenborg refers to a work on Fire in his letter to Benzelius of November 3, 1719, where he says that he had been working on "an exact description of our Swedish smelting and blast furnaces; and a theory or investigation concerning tire and hearths" (see p. 215). In his letter of February 29, 1720 (p. 230), he writes, referring presumably to the latter work: "What has been written concerning fire is almost twice as long as this"--namely, Tremulation. It is fair to assume that this work was the "new investigation in respect to fire" referred to as having been presented to the Bergscollegium "two years ago," i.e., in the Fall of 1718. But, after the Spring of 1717, Swedenborg's next visit to Stockholm was from the end of January to the beginning of May, 1719, and again in the autumn of the same year, when, on November 3, he handed in to the Bergscollegium "the aforementioned"; see p. 215. It has been supposed that these words referred only to the work on Blast Furnaces, but in the light of the present text, they must be understood as including the Theory concerning Fire. Therefore the "two years ago" of the text must be taken as a slip for "a year ago," as in his former letter to the King (p. 241). Later Swedenborg translated the work into Latin and published it in Amsterdam, 1721, as Nova Observata et inventa circum Ferrum et Ignem. An English translation is printed in Chemistry, p. 183 seq.
As to chemistry and metals, I have exercised my thoughts on these for three years, and, besides, have traced out their inner geometry and the true reasons pertaining to the experiments which have been set up by chymicis [chemists], whereby I opine no little use will hereafter redound to this science.
All this, however, I am induced to mention as an obligation to do what behooves a subject, in the hope that by advancement I may get the opportunity to attain my proposed end. But since, against all expectation, I find myself twice passed by,5 no other course is left me than to approach your Royal Majesty with an humble Supplique, and most humbly to request that I may enjoy from your Royal Majesty the grace to be remembered in this connection; which would tend to the encouraging of your Royal Majesty's subjects to devote themselves to that branch of work in your Royal Majesty's kingdom which proves to be most useful. Wherewith I remain
Your Royal Majesty's
My most gracious King's
most faithful and humble subject,
Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1720 Emanuel Swedenborg
5 What is meant is that his two previous appeals, one to the Bergscollegium and the other to the King, had been rejected. Actually he had been "passed by" only once, namely, when Johan Bergenstierna had been appointed.
[Enclosures]
We Carl by God's grace, King of Sweden, Gtha and Wende, etc., etc., make known that, inasmuch as we have graciously thought fit that some one who has a good knowledge of mechanics, should also have a seat in the Bergs Collegium; and for this, our faithful and beloved subject, Emanuel Swedberg, in view of his praiseworthy qualities and skill, has been proposed to us; therefore, we have herewith and by virtue of this our open warrant, graciously willed to appoint him, Emanuel Swedberg, to be Assessor Extrordinarius in our Bergs Collegium. To this, all whom it may concern must, give obedient observance. For further assurance, we have confirmed this with our own signature and our royal seal.
CAROLUS
S. Cronhjelm
Lund, Dec. 18, 1716
Read in the royal Bergs Collegium, April 6, 1717.
Carl. Our special favor ... since in grace we have been pleased to advance Eman: Swedberg to be Extraord: Ass: in the Bergs Collegio, yet in such way that at the same time he should accompany Councillor of Commerce Polhem and be his assistant in instituting his constructions and inventions, we have, therefore, desired hereby to inform you of this, with the gracious order that you allow him to enjoy seat and voice6 in the Collegium when he is able to be present, and, in particular, when such matters come up as concern mechanics. Wherewith we command, etc.,
CAROLUS
S. Cronhjelm
Lund, Dec. 18, 1716*
6 The italics in these copies were supplied by Swedenborg.
* This was read in the Bergscollegium on January 7, 1717. See p. 136.
This second appeal to the King was equally unsuccessful as the first, for, on November 25th, the King, acting on the recommendation of the Bergscollegium, appointed Magnus Bromell to the vacant assessorship. Indeed, no appeal was at all likely to be successful, unless the Bergscollegium itself was moved to act favorably; and, for the present, this was out of the question.
Swedenborg was doubtless greatly discouraged by these setbacks to his endeavor to secure appointment to that office which he had come to regard as the field of his life's work;
In December he went to Brunsbo to attend the wedding of Bishop Swedberg and his third wife, Christina Arrhusia, which was celebrated on Christmas day by the Bishop's son-in-law Jonas Unge, then Rector of a parish some ten miles south of Skara. From Brunsbo, he then went to his favorite Starbo, where, on February 21, he acted as godfather to his sister Hedwig Benzelstierna's infant daughter.7 While in Starbo, he was busily occupied in revising and translating into Latin, the works which he proposed publishing in Holland. In Starbo he also attended to the lawsuit over Sara Bergia's will. This was finally settled in favor both of Bishop Swedberg's children as against the claims of Sara Bergia's brother, and of the oral will (p. 230); and the court allowed the distribution of the bequests, which included much ready cash. Being thus placed in a favorable financial position, Swedenborg entered into a contract with his brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna, dated April 16, 1721, whereby they two became joint owners of Starbo, Narmas, and Prsthyttan, after buying out the other heirs. This was an advantageous arrangement for Swedenborg, inasmuch as it enabled him to travel, without concern as to the carrying on of the furnaces, etc., which remained under the able management of his brother-in-law who was the Master of Mines for the district.
7 N.K.Tid., 1917, p. 43.
After completing his work in Starbo, Swedenborg then proceeded to Stockholm, to make his final preparations for what he expected to be a protracted journey to Holland, England, France, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany. Arriving in Stockholm about the middle of May, he was both surprised and pleased to receive a book entitled De Lapidibus Figuratis published in Lbeck, 1720, which had been sent him with the compliments of its author. It was the work of Jacob Melle, a learned antiquarian and polyhistorian of the free city of Lbeck. A Melle had sent the book to Swedenborg because he had read the latter's work on the Height of Waters, and had cited it in a footnote, as follows:
A Melle's book had probably been waiting for Swedenborg in Stockholm, for it was undoubtedly addressed to him at the College of Mines. It was only in a footnote that his name was noticed, but, and what to Swedenborg was the main thing, this mention was his first introduction to the learned world, as an authority.
He lost no time in acknowledging receipt of the book, in a Latin letter to Melle, dated MAY 17, 1721.*
* The original letter is lost; but it was printed in Acta Literaria Sueciae for July, 1721, pp. 192-96.
I have lately received as a gift from you, most learned Man, a Description of the Figured Stones found in the neighborhood of Lubec, and I am very glad that at this day, by the labor of learned men, memorials are here and there being dug up from the earth which are undoubted indications of a primeval ocean. Figured stones, and likewise various petrified objects are also found in many places in Sweden, and those in West Gothland have been collected with great care by the provincial Physician, John Hesselius. Among us, the most renowned collector of such objects is Doctor Magnus Bromell, Assessor in the College of Mines, who already has many figured stones and other petrified objects engraved on copper; and also Doctor Laurence Roberg, Professor of Medicine in the Upsala Academy. To their care, as, in the present case, to yours, most learned Man, we owe the crowning testimony concerning the depth of the primeval ocean.
That the land on which we dwell was formerly an ocean floor, is most clearly evident both from the above and from other evidences.
1 Conchae et testudines, that is, spirated shells, such as periwinkles, snails, etc., and vaulted shells, such as mussels and cockies.
2 Korn, an island off the coast of Bohusln, some twenty-five miles west of Uddevalla; and Orust or Oroust, also off the Bohuslan coast and not far from Uddevalla. The latter is one of Sweden's largest islands.
In Sweden can also be observed strata of the utmost diversity, as, for instance, in mines here and there; and in Scania,3 in a mine not far from the city of Landscrona; frequently in the rubble of certain mountains, and also in the slopes of the highest hills, such as Kinnekulle, Billingen, etc.
3 Skne, the southernmost province of Sweden.
That the ocean stood high above our land, is a conclusion which, it seems, can be more readily arrived at from the surface of our northern land than from the surface of regions farther away toward the south. Here have been noticed whole regions filled and overlaid, as it were, with rocks of immense weight and size; and the higher the region is above the sea, the greater in size and the more numerous, are the rocks that you will see.
In my treatise, written in the vernacular, and which you, most learned Man, have been pleased to cite in your notes, I endeavored to show that at the bottom of a deep and surging sea, rocks of great weight can be rolled about, hither and thither, and carried throughout the globe. This I strove to deduce from the following hydraulic arguments:
1. That stony matter, as compared with an [equal] volume of [fresh] water, weighs no more than 2-1/2 to 1; and still less as compared with salt water.
2. Furthermore, that in water, almost half its weight is lost, with the result that the 2-1/2 becomes no more than 1-1/2.
3. That thus the weight of a stone is not equally felt in the sea as in the air, since the aqueous element is so heavy that it almost equals the part of the residual-weight; that is to say, since the weight of a rock in water is to the weight of its element, as 1-1/2 to 1; in air, as compared to the weight of its element, it will be 2000 to 1, if not more.
4. That, therefore, if fluctuations drive the sea at its bottom, as storms drive the air at its bottom wherein we live; and if the column of the sea be some hundred ells in height; then certainly, the motion and force of the water fluctuating at the bottom will be increased in the ratio of the altitude and bases, and an ocean wave continued toward the bottom will have more force by reason of its altitude, than the same wave at the surface.
5. And, consequently, that the primeval sea was powerful enough to carry with it rocks of immense mass, spontaneously detached from mountains, and to strew the earth with them here and there, and also to move its whole bed.
6. No otherwise than the atmosphere at its bottom, is wont to carry sand, pieces of wood and bark, leaves, feathers, cloths, and many other things which are a thousand times heavier than the element. If only the air is driven by a storm, such things are snatched up and carried on high as though they were light objects. This force seems due, in part, to the altitude of the atmosphere, and when this is in motion, then, by the weight of its column, it imparts the same force to the storm that any other force imparts to a large body in motion.
7. That many examples of this can be obtained from dykes or water dams which are constructed by means of a double planking with heaps of stones between them. Whenever the water rises up to a height of three or four ells, which is wont to be the case at the time of Spring, we observe such force in the water that it frequently overturns the darn and precipitously carries off the stones with itself, and sometimes conveys them even to a distance of a hundred ells. This also is due to the altitude of the water.
8. Hence, in places in Sweden which are at the highest elevation above the sea, as in the region around rebro which is midway between two seas,4 fragments of rock are observed which are larger and more numerous than elsewhere; for they were able to force their way and follow the waves thus far but no higher, because they were [then] too near the surface [of the sea].
4 Namely, Lakes Venner and Hjlmar.
From the above, it can be inferred that the present surface of our earth owes its unevenness to the ocean, and that all that part of it which consists of mud, shells, sand, stones, and which is not even, is due to fluctuations in the depth of the sea. Hence arose:
1. So many different kinds and configurations of hills.
2. The many strata therein.
3. So many mountain ridges, consisting partly of sand, partly of pebbles, partly of great rocks, and extending to a distance of eight or ten miles.5
5 About 53 to 66 English miles.
4. The roundness of the pebbles, of which these great ridges consist; for they appear as though polished on a wheel--which is a sign that they have been tossed about and rubbed against each other by a continual motion of rolling at the bottom [of the sea].
5. And, what greatly confirms this sentiment, is the fact that in Sweden the tops of the above-mentioned ridges run mostly from north to south, which seems to have come about from constant east and west winds such as we find now in the great ocean; for there must necessarily have been such winds in the diluvian and boreal ocean, seeing that it was devoid of shores, etc., etc.
All that has been mentioned might have happened in the flood, but as to whether they all happened in that year and the Noachian flood, this, perhaps, should be called into question. The reason is, because the cross beams and ribs of trireme ships are still found in many places which are almost forty or fifty ells above the level of the ocean of today. Moreover, in the mountains are seen hooks, rings, and anchors, and many objects which indicate that the ancient inhabitants had a port there; and certain it is that toward the north, the level of the Baltic Sea is still gradually subsiding, and it has been found that within seventy years this subsidence has reached to a perpendicular of four or five ells. Hence, in many places, ploughing is going on where a hundred years ago there was a passage for boats, and sowing, where fish were caught. I myself have seen these marine places, and have heard old men tell stories about them. In western Bothnia,6 within the space of a single century, some towns have been removed from the shore, as though of their own will, and are some hundred or a thousand paces distant from the ancient site of their port.
6 I.e., on the western or Swedish shore of the Gulf of Bothnia.
If the above can be confirmed still further by the discoveries of the learned, such as yours, most learned Man, in the environs of Lbec, this will supply ground for thinking, though not yet for asserting:
1. That the horizontal pressure of our world is subject to change. This follows as a consequence, if the seas are depressed toward the poles, and elevated (as is asserted) toward the equator.
2. And, consequently, that the latitudinal distances vary.
3. That some continental lands might formerly have been islands, and that, in process of time, with the subsidence of the sea, these were joined together.
There are also other points which I do not venture to make public until, fortified by still further proofs, I can rest on a firmer footing.
Meanwhile, it is a delight to search into the causes of things, and to listen to men who, by their genius, penetrate into the arcana of nature, and by their industry and labor, evolve the things of antiquity from those of today. I acknowledge you, most learned Man, to be one of this company, and I most earnestly pray that you may still further serve the learned world. Stockholm, May 21, 1721 [Emanuel Swedenborg]
Whether Swedenborg received an answer to this letter, is not known, but it may be assumed that he did; for Swedenborg does not seem to have been in the habit of preserving the letters he received; at ally rate, so far as is known, very few of such letters are now preserved.
After posting his letter to Melle, Swedenborg sent a copy to Eric Benzelius, together with a request that it be published in the Acta Literaria Sueciae. He also enclosed a list of fifteen Latin works which he proposed to publish in Amsterdam,7 for he expected to start on his journey very soon.
7 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 50.
Both the letter and the list were published in the third or July issue of the Acta for 1721, from which the latter is here copied:
I. Part One of Natural Principles concerning the diversities of round particles.
II. The Theory of Water, briefly setting forth geometrical and experimental demonstrations of water particles, that is, their interior mechanism.
III. Part Six of Natural Principles. Concerning the interstitial figures of water in the quadrate pyramidal position.
IV. The Theory of Common Salt, containing geometrical and experimental demonstrations of the particles of common salt, that is, the mechanism of their interior texture.
V. The Theory of Acid Salt, containing geometrical and experimental demonstrations of the particles of acid salt, that is, the mechanism of these figures.
VI. The Theory of Nitre, containing geometrical and experimental demonstrations of the particles of nitre, that is, their mechanism.
VII. The Theory of Volatile Urinous Salt, containing experimental and geometrical demonstrations of the particles of oil and of volatile urinous salt.
VIII. Appendix, or certain general rules concerning transparency and the colors white, red, and yellow; drawn from our theory of light and rays.
IX. The Theory of Lead, containing geometrical and experimental demonstrations of the particles of lead, that is, the mechanism of its interior texture. The preface treats of matter and of metallic particles and their origin. Toward the end is a bare recital of experiments in respect of silver and mercury.8
8 Nos. I-IX are the titles of works which Swedenborg wrote from time to time in Swedish, commencing in January 1718, and are the chapter headings of the book printed in Amsterdam in 1721, under the title "A Forerunner of the Principles of Natural Things, that is, of new attempts to explain chemistry and experimental physics geometrically," but commonly known as "Chemistry." The published work consists of A Parts A VIII, IX (no. II), X (no. III where it is called "Part Six"), XI (IV), XII (V), XIII (VI) and XXV (IX). This indicates that these "Parts" were intended to be chapters in a greater work, projected for the future--a conclusion that is confirmed by the title "A Forerunner," etc., given to the published work.
X. Some New Observations or rough experiments concerning fire, iron and its ore and ashes, gathered from its great furnace; together with the construction of the latter.
XI. A Treatise concerning the elementary nature of fire.9
9 Nos. X and XI were published by Swedenborg in Amsterdam in 1721, under the title "New Observations and Discoveries respecting Iron and Fire." This is probably the same work as that which, in his letter to the King, of November 21, 1720, Swedenborg says that he submitted to the College of Mines "two years" previously; see p. 244, note 4.
XII. Description of a naval receptacle, commonly called a Dock, for the repairing of ships in ports to which no tidal wave approaches.
XIII. A new Construction of a Water Dam or Mole, whereby rivers and torrents of water are stopped by a contrivance such that, the greater the quantity of the rushing water, and the deeper and more vehement, the more firmly does it stand, at the same time that it is constructed at less expense, and lasts longer than the ordinary dam.
XIV. A Method of searching out mechanically the powers and qualities of ships of divers kinds and construction.
XV. A New Method of finding the Longitude of places on land and at sea, by means of the moon.10
10 Nos. XII to XV were printed as a single book (in Amsterdam 1721), with No. XV as the title. Nos. XII and XIII are a description of Polhem's work at Karlskrona, no. XII being a translation or adaptation from the Swedish tract which Swedenborg published in 1719. Nos. XIV and XV are translations or adaptations of articles previously printed in the Daedalus Hyperboreus.
On May 28th, Swedenborg again wrote to Eric Benzelius, enclosing as his contribution to the Bokwetts Gille, a MS. copy of the Latin work on Finding the Longitude, which he proposed publishing in Holland.11 On the same day he left for Holland, going by way of Copenhagen and Hamburg.
11 Bokwetts Gillets prot. p. 51.
On this journey, he had as companion and fellow traveler, his cousin, Doctor John Hesselius,l2 who was going to Holland to obtain a medical degree at the university of Hardervijk. Doctor Hesselius, since his appointment in 1715 as the Provincial Physician for West Gothland, had made his home with his uncle, Bishop Swedberg. He was but a few months older than Emanuel, and the two cousins were closely bound together by a common love of investigating the phenomena of nature.
12 Hesselius's mother was the sister of Bishop Swedberg's second wife, Sara Bergia.
Though in a way repudiated by the College of Mines, Swedenborg was still determined to maintain relations with that body.
High-born Herr Count
and President*,
and well-born Herr' Councillors and Assessors:
Since I am now on my way, again to make a journey to foreign lands, it devolves upon me to inform your high Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium thereof, in writing, especially since my only object therein is more closely to inform myself with respect to foreign mines, their condition and methods, and also with respect to trade, so far as it concerns metals in particular. To this end, I have proposed to myself to visit those places where are mining works, and also those where metals are sold, and I think, therefore, that it would best serve the attainment of my purpose to go first to Holland, and from there to England, and then to France and Italy, and after this, via Venice, to Vienna and the Hungarian works, and, finally, to the German. If it pleases your high Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium to deign to approve of my well intentioned proposal, and to give me instruction and guidance as to what I ought chiefly to inform myself of at each place, then, besides its being my duty to conform myself thereto, it would be a highly prized guidance for the best use of my time on that which may be of service to the public.
* The President was Count Gustaf Bonde; see note to p. 238, 12b.
Within six weeks, God willing, I think to be in Amsterdam, where I shall await your high Excellency's and the highly renowned Royal Collegium's gracious pleasure.
I remain, in the utmost deference,
Your High Excellency's
And
the highly renowned Royal Collegium's
Helsingborg most humble servant,
June 30, 1721 Emanuel Swedenborg
This letter was received by the College of Mines on July seventh, and was ordered entered in the file of Letters and Memorials, but nothing further was done in the matter--an indication, if one were needed, that Swedenborg was not in favor in that quarter.
Swedenborg arrived in Amsterdam about August 12 according to the Old Style or Julian Calendar retained in Sweden until 1753, or August 23, according to the Gregorian Calendar which had been adopted by Holland and Protestant Germany in 1700. Here he at once gave to the printer the MSS. he had prepared, namely, the forerunner of the Principles of Natural Things (Chemistry), On Iron and Fire, and Finding the Longitude, the last two being small works of about fifty pages each. These works were published anonymously-perhaps, that they might receive an unprejudiced hearing, since his name was little known to the learned world. Still, he made no secret of his authorship when presenting copies to his friends, and it was not long before that authorship was generally known.
It may be noted in passing, that the publication of these works marked a decided advance in Swedenborg's entry into the learned world of Europe. His name as an author had appeared in Melle's work in 1720, and several times in the Neuer Zeitungen in 1721, but now it appeared in that prince of European learned journals, with its wider circulation, the Acta Eruditorum. Here, in its issues for February, April, and May, 1722, were published long and flattering reviews of the above mentioned three works, accompanied with a reproduction of several of the illustrations.
The Forerunner and the two smaller works were issued from the press on October 21, and Swedenborg at once sent copies, printed on superior paper, to the famous Doctor Boerhaave of Leiden University, and to his old friend, Joakim Frederick Preis,l with whom he had had many pleasant associations during his visits to The Hague and Utrecht in 1712 and 1713. At that time Preis had been Secretary to Baron Palmqvist, but now he was Palmqvist's successor as Swedish Resident at The Hague. The copy of the Forerunner sent to Doctor Boerhaave, and which is now preserved in the British Museum, was inscribed: "To the famous professor Dr. Hermann Boerhaave, widely celebrated throughout the world for ingenuity, learning, and experience, these three attempts are sent as a friendly and most respectful offering, by the author, Em. Swedenborg, Assessor in the College of Mines in Sweden. Amsterdam, Oct. 21, 1721."
1 See pp. 43, 44.
The copy sent to Minister Preis was accompanied by a letter dated OCTOBER 21, 1721:
I should long before this have had the honor of waiting upon the Herr Resident by letter, but as I have had in hand the publishing of some small Tentamina Mathematica, I thought to postpone this until I had the honor of sending over at the same time some copies thereof. The Herr Resident will be so kind as to interpret this favorably. This is merely some discoveries in Mathematicis, and also one dealing with the Longitudinem locorum, by trial, will1 be shown to be applicable;2 likewise another concerning mineralibus, etc. The Herr Resident will perhaps look through this at spare moments.
1 In the original letter, between the words "trial" and "will" there is written, above the line, a sign which may possibly be an arbitrary sign for Deo Volente.
2 Swedenborg here probably had in mind the last paragraph of the work in question, wherein he promises "very shortly to produce some longitudinal observations made by this method."
In a few days I will pay my respects, in order then also to express my thanks for the Herr Resident's kindness eight years ago in Utrecht. Meanwhile I take leave, remaining with all esteem,
the well-born Herr Resident's
Amsterdam humble servant
Oct. 21, 1721 Eman. Swedenborg
A few days later, after settling his business at Amsterdam--for all these publications were printed at Swedenborg's own expense--and having nothing further to publish at this time, Swedenborg paid a visit to The Hague, where he renewed his friendship with the learned Resident,3 and discussed with him both the contents of the newly published books, and the present political and financial position of Sweden. Although twenty-two years younger, Swedenborg seems to have had a particular affection for this clear-sighted diplomatist, whose services were so valued that, despite changes of government, he was kept in his place as Minister at the Court of Holland to the end of his life in 1759.
3 Preis (1667-1759) had received the degree of Doctor of Law from Oxford University, when he was twenty-five years old.
From The Hague, Swedenborg went to Leyden where he spent several weeks, associating with the learned professors of the famous university, the prince of whom was Doctor Boerhaave, and consulting the books in the library. At the commencement of his stay here, he wrote to Resident Preis on NOVEMBER 8:
I have the greatest reason to offer thanks to the Herr Resident, both in writing and by the spoken word, for the great hospitality received in The Hague, and also for the pleasant discourser concerning our economic condition in Sweden, which show so well that the Herr Resident is a good patriot who has penetration into that in which our land is lacking for its recovery. If a good intention and an understanding could he of help for the elevation of Sweden, then the Herr Resident would be the one on whom my vote would fall, whose counsel should be followed; would wish for nothing better than to find some opportunity to show with what high regard I desire to he able to be of service and pleasure to the Herr Resident.
My most humble greeting is sent to the well-born Herr Secretary Neritius whom I had the honor of seeking three times, but always hit upon the hour when he was gone out; but the Herr Resident will perhaps most kindly announce this to him, and the greeting which is due from me.
It may be that some letters for me will come to The Hague, which I would most humbly request to receive here in Leiden, addressed to the bookseller Wishoff. Besides this, I am under obligation for the previous releasing of three letters. I remain, with all esteem in the world,
The well-born Herr Resident's
most humble servant
Eman. Swedenborg
Leiden, Nov. 8, 1721.
During his five weeks stay in Leiden, Swedenborg was busy writing articles on various subjects, all but one of which were subsequently incorporated in his Miscellaneous Observations. Then, early in December he left for the Hague, doubtless to pay a farewell visit to his old friend, Resident Preis. Here on December 8, he and his friend had the delight of witnessing a magnificent exhibition of fireworks, and the mortification of knowing that, while it celebrated the conclusion of a war between Russia and Sweden that had lasted for twenty-one years, it also celebrated the victory of Peter the Great and the Peace of Nystad signed on August 30, 1721--a Peace in which the Swedes, helpless both in arms and in finances, were compelled to submit to the most humiliating terms.1
1 Fryxell 31:18 seq.
Celebrations of this peace, and also of the assumption by Peter the Great of the title "Emperor of all the Russians,"2 were staged at several places in Holland; but the most magnificent was staged by the Russian Resident at Amsterdam. There after a sumptuous banquet casks of wine were broached in the streets, and, when darkness came, came also a magnificent display of fireworks. This took place at the waterside, on a large platform whereon had been erected a building of four stories, representing the tower of June, and surmounted by a large Russian eagle, thirty-six feet high. The building was illuminated early in the evening, but the fireworks did not start till 8.30 when the temple was fired at the top. Fiery arrows then shot forth from it, balloons were emitted, fiery wheels whirled, and a veritable mountain of flame was seen. The display lasted for two hours, and throughout was accompanied by military music.3
2 The Cambridge Modern Hist. V: 542, 615.
3 Europ. Mercurious, 1721, pp. 282-88.
The nest day, Dec. 9th, Swedenborg left the Hague for Amsterdam, where he was joined by his cousin Hesselius, who had been studying at Hardervijk some fifty miles east of Amsterdam. Here on December 10th (Nov. 29th, O. S.), just prior to his departure from Amsterdam,4 he posted to Benzelius a copy of the articles he had written in Leiden, accompanying them by a letter which, however, is now lost.5
4 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 63.
5 With one exception, these articles, together with others, were subsequently published as Miscellaneae Observationes, Leipzig, 1722. From the copy sent to Benzelius, it appears that they were written in the following order: Misc. Obs. III, I, 6; II, 13; III, 2-4; II, 14; an article on conserving heat in rooms. See Phot. MSS., I, pp. 189 seq.
By now Swedenborg had given up his original plan of going from Holland to England, and decided instead to visit the milling districts in the Hartz country. He and his cousin therefore left Amsterdam for Aix-la-Chapelle, where they spent a few days observing the geology of the place. From Aix-la-Chapelle, they went to Liege where they spent Christmas.
In Liege, both Hesselius and Swedenborg were particularly interested in the geology of the immediately surrounding country, especially in the various strata, the petrified plants, etc. Swedenborg also busied himself with experiments;6 and his restless pen found time to write a long article7 describing a certain stratum which he had observed, near the monastery of the Chartreux in the neighborhood of Liege.
6 Some of these experiments are described in Misc. Obs. I, 5, 7, etc.
7 Printed in Mis. Obs. I, 9.
8 The Latin name for Liege.
P.S. In Holland, great illuminations have been made by the Russian minister, because of the peace, and I was in the Hague when Prince Kuratkin9 let his rockets burst and his wine flow, during which the following lines stood forth [in my mind]:
9 Prince Kuropatkin, the Czar's brother-in-law. He lived at The Hague (Mottley, II, 283).
With death the eagles triumphed,
With peace, they triumph now;
The gentle peace abiding
Where Mars before did stand.
For twice ten years lay groaning
In pain the turbid north
But peace with branch of olive
Brought joyous day.
And now
Who streams of blood have waded
Shall go through nectar's streams
And then, with Mars enfettered
Comes Bacchus forth to war.
But had it been permitted, these lines might well have been remoulded as follows:
With death* the eagles triumphed
So triumph they with peace,
The Czar himself abiding
Where formerly stood Mars.**
For twice ten years lay groaning
In pain the Russian north
But peace with branch of olive
Brought joyous day.
And now
Who streams of blood have waded
Shall go through nectar's streams
And then with Mars** enfettered
Comes Bacchus*** forth to war.
* Namely, with the death of Charles XII.
** Charles XII.
*** The god of the Moscovites.
Three days later, being the day after Christmas, or, according to the Julian Calendar, still used in Sweden, December 15th, Swedenborg sent five more Latin articles to Upsala, all of which seem to have been written by his busy pen, after leaving Amsterdam.10
10 In the order in which they were written, these articles, as subsequently printed in the Miscellaneous Observations, are II: 10-12; I:9; 11:8. It may be added that all the articles sent by Swedenborg to Benzelius include neatly executed drawings, illustrative of the text.
On the last page of the MS., he wrote:
Highly honored d: Brother:
As I have opportunity and time, I will send over some cogitata, which perhaps may he of use to my Brother in the meetings with the Members of the Society;1 hope, on another occasion, to be able to communicate something more agreeable, since I am these days occupied in experimenting with and testing one thing and another.
1 It would seem that in sending these articles to Upsala, Swedenborg had in mind that they might be printed in the Acta Literaria Suceciae; that after leaving Liege, he decided to publish them himself in a book of Miscellaneous Observations; and that, toward the end of April, he wrote Benzelius to that effect, having previously ceased sending any articles to Upsala. For at its meeting of April 20, 1722, the Bokwetts Gille decided to insert, in the second number of the current Acta, the article on salt-boiling in Sweden, being one of the last bath sent over. This article, however, did not appear in that number, but in its place, one of the first batch of articles (on the preservation of heat in rooms). Presumably, Benzelius had asked for this on account of its practical value, and Swedenborg, consenting, did not include it in his Miscellaneous Observations.
Most humble greetings to all good friends. I remain ever
highly honored Brother's
obedient servant
Eman. Swedenborg
Luik,2 15 Dec. 1721.
2 The Flemish same for Liege.
In the morning, God willing, I am thinking of going to some mining districts in Germany.
At Liege, Swedenborg separated from his cousin Hesselius, who, now that the Christmas holidays were over, returned to his studies at Hardervijk, and journeyed via Cologne, Marburg and Cassel to Leipzig. Here he gave to the press various essays which he had brought from Sweden, together with others, written in the course of his journey and also in Leipzig itself. They were published early in April,3 under the title Miscellaneae Observationes 1-3; but prior to their appearance, Swedenborg had already left Leipzig.4
3 The work was reviewed in the Neuer Zeitungen for April 16, 1722.
4 From Swedenborg's note introducing the Errata in his Misc. Observations, it is clear that a copy of the printed work had been sent to him after he had left Leipzig, leaving him no other recourse than to add a page containing the more serious errata.
Swedenborg left Leipzig early in March, and arrived in Brunswick by the middle of that month. From this city he wrote a letter dated Brunswick, March 18 to Eric Benzelius which, however, is now lost.5 He spent some time in Brunswick where he was well received by the reigning nuke, and particularly by his brother, Ludwig Rudolph, Duke of Blankenburg. From the latter, he received marked encouragement to pursue his investigations in the Hartz mining districts which belonged to the Duke. At the end of April he had some of the results of these investigations, together with one or two essays, printed in Schiffbeck, now a part of the city of Hamburg, under the title Miscellanene Observationes, pt. IV, which he dedicated to Duke Ludwig Rudolph.
5 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 64.
After his examination of the Hartz Mines, he had intended continuing into Italy, but, in June he received disturbing news from his father, who begged him to come home; in order, as the oldest son of the house, to do what he could to settle a grievous dispute that had arisen among the members of the family over the distribution of a rich inheritance, and to use his influence to prevent the matter being taken into court.
The dispute concerned the property of Swedenborg's maternal uncle, Captain Albrecht de Behm. He had died some twenty years earlier, but meanwhile his extensive property had been under the management of his capable sister, Swedenborg's maternal aunt, Brita Behm. The heirs to this property were the offspring of Albrecht Behm's five sisters. Settlement had already been made with some of these children, but this was held by others to be illegal, and they brought suit against Brita. Pending determination of this suit, the latter refused to distribute the inheritance. The matter came to court before Swedenborg could return to Sweden, and on June 20, the court ordered the distribution, with the proviso that the heirs shall guarantee Brita against any possible loss.
It was this family dispute that induced Swedenborg to cut short his projected travels, and early in July he returned to Sweden. He went, however, not to Brunsbo or Stockholm, but to the fashionable spa at Medevi, situated near the northeastern coast of lake Vetter. There were several reasons for his going to Medevi, not the least of which was that his brother-in-law Eric Benzelius was then taking the waters, and with him his wife, Swedenborg's sister Anna. Later they seem to have been joined by Bishop Swedberg, who probably came to Medevi, not only to see his son and daughter, but also to attend the royal festival to be spoken of later.
During his travels, Swedenborg had acquired much new information concerning mining matters, and particularly concerning the smelting of ores. Indeed, so great was this fund of new information, that, before returning to Sweden, he had printed a prospectus of a book on "The Genuine Treatment of Metals," which he proposed writing, and for which he invites advance subscriptions." What was uppermost in his mind was the utilization of his new discoveries for the advancement of mining and metallurgy in his native land, and it gave him no little pleasure to know that the king and queen were then visiting in Medevi.
Soon after his arrival, early in July, 1722, he addressed the King in a letter dated MEDEVI, JULY 14*, 1722:
* July 14 was Medevi's birthday (Cederborg, Urban Hjerne, 9, p. 189).
Most Mighty and ever gracious King:
As your Royal Majesty is pleased to have gracious solicitude for his kingdom's mines, and is also pleased to promote projects which contribute to their advancement and improvement; in view of this, I take the liberty, in all humility, to bring forward one or two projects whereby the mining work in Sweden stands to be made better--but, for the present, only the project that concerns the working of copper. For I have carefully examined the processes which are used therein in Sweden, and have compared them with the processes used abroad, and have also taken into consideration the difference in the ores, and have thereby discovered some new methods whereby copper stands to be considerably bettered in its treatment here.
Should your Royal Majesty graciously grant it, then, from the same quantity and kind of ore--namely, that which is found in the great copper mine in Fahlun--I am willing to undertake to get at least 11 skeppunds1 instead of the 10 skeppunds which are obtained from it at present by the process used and customary in Sweden.
6 NEW PHIL., 1929, P. 113 seq.
1 A Skeppund (pronounced shep-pund) equals about 375 lbs.
If your Majesty should be pleased graciously to consider my proposal, I most humbly submit to your Majesty's most gracious pleasure, to put it to the proof on a large scale; which can be done by an equal dealing out of the same kind of ore and charcoal; and that this may be carried out without cheating on either side, the Royal Bergscollegium might be pleased to arrange for this in a suitable way.
In order to remove all obstacles, I take it upon me, if at the testing of my new method, there should be any loss of charcoal, or copper, as against what is usual, at once to make it up to the mining authorities out of my own means. But if, on the other hand, it is shown that there is a gain of ten per cent or more, then your Royal Majesty will be pleased most graciously to allow me the first year's gain which may be enjoyed therefrom, reckoned for the whole copper working in Sweden which may be benefited thereby; and also that this may be paid to me by the public,2 as soon as the tests have been passed on.
2 "Af publico" that is, by each smelter of copper.
And since our Swedish copper smelting is subject to uncertainty, as to what can and ought to be got out of a given quantity of ore or of skrsten;3 so that in Sweden it depends on the smelters, the furnace, and especially, as pretended, on luck; and sometimes and against all expectation, one gets the half or less, of what can be obtained; this also should be set on a surer footing, and the causes be shown and the means for betterment. And since this can bring an increase, as great even as the former, your Royal Majesty will be pleased, most graciously to bear this also in mind as being, when shown and adjusted, of use in like proportion as the former; for it behooves us in Sweden, as much as it does those in mining districts abroad, to have the benefit of being able to get as much copper out of ore as is shown by tests on a small scale.4
3 The Swedish name given to the lumps of impure copper that result from the first smelting of the ore.
4 This suggests that Swedenborg had found that the copper obtained by the smelters of the ore from the great copper mine, was less than that obtained from assaying the same ore.
Should some saving in charcoal be shown, this also should most graciously be borne in mind by your Royal Majesty, as being of use in the same proportion as the former.
But, since, in view of lack of experience in those who work with new processes and furnaces, a single test is unavoidably subject to some uncertainty, I, on my side, claim for myself a second test, in addition to the first, and this must be granted me if I find it necessary; and on the other hand, as against this, the mining authorities have also the right to demand another test. In all which I submit myself to your Royal Majesty's most gracious pleasure, I remain
Your Royal Majesty's,
My most gracious King's
most humble and dutiful subject
Medevi, July 14, 1722. Eman. Swedenborg
This letter the King at once sent to the Bergscollegium to be passed on by the Assessors there.
The presence of King Frederick and Queen Ulrica at Medevi was not merely, if at all, for the purpose of taking the waters; it was a continuation of the Eriksgatan5 or royal progress through the kingdom which the King had commenced in the beginning of 1722. His real purpose in these royal journeys was to cultivate popularity among the people with a view to encouraging a movement for the enlarging of the royal power, which had been so drastically limited by the constitution of 1719.6
5 Eriksgatan was the name given to a very ancient Swedish custom, according to which the King, sometimes alone and sometimes accompanied by the Queen, made a tour throughout the kingdom in order to meet his subjects, and personally hear petitions, etc. It was in the course of this Eriksgatan that the King and Queen visited Brunsbo in September of this same year.
6 Malmstrm, Sv. Polit. Hist. I: 351; Nastrm, Det Gamla Medivi, p. 141.
It was with such a design that the royal pair was now visiting Medevi,7 and it was in furtherance of the same design that the King held high festivity with sports and dancing on "Frederic day," Wednesday, July 18.* For this occasion, Swedenborg addressed to the royal pair the following lines, which he composed for the occasion.
7 Fryxell 31:46, 47.
* July 18 was the name-day of all Fredericks, being the day of the saint after whom they were named. King Frederick was born on April 28.
FESTIVE JOY
To the day appointed in the calendar, the day of the most
August King of Svea, Gotha, and Wensla
Which is to be celebrated at the fount of Medevi with sports and
dances on [the 18th] day [of July], 1722.
Sacred is Medvi's fount, but sacred more I trow
The fount where Muses hold their yearly festivals.
Behold, the Royal Pair to whom all Svea looks
Is present here, as Phoebus shining bright, as Pallas wise.
And here, by Medvi's sacred wave they see
The joys supreme that mark their festal day.
Thou, Queen Ulrica, first hath seen thy day.
And thou, O Frederic King now seeth thine8
Long live th' illustrious King, long live the Queen.
To this my prayer, the fount of health gives nod.
The sibyl adds thereto yet somewhat more.
But mute the Muses;'tis but the Fates who know.
Sacred is Medvi's fount, but sacred more, I trow
The fount where Muses hold their yearly festivals.9
8 The allusion is to the fact that Ulrica Eleonora was recognized as the lawful successor to the crown of Sweden, immediately after the death of her brother, in December, 1718, and was crowned in the following May; but it was not till the Spring of 1720 that the government consented to her wish to share the throne with her consort, and recognized the latter as king.
9These lines were probably read during the festival. They were read at a meeting of the editors of the Acta Literaria Suecia, on August 17, and were referred to one of their members to decide as to their publication in the Acta. Apparently, his decision was negative, for they were not published (Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 70).
Swedenborg left Medevi in the latter part of July, when he proceeded to Stockholm. Here, at the urgent request of his father, he held consultation with his Aunt Brita and her son-in-law and Swedenborg's old teacher, Johan Rosenadler, as to the division of the de Behm property. The object of these consultations was to avoid further lawsuits, by making some equitable arrangement that would be satisfactory to all the heirs. For, despite the fact that the Court had ordered the distribution of the de Behm property, the heirs were still at loggerheads, their ire being visited especially upon the capable Brita Behm under whose care the extensive property, consisting mainly of mines and smelteries, had been so ably managed for more than twenty years.
On July 10, prior to his visit to Medevi, Bishop Swedberg wrote to Rosenadler:
A little later, at the end of July, when on his homeward way from Medevi, the Bishop wrote again to Rosenadler: "My son Emanuel is probably in Stockholm by now, and I have bid him to be at one with his brother in the matter of the inheritance, and to avoid quarrels and processes which breed great difficulties, and the greatest part comes into the hands of sharpers."
Swedenborg had little difficulty in coming to an agreement with his Aunt Brita and her son-in-law, and all that was required to implement the agreement was the signature of Swedenborg's cousin Peter,10 the oldest son of Anna Behm and Peter Swedberg (ennobled Schnstrm), Bishop Swedberg's older brother. What was the nature of the agreement which Swedenborg made with Rosenadler, is not known, but it probably contained a provision under which Swedenborg agreed to buy out his sisters' shares. At any rate, he commenced doing this in the Spring of 1723, and by 1724 he became the sole owner of the larger part of his mother's share in the de Behm inheritance. Besides other rich properties, this included ironworks at Axmar, of which, in May, 1724, Swedenborg came into possession of one-fifth, while his aunt Brita owned four-fifths. These works were situated on the Gulf of Bothnia, some one hundred miles north of Stockholm, and included a private port and extensive woods and farm lands. At the time of the present contract, they were valued at almost 150,000 dalers k.m., and in 1772, they were sold by the Rosenadler heirs for 400,000 d.k.m.11 Swedenborg was greatly pleased with the success of his negotiations with Rosenadler, and early in August he wrote to his father giving him "good hope that those concerned will soon come to an agreement about the division of the inheritance" (I Doc. 184).
10 Lt. Col. Peter Schnstrm (1682-1746) had been a prisoner of war in Russia since 1709. He returned to Sweden early in 1722 (Lewenhaupt, Karl XII's Officerare).
11 Lindh, Swedenborgs Ekonomi in Nya Kyrkans Tidning, Sept.-Okt. 1927, pp. 99, 100. 400,000 d.k.m. is equal to about $60,000, but by modern values it would be several times more than that sum.
While Swedenborg was abroad, there had appeared in the January-March issue of the Acta Literaria Sueciae, a short review of the work on the Longitude which Swedenborg had published in Amsterdam in 1721. It was entitled "A Friendly Judgment concerning Herr Swedenborg's Method of Finding the Longitude of places by means of the Moon; by Conrad Quensel, Professor of Mathematics in Lund."12 The review is somewhat critical, dwelling on the inadequacy of the data given by Swedenborg and of his plates and their explanation. Swedenborg appears to have read this review only after his return to Sweden. At any rate, now that he was again in Stockholm, he wrote a short answer to Prof. Quensel, entitling it "A Friendly Answer," etc.
12 See NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1929, P. 86.
Meanwhile, at the beginning of August, he received from Eric Benzelius, by the hand of Eric's younger brother Gustaf, a letter inviting him to come to Upsala, an invitation which Swedenborg would gladly have accepted had it not been for the necessity of his visiting his mining properties. Benzelius also adverts to Swedenborg's recent petition to the King, for a test of his new method of smelting copper. Benzelius, who had doubtless discussed the matter with his brother-in-law at Medevi, sounds a note of warning against over-optimism, and refers to a similar undertaking made by Johan Kunckel von Lwenstein, a famous German metallurgist who, in 1688, had been invited to Sweden by Charles XI. In laboratory tests on copper ore, Kunckel had been successful in increasing the yield of copper, and in 1695, on the basis of this, he received permission from the King to test his method on a large scale at the Great Copper Mine of Fahlun, with a promise of 50,000 imperial thalers in case of success. As in Swedenborg's proposal, the ore was divided into two parts, one to be treated by Kunckel and the other by the ordinary methods then in use. Kunckel did indeed succeed in getting a finer copper, but the expense of his process more than offset its advantages.13
13 Swedenborg, De Cupro, p. 45 seq.
Swedenborg answered Benzelius in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, AUGUST 9, 1722, in which he enclosed, for insertion in the Acta Literaria Sueciae, his "Friendly Answer" to Professor Quensel's criticism:
Highly honored d: Brother:
I am very thankful for d. Brother's pleasing letter from Upsala which brother Gustav Benzelstierna handed me.
1 Kping was an important centre where the iron from the mining district, including Swedenborg's properties in Starbo, Prsthyttan and Skinnskatteberg, was shipped to Stockholm by water.
As to what my Brother is pleased to mention about my project, I take it with thankfulness, and also my Brother's intention to wish me well; but I am sure that in this matter I do not go on such loose principles as Kunckel, but have on my side two new tests on a large scale, and have many on a small scale; have the calculations and the theory, as well as their own ignorance in the work of smelting, so that I am more embarasserad at the thought that my project will not be counterbalanced either in the beginning or at the setting up, or afterwards. For this also I shall take my right measurer. When I call have the honor of talking with Herr Brother, I will relate one circumstance or other which may give my Brother better assurance concerning my design.
As to what I have written in haste, namely, my Friendly Answer, if it is found worthy, it can be left to my Brother to insert it in the Acta at his pleasure.
The Axmar matter will probably soon be finished. It awaits only Brother Schnstrm's ratification, to sign under the protocol, so that all pretensions may be entirely killed, and no one have occasion to tear them up and disturb any one who wishes to remain in possession. My most obedient greeting is sent to Sister Anna and brother Eric. Remaining with all respect,
Highly honored d: Brother's
obedient servant
Eman : Swedenborg
Stockholm, Aug. 9,
1722
With regard to the Friendly Answer which Swedenborg enclosed, and which was printed in the Acta Literaria Sueciae for July-Sept. 1722, some surprise must be felt at the title, given by Swedenborg himself, namely, "A Friendly Answer ... given by a friend in the absence of the author"--as though Swedenborg wished to conceal the fact that he had returned from abroad.
This implication is emphasized in the beginning of the letter: "If it may be allowed, in the author's absence, to give, in a friendly way, an answer to this objection," etc. This Answer, it may be added, constitutes the first of the three controversies into which Swedenborg entered. Swedenborg was not a disputatious man, being content to express his views, without any thought of attacking the views of others, or even of defending his own.
The present seems a suitable place to insert a letter addressed to Swedenborg by his cousin, Col. Peter Schnstrm. The letter is undated, and gives no indication as to when or where it was written. But it is not improbable that Swedenborg, knowing his cousin's keen interest in historical research--to which he had devoted himself even in Russia--lost little time in approaching him on the subject of the Swedenborg genealogy.
Captain Peter Schnstrm had returned from his thirteen years' captivity in Russia in the late spring or early summer of 1722, and in June of the same year was given the rank of lieutenant colonel.2 Where he lived at this time is not known. Perhaps he went to Axmar or Lngvind, to look after the extensive inheritance left by his father, Peter Swedberg, ennobled 1685 Schnstrm, the brother of Jesper Swedberg. He was certainly staying at Axmar from the autumn of 1724 to the spring of 1725. In any case, Swedenborg wrote him, enclosing a copy of the genealogical table of the Swedberg and Behm family which had probably been prepared for his introduction into the House of Nobles during the Diet of 1720; perhaps also he congratulated his cousin on his promotion.
2 He resigned from the army in 1726 and devoted himself to the study of history. His Introduction to Swedish History (published in 1816) gives evidence of much research.
The genealogical table which he enclosed seems to have included the following:
Otto of Sundborn
/
Nils Ottosson of Helsingborn
/
Isaac Nilsson of Frmbacka
/
Daniel Isaacsson of Sweden, Assessor.
/ /
Jesper Peter
/ / / / /
Anna Emanuel, etc. Peter An. Catharine3 Albrecht, etc.
3 Anna Catharine married Swedenborg's old professor, Olaf Rudbeck Jr.
Swedenborg's letter is lost, but his cousin's answer is preserved in the collection of letters copied by Bengt Bergius. It is undated, but, from what has been said above, it was most probably written in the AUTUMN OF 1722:
Very highly honored Herr Brother:
I thank Herr Brother for the kind letter, and also the family register of our forefather-s which Herr Brother can obtain in more complete form if he were pleased to go to the Cammar Archives,l and look up the farm on which our forefathers lived; for the old land books always contained the names of the occupants. It is an advantage to our family if d. Brother draws from old land books that their land was bergsfrelse;2 for at that time a bergsfralse man was counted as a nobleman; and then it was not any one who could become an occupant thereof, but only certain families. Therefore, in all the histories, Engelbrecht Engelbrechtsson3 is called a nobleman, since he was a bergsfrlse man; and in Messenio,4 Mns Nilsson of Asboda, and Anders Persson of Rankhyttan, whom King Gustaf ordered beheaded, are called nobiles montani [mountain noblemen].5
1 The Cammar Collegium had charge of all cultivated land, crown possessions, taxation, etc.
2 Bergsfrlse land dated from the early part of the fourteenth century when the king, considering the great copper mine district in Fahlun as crown property, gave to the miners land free from estate and land taxes, on condition that they kept up the copper mining and smelting, one-tenth of the copper produced going to the Crown. Hence the land owned by those miners was called bergsfrlse. This bergsfrlse land of the miners corresponded to the frlse (tax free) land of the nobles, save that the nobles, in return for the privilege, were required to furnish the king with horses and soldiers. See Rinman, Bergwerck Lexicon, s.v., Bergsfrelse.
3 Engelbrecht Engelbrechtsson, the great Swedish hero everywhere celebrated in verse and prose, lived near the great Kopparberg on land where now in the city of Fahlun. In the middle of the fifteenth century, with a band of Dalecarlians as the nucleus of an ever growing army, he delivered Sweden, for a time, from the tyrannical rule of the Danes. He was murdered in 1436.
4 Johannes Messenius (1579-1636) was one of the earlier writers on Swedish history. The work here referred to is doubtless his Theatrum Nobilitatis Suecanae (Theatre of the Swedish Nobility), published in 1616.
5 Gustaf Ericsson (1496-1560) was the son of a privy councillor. As a youth he had been imprisoned by the Danish rulers of Sweden. After escaping, he fled finally (Nov. 1520) to the neighborhood of Fahlun, and took refuge with a rich miner named Arendt Persson. Persson, who sympathized with the Danes, the Danish bailiff being his brother-in-law, took counsel of his neighbor, Mns Nilsson, another wealthy miner, and following his counsel, decided to betray the fugitive. Meanwhile, Persson's wife had heard of the plot, and enabled Gustaf to scape. Three years later, Gustaf overthrew the Danes, thus completing the work commenced by Engelbrechtsson, and ascended the throne of an independent Sweden, as Gustavus Vasa. In 1533, Persson and Nilsson, who still kept their Danish sympathies, led an insurrection of the Dalecarlians against Gustaf. The rebels were subdued and Gustaf had their leaders beheaded and their goods confiscated; but later he restored Persson's goods to the wife who had befriended him. From Persson stems the noble family Svinhufvud (swine head), and from Nilsson, rnflycht (Sv. Convers. Lex., s.v., Nilsson; Freyxell, 3:12 and 123). Schnstrm mistakes Anders Persson of Rankhyttan for Arendt Persson of Orns. Gustaf I went to the house of the former, but, being advised to leave, he then went to the house of the latter.
6 i.e., the regiment from Jemtland, a parish in Bleking province.
* The copy has 1720, but the context clearly indicates that either Schnstrm or the copyiest inadvertently made a slip.
7 Sundborn is about two miles northeast of Fahlun.
As regards our mother's family, I know of no other ancestor save Isac Behm, who was used by King Carl IX as admiral and also in other offices. Therefore he is mentioned in King Carl's Slaktare Bnck.7a
7a Hartig Carls Slaktare Bnck is the title of a pamphlet published in 1617 in which Carl IX, seven years after his death, is attacked for his wholesale execution, in 1600, of the Swedish lords who had supported his nephew, King Sigismund, whom he defeated at the battle of Stngebro; see below, note 9.
8 Scandinavia Illustrated, a work of twenty volumes, which is the first history of Sweden ever to be written. It commenced with the flood and continued up to and including the author's own days. Although written in the beginning of the seventeenth century and used by the author as a textbook in Upsala University, it was not published till 1700-1705, and then in abbreviated form. The author was Johannes Messenius (1579-1636).
9 During Gustavus Vasa's reign, Sweden had turned from Catholicism to Protestantism. But the King's second son, John III, became an ardent Catholic, and married a Polish princess, of whom was born his son Sigismund. While John III ruled in Sweden, he observed religious tolerance; but his successor Sigismund, who meanwhile had been elected king of Poland, observed no such tolerance, and this led to an open break between him and the Swedish Protestants. In September 1598, this culminated in the bloody battle of Stangebro (the Stng bridge) at Linkping. In this battle, the victorious Swedes were led by Gustavus Vasa's third son Carl, Duke of Sdermanland, who inherited in full his father's determination to rid Sweden of popery. A year after the battle, Sigismund was deposed (Dec. 1599) and Carl ascended the Swedish throne as Carl IX. It may be added that when Swedenborg visited his brother-in-law, Bishop Eric Benzelius, at Linkping in 1733, he noted in his journal: "We examined the field where the pugna or Stngebro battle was fought in the year 1598, between Sigismund, King of Poland, and Carl IX, the Duke, but afterwards chosen King of Sweden, when the victory over the King went to Duke Carl. This battle, in which, as it seems, the fight concerned also the fate of religion--as to what religion was to flourish in Sweden--should be celebrated by posterity. Had it gone to Sigismund's side, the inhabitants of this northern land today would most likely have been living bound to the papal religion; but God saw it otherwise."
10 This was on an occasion when a Polish ship sent by Sigismund was sailing to Kalmar. It was met by ships sent by the adherents of John. The Poles were all slaughtered by an enemy cruelly inspired by hatred of popery. Living and dead, they were thrown into the sea, and if perchance, to save themselves from drowning, they caught hold of any part of the ship, their hands were chopped off (Fryxell 4: 253). Isaac was one of the captains of the Swedish ships.
11 "Young de Wijk," renowned for his great beauty, was the son of the master of the mint in Stockholm. Countess Flemming, the wife of Admiral Claes Flemming, who was an ardent supporter of Sigismund, promised him the hand of one of her daughters with whom he was in love, if he would undertake a commission to Admiral Flemming who was sailing from Finland. De Wijk met Flemming's fleet at Aland, where also was Duke John's fleet commanded by de Behm. The two fleets were ostensibly friendly, but by a subterfuge, de Wijk was enticed to one of the Swedish ships, and there papers were found on him which led to his being executed (Fryxell 4:2067).
This Isak Behm had as wife a Wernsted. Her father was a colonel, and had to wife Duke Magnus'12 natural daughter Lucretia. From her, stems the von Vernsteds, and from one of their daughters, the Ribbings of Walstad. She and her husband, and also a number of Ribbings, have their tomb in Upsala, even earlier than the tomb of the Counts Dona [Dohna]. Blixencrona married a Ribbing and lies buried in the same tomb. His daughter, who is still living, had Secretary Palmskild.13 This Palmskild was also related to us on our mother's side, not, however, by the Behms but by Mrten Hansson, whom, in his time, the people in Helsingland called the father of the land. This Mrten Hansson's wife or his mother-in-law, was a Rlamb, and our blessed maternal grandfather was a stepbrother of old Privy Counsellor Claas Rlamb. John Echilson, the father [in-law] of our maternal grandfather, who, in the Russian War, in Count Jacob de la Garde s time, was a cavalry lieutenant in Evert Horn's14 regiment--he [Horn] was field marshal and was killed at the siege of Pleschow [Pskov] in 1617 He married Mrten Hanssen's daughter. Jan Eschilsson lies buried in Srela churchyard, and carries his coat of arms on his tomb. He was later burgomaster and factor in Soderhamn. For his second wife he had an admiral's widow whose name I have forgotten. Mrten Hanssen's family register, which Secretary Palmskild made up from Fale Pure who avenged St. Eric s death,15 d. Brother can probably obtain at Chamberlain von Walker, for he and also the Cronsteds stem from Mrten Hanssen.
12 Magnus (1542-95) was the fourth son of Gustavus Vasa. somewhat weak-minded.
13 Elias Palmskild (1667-1719) was Secretary in the Royal Archives.
14 Evert Horn (1581-1615) served under field marshal Jacob de la Gardie in the latter's Russian campaign (1611-I1), by which Gustavus Adolphus supported the Russian Czar against attacks by Sigismund, King of Poland. In 1614, when de la Gardie returned to Sweden, Horn took his place and was made field marshal and governor of Narva. He was killed at the battle of Pleskow (Pskov) in 1615, not 1617 as stated by Schnstrm.
15 Eric IX. He became King in 1152, and was killed at Upsala by the Danish prince Magnus Hendricksson in May 1160. He was subsequently canonized. His death was quickly avenged by Fale Bure, who, at the head of the Hlsinglanders, defeated Hendriksson and killed him in a battle fought near Upsala. The same year a church was built on the battle ground, which was given the name Danmark in memory of the bloody battle in which so many Danes were killed.
I will again go to the Behms. Isac Behm lies buried in Brstil church in Roslagen, where also he had been granted an estate, and he carries almost the same coat of arms on his tomb as our maternal grandfather carries on his tomb in Salberg. He had two sons, the name of the oldest I have forgotten; from him there lived in that war a son who was Cavalry Captain of the East Gtland Regiment. It was this same son who, in King Carl XI's time, found so many hidden landmarks. The other son was called Michael Behm; he was a chamberlain in the court of Queen Christina, King Gustav Adolf's Fru Mother, who had Gfle as a queen dowager's dowry. His son was called Jonas Behm. He was burgomaster in Gfle, and had for wife a Schroder, of whom come the Schrders--Schrder the superintendent, and the wife of Pastor Gdde. This Jonas Behm had twelve Sons and one daughter. From the daughter stemmed the wives of Tehls, Palmrot, Duirherg and Wallin. Of the twelve sons, one was our maternal grandfather, Daniel Behm, who was a Councillor in one of the colleges and left two sons, David Behm, Lt. Col. of the Sdermanlanders for war, and Axel Behm, Assessor in the Jnkping Court of Appeals. Of the descendants of this Daniel was also the wife of Lt. Col. Falkenhjelm of the artillery. One of the above twelve Behms was an admiral or Schoutlynacht; one was the Commissioner in Sderhamn, and was the father of the Fru Brita Behm who married Councillor of Commerce Adlerstedt, and maternal grandfather of Capt. Ridderhaf, and also the father of a Capt. Behm who is still living. These Behms who stem from Superintendent Behm are, on the mother's side, cousins to Count Piper. One of the Behms was Lars Behm of Grundris, of whom d. Crother wrote me.
The paper does not permit me more, nor do I know any more; but d. Brother can, on my suggestion, get to know much, and will kindly send it on to me.
I remain, [etc.]
P. Schnstrm
As already noted, Swedenborg's Proposal as to the improvement in copper smelting was referred to the Bergscollegium. It was not taken up by that body until after the summer holidays, by which time, Swedenborg had returned from his visit to Starbo.
Early in October, the Bergscollegium decided to instruct the authorities in Fahlun to give Swedenborg every assistance in setting up his test; but before sending this instruction, they called Swedenborg in--for naturally he did not attend the session when this matter was under discussion--and asked him fur suggestions to he incorporated in their letter to Fahlun. Swedenborg then wrote his suggestions as a memorial dated STOCKHOLM, OCTOBER 11, 1722:
Memorial concerning my humble Remonstrance and Request addressed to his Royal Majesty.
1. That his Countship's Excellency, and the right worshipful Royal Collegium be pleased to give orders to those concerned that I enjoy without hindrance, every assistance that may be required for the setting up of the test, as concerns the ore, charcoal, material for the building of the furnaces, etc.
2. That I be granted permission to choose the place which I find most serviceable for this test; also to get for my service the most skillful smelters and roasters, and to select them myself; and, moreover, to join to myself one or two others who, with me, could have oversight of the tests when instituted on both sides.
3. Although one has no reason to fear, that at the test any one will venture to show fraud, inasmuch as his Countship's Excellency and the Right Worshipful Royal Collegium are pleased to let this be their care, yet, since in the work the workmen will generally abide by their old custom, and will not willingly see themselves taken away therefrom, whatever reason and advantage one may bring forward and demonstrate; therefore, for this reason, it should be necessary that those who are appointed for the testing, pledge themselves by an oath to honorable observance, and also that, while the most important operations are going on, no one should approach the work without permission; together with aught else that may prove necessary to assure both those concerned, and the public, that not the least fraud has been used during the test.
4. It is requested, and this most humbly, that the mining authorities make their trials first, and that I then make mine, it being possible otherwise that one thing or another of what I have in mind to show in the process may be found which can be improved by them, or be advantageously changed, in the test that follows.
5. That the test by the mining authorities be made in the way most customary and without any change.
6. That, in order the quicker to attain the object, the mining authorities ought to make a beginning in the institution of their test, now in the winter, or as soon as it can be done conveniently.
7. It seems likewise necessary that at least three tests be made, so that one may be able to conclude with the greater sure ness concerning the differences or advantages, and assure himself concerning the correctness of the process.
8. After three or more tests have been made, as the mining authorities may see fit, and these tests have been approved by them, then, for the better using of diligence and prudence, it may be found necessary that no excuse shall afterwards be admitted.
9. That each test may be made with about ten or more skeppunds of copper, so that one may be able to see, with the greater certainty, the differences or advantages in the processes; and that no objection, such as tests on a smaller scale might give rise to, may afterwards be possible.
10. That the ores and the charcoal shall be divided as exactly as possible into two equal parts, and lots be cast for them in the presence of witnesses.
11. As regards the first test, his Countship's Excellency and the Most Worshipful Royal Collegium will be pleased, in accordance with my humble request to his Royal Majesty, to let it be made without any accounting being made thereof, because the furnaces are still cold and damp and the smelters somewhat unversed.
12. That, at the refining of this same copper, I, together with several other persons, be allowed to be present, and, when it is found necessary, to use in the work those local men who are found to be most serviceable.
13. That there be given me a gracious assurance that I enjoy the first year's increase, being that which, in humble request, I asked of his Royal Majesty; which increase I ventured to request, on the ground that at the institution thereof, there is demanded much trouble, expense and time; and with it, in case it should miscarry from one cause or another, due to the imprudence of the workmen, I risk my name-which, however, I will not anticipate. And since such a process should not reasonably be generally left by me for the use of the public, without compensation, so I plead with the deepest reverence for the great favor of enjoying a small part of that which in the long run will thereby be gained. Stockholm, Oct. 11, 1722.
Eman. Swedenborg
On October 11, this letter was sent by the Bergscollegium to the mining authorities at Fahlun, together with a covering letter recommending favorable consideration of Swedenborg's proposals. Meanwhile, Swedenborg was engaged in writing a small work on the Swedish Coinage. There were powerful influences at work for the debasement of the value of Swedish money, and this matter was to be taken up at the next Diet in the following January. It was with a view to guiding public opinion in this matter, that Swedenborg wrote his little work of eighteen pages entitled "In offensive Thoughts on the Fall and Rise of the Swedish Coinage." The work was published early in November, and anonymously, though the authorship was well known in official circles. It caused a great stir, as it took a firm stand against the debasement of the coinage, and thereby encountered bitter opposition from a number of influential members of the House of Nobles.1
1 The reasoning in this little work was so concise and powerful that as late as 1766, it was characterized by the Finnish economist, Chydenius, as a work that "can hardly be improved on, and needs no more than to be adapted to the crisis in which we now are." It was republished in 1771 as an anonymous work of 1722, "but now, at the request of many persons, printed anew." It has never been translated. See NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1929, p. 121 seq.
Soon after publishing this work, namely, on November 6th, Swedenborg received a letter from Zacharias Strmberg, a Swedish merchant in Amsterdam, who acted as Swedenborg's banker.
2 This had perhaps been left in Amsterdam when Swedenborg departed from that city for Aix-la-Chapelle and Liege.
3 His total payments for his family's share in Axmar amounted to nearly 30,000 d.k.m. (Lindh, Swedenborgs Ekonomi, in Nya Kyr. Tid., Sept.-Oct., 1927, p. 101).
He answered Strmberg in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, NOV. 7, 1722:
Highly honored Sir:
Yesterday I had the honor of Monsieur's last letter, and I am grateful for his care in regard to the trunk. If it would not be too late, I desire that Mons. be so kind as to forward it on by some ship that comes here. The enclosed bill of exchange for 300 H. courant,1 which Mons. sent I have agreed to accept, and I take it in the account thus far; suppose it will be duly paid, of which I shall make acknowledgment. If Mons. will be so kind as to let me have a short account of what I have received from Mons. in all, and also what Mons. has received in payment, it would be well. I would thereby see in some way my debit and credit, which I know approximately. I hope that as regards the rest of the securities, they will become settled, in which Mons. has always endlessly obliged me. At New Year's I will need somewhat more, for the reason that I am negotiating concerning an ironwork;2 will readily pay six per cent for what is over, if it should still come in time and I would rather rely on Mons., to procure it for me than on any one else, such as Agent Balgiere,3 or von Titzen.
1 i.e., Holland currency.
2 Referring, doubtless, to Axmar.
3 M. Pierre Balguerie (1679-1759), a wine merchant of Amsterdam, was the Swedish Consul in Holland, a post of great importance. He was so highly regarded by the Swedish government that, although not a Swedish citizen, he yet was given special permission to he part owner of several Swedish ships, without the loss of Swedish nationality by those ships, thus being granted exemption from the law recently passed disqualifying foreign ships from importing any but their native products (R. o. Ad. Prot. 1723, p. 442).
Just think, Hoffman's little bill of exchange for 30 H. Courant is still not wholly paid. There remains 84 dal. k.m., which makes about 25 guilders. Cameen's4 servant has been there some one hundred times, and little by little has received one ducat and a few pltar,5 but the rest will likely be unobtainable, because he has since twice played bankrupt, so that twenty-five per cent will have to be deducted from the former bill of exchange. Vice-President Lilliencreutz6 has rightly received 25 ducats, and I have his letter of quittance therefor.
4 E. V. Cameen (1670-1729) a councillor in the Commerce Collegium.
5 Copper coins in the shape of square plates, with their value stamped on them. See p. 101, note 5.
6 Nils Lilliencreutz, vice-president in the Royal Court of Appeal.
Be so kind as to have someone go to the bookseller Ostervik on the Dam,7 and ask him what he has sold of my printed matters; and if I can know the amount. I will make an assignation thereon, so that Mons. can take it.
7 A square in the center of the city. The Bourse or Exchange is at one side of this square. Johan Oosterwyk was the publisher of Chemistry and other small works published by Swedenborg in 1721.
Here in Stockholm I have given something out in [print which concerns the Swedish coinage and shows raisoner [reasons] why it ought not to be depreciated. It has made quite a stir here.
My most obedient greetings are given to Mrs. Kamista8 and family.
I remain,
with all consideration,
Eman : Swedenborg
Stockholm
7 Nov., 1722
To Monsieur
Mons. Zacharias Strmberg
Swedish merchant in Amsterdam
8 Perhaps the landlady with whom Swedenborg and Hesselius stayed.
It is probable that about this time Swedenborg paid his deferred visit to his sister and brother-in-law in Upsala. At any rate, he had access to a copy of the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen for August 3, 1722, containing some account of a review in a Leipzig journal Historie der Gelehramkeit of parts 1-3 of Swedenborg's Miscellaneae Observationes, which Swedenborg had published in that city in the preceding April.
9 See NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1929, pp. 107-8.
Swedenborg's attention was fixed on the last objection, and he resolved to answer it through the pages of the Acta Literaria Sueciae. Accordingly, he wrote a short paper entitled An Exposition of a Hydrostatic Law.10 It was written in a calm spirit, and contains not a hint of the fact that any objection had been made to the author's previous statement with regard to this law. He refers to his own assertion concerning the law, made in a former work, and states that his present object is merely to put the truth of that assertion in a clearer light.
10 Translated in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises (S. S. A., 1905), I, 91.
Nevertheless, it was written in answer to his Leipzig critic, as reported in the Neuer Zeitungen, and constitutes the second of Swedenborg's controversies, p. 270. He sent it to the Literary Guild in Upsala, to be published in the Acta, and the Guild accepted it for publication in the fourth quarterly number of that journal, noting in their minutes that "it gives an answer to the authors of the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit."
Meanwhile, on November 19, the Fahlun Bergsrtt11 sent to the Bergscollegium, their answer with respect to Swedenborg's project for the testing of his method of smelting copper:
11 The name given to a meeting of men chosen from among the miners, under the chairmanship of the Bergmstare (Mining Master), who, in turn, was appointed by the Bergscollegium. It dealt with all matters that concerned the management of the mines, or the services of the miners. The present Bergmstare was Anders Swab, Swedenborg's cousin, stepbrother and brother-in-law.
1. They commence by pointing out that the method of smelting now in use there, is the result of centuries of experience, and the miners are unwilling "to follow speculations and intellectual rules" in preference to the teaching of experience.
2. They are willing that he should himself select the most serviceable place, and the most skillful smelters; but now, when charcoal is beginning to come in, they cannot compel any worker to leave his smelting before he has finished the work he has in hand. They note also that before the reward spoken of in the thirteenth point can be considered, it devolves upon the Assessor to procure for all the members who shall be debited with the gain, the like good smelters and the like serviceable places, as those which he chooses for himself. Moreover, the Assessor's request involves that most of the places now used are unserviceable for the institution of the new process, even as the workmen are unused to it and do not all have the same gift of quickly learning it. No one, therefore, can give every eleventh skeppund as a reward, who has not all the advantages enjoyed by the Assessor in his test.
3. They not only hold it to be absolutely necessary that the workmen be sworn, but they desire that two good men, who shall relieve each other, shall be present at the Assessor's test, the Assessor to have the same right at their test.
4. While it is immaterial who makes the first test, it seems best that the tests should be made at the same time.
5. They give assurance that their test will be made in the usual way, which they hold to be the best, until a better can be shown.
6. The tests shall commence as soon as the mining authorities come into agreement with Herr Assessor Swedenborg, as to the basis for the computation of the increase.
7, 8. These are discussed at point 13.
9. It is somewhat thought-provoking that the Assessor insists on the test being made with ten skeppunds, or more, in order to avoid any objection in the reckoning of the gain, which a smaller test may occasion; for most of the miners in the district are able to work only 4 or 5 skeppunds at a time and many work even less. If the gain is a genuine gain, it should appear equally in the small operation as in the large. Otherwise, the basis of the reckoning is false, and to ascertain it, will cause the utmost inconvenience.
10. To avoid possible objections, both parties must take their ore, good and bad, from the same heap; and the Assessor should procure his own charcoal.
11. The Assessor is free to make one or two tests without counting them, provided they are done without any expense to the Bergsrtt. But the tests that are to serve as the base for the presumed increase must be made with the utmost accuracy and with the same ore.
12. The refining of the copper produced by both parties should be done by the same competent refiner.
13. They would willingly allow the Assessor the ten per cent which he asks, provided this is refunded by those who actually enjoy the increased yield, and that it can be done without bitter disputes. All who have a fundamental knowledge of smelting, know of the many circumstances that contribute thereto; so that it depends on the right blending of the ores, the location of the smeltery, the workmen, the time, the charcoal, etc., etc. Thus it is actually good luck when all these circumstances combine together, and bad luck when one of them is lacking. A miner may be ever so prudent, but with the variation in his mine and his workmen, it must needs be that sometimes he has good luck and sometimes bad. It is vain, therefore, to regulate all works in accordance with a few tests. If the position of the smelteries, the ore, the charcoal, were all alike, it could be done, but not so in a work like the present. "If a medicus cures a burning fever or some other sickness in three patients, all those who have the same sickness could not. therefore, become his followers, or he insist that he use the same lucky cure with them all." But if Assessor Swedenborg thinks he can perform what he has promised, the milling authorities will readily see that the desired tests are instituted; and if it were plainly evident that his method was better than the usual one, and would be practical in the whole mining district without great inconvenience and expense, they would willingly honor him and recompense him for his invention, to the extent that the use thereof can be discerned. But that the mining district, after a few tests, and in the midst of so many contingencies, shall obligate itself to give up every eleventh skeppund, this the Royal College and Assessor Swedenborg himself will doubtless find to be a request to which the mining authorities cannot consent.
The above letter from the Fahlun Bergstrtt was read in the Bergscollegium on November 20, and was then referred to Swedenborg.
and President:
In obedient consequence of the command by your Countship's Excellency and the highly worshipful Bergscollegium, the worshipful Bergsrtt of the Great Copper Mountain has come in with its humble opinion respecting the test which I am thinking of instituting, to show that the copper mining districts in Sweden can increase their usual production by ten per cent if they give due attention to the condition of the fire, the blast, the furnace, and the ore; and since the worthy Bergsrtt is pleased in part to set in doubt, and in part to disapprove my postulata [conditions] which I thought to be necessary for a proper instituting of the test, and for arriving at complete certainty, I humbly present to your Couutship's Excellency, the following points, by way of elucidation:
1. Under their first point, the Bergsrtt brings forward its inoffensive thoughts in general as to changes in their customary method of smelting which has been elaborated for so many saecula [centuries], and has thereby acquired authority, bringing in, in this connection, the names of all those who unfortunately have dared to make any change therein, and setting forth the distaste and weariness the Fahlun milling authorities have acquired for the so-called New workers. As against this, I submit in defense that I have by no means thought to change that process which has so long been built up on experience and finally established, as some foreigners have offered to do, for this would undoubtedly miscarry; but have myself laid down as a foundation the fundamental laws and customs of the process as being the most serviceable for the kind of ore and its nature, my only design being, by giving greater attention to the condition of the fire, the blast, the furnaces and the ore, to save that part of the copper which otherwise would go off in the smoke and with the slag; and thereby also to supply surer rules than those now known.
2. Under the second point, the Bergsrtt brings forward as proof, the reason that if, for the institution of the test, the most suitable place and the smelters should be left to my choosing, then, if the test were successful, the increase should not be computed proportionately for the whole mining district inasmuch as one part would lack the advantage of a suitable place and of equally serviceable smelters. As answer, I submit that I reserve the choice to myself in order that no unskillful smelter and no unserviceable place should be offered me or forced upon me; for, as concerns the workmen, it can never with reason be laid upon me--since it is impossible--to adapt myself to every man's capacity and comprehension, or to offer to procure them the same understanding, and, moreover, to let the computation of the increase depend on their mood, will and capacitet. Besides this, I suppose my whole duty to be done, when I have set before their eyes all that is demanded therefor and have instructed therein, those who are the most skillful according as this is possible.
As concerns the smelting houses--that they vary is well known both to me and still more to your Countship's Excellency; but since the mining authorities have a like choice in this matter, like is set up for like. If they are pleased to give me an unserviceable place, and themselves to take a similar place, the matter comes to the same thing, for the promised increase looks not to the advantage of the place but to the advantage of the process. That those lose, who use unserviceable smelting houses for the customary process--this I cannot make better; I can only procure them ten per cent increase over and above what can come to the owner in the same place, using the customary process.
Besides this, the worthy Bergsrtt would seem to have been right in so nicely computing the enjoyment of the increase, provided I had asked payment thereof from the mining authorities, or the enjoyment of it for many years, or for my lifetime.
3. That two good men should be constantly present at the test which either side carries out, serves for the removal of suspicion, and is something wholly necessary; and, likewise, that these good men, and also all others who wish to be present, first take oath.
The same thing is requested in respect to the fifth point, to the effect that the test shall be conducted after the customary manner.
4. But that the Bergsrtt, in their fourth point, is pleased to insert that the tests on both sides should take place at the same time--this would leave room for suspicion, for one cannot be in two places at the same time and himself have witness that everything is carried on without fraud. In addition to this, it would be a means of setting the carrying out of the work on an insecure footing, and would give occasion for either party, on its side, to change its desseiner [plans], and so would bring one thing or another into confusion and dispute. I, therefore, humbly request that the milling authorities carry out their test first before I proceed to my contra-test.
6.* To come first to agreement as to a definite basis for the computation of the increase before the test is instituted, is what I also in humility requested.
* Swedenborg has "5" but this and the following numbers, namely, 6 to 8, are altered to conform with the Bergsrtt's letter.
9. There is nothing at all suspicious in my insisting that the test shall consist of about 10 skeppunds or more, and this for the reason that no objection may be made in the computation of the increase, such as a smaller test could give occasion for. But for me it would be wholly dangerous to condescendera [comply] with the proposal that the test might be made on a smaller scale, and this for certain reasons which I will not now mention; and also for the reason that, in a furnace which is quite cool where only 3 or 4 skeppunds are treated, one must inescapably suffer loss, both in the time and in the charcoal and copper. I will make this clear by a comparable simile. In blast furnaces, the owner suffers considerable loss in charcoal for the first eight to fourteen days; likewise, in iron and also in time, inasmuch as during this time only one-half or one-third is obtained. But that the mining district, as it is related, consists for the most part of miners who can secure the disposal of only from four to five skeppunds at the highest, and many of them less than this, is a business at which the mining district undeniably suffers a loss in respect both to charcoal and to time, etc., and it ought to be remedied by the owners by means of combined working up to from 10 to 13 skeppunds.
10-12. As regards the Bergsrtt's conclusion with respect to the institution of the test and the computation of the increase, I leave it to the wise consideration of your Countship's Excellency, and also to the Bergsrtt's own finding, as to how far one can actually set up a test under a mere promise, when so many difficulties are put forward in advance, concerning the computation of the increase and the obtaining of certainty. Even in a matter of the utmost sureness, and in the happiest event, it would be a risking of one's reputation if the examination of the matter were subject to the judgment of those who are averse to the thing.
13. The worthy Bergsrtt deems it to be a vain thing to regulate the work in accordance with some decisive tests, which it likens to a medicus who luckily curerar [cures] some patients one after another, etc. But aside from this, it is well known to the Bergsrtt, that, when an assayer has made his test, one is sure of the nature and contents of an ore, and still more when the test has been made two or three times, and much more when test has been made on a large scale; from which it follows, that this comparison has no further significance than to show that, in the process used in Fahlun, is an uncertainty which exists nowhere else, and that in one or other respect it likely needs improvement and remedy.
Now since the worthy Bergsrtt, both for its own use and for that of the public, would doubtless advance a work of such importance and else, therefore, much less do I doubt of their good favor; for on all former occasions, and even when foreigners have offered themselves, they have shown solicitude, and this, the more, inasmuch as their own interests are so considerably verseras [involved] in the matter.
I convey herewith the most humble gratitude to your Countship's Excellency, who has been pleased hitherto most graciously to forward my project; and since such an important matter ought to depend not on correspondence but solely on the effect, so I in no way doubt but that your Countship's High Excellency will, in this matter, still further continue his favor.
Remaining, with all reverence,
Your Countship's Excellency's
most humble servant
Eman. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Dec. 7
1722
This is the last that is heard of the test of Swedenborg's project for the improvement of copper smelting. Judging from the correspondence, it is doubtful whether Swedenborg himself was really willing to enter upon the test, in view of what he regarded as the wholly negative attitude of the Bergsrtt.
What was the nature of Swedenborg's proposed improvement is not known. One would have expected to have found same reference to it in his work on Copper, published some twelve years later; but though a chapter in that work is devoted to a detailed description of improvements projected by Kunckel and several others, not a word is said as to the proposal which forms the subject of the above letter.
When Swedenborg wrote his Hydrostatic Law, he had merely seen the report in the Neuer Zeitungen of the review in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, and there it had merely been noted that Swedenborg's arguments were opposed to the principles of hydrostatic. His Hydrostatic Law, which was to appear in the Acta, was written in answer to this review. But he was eager to see the original review. This had not yet been received in Sweden Therefore, in a letter addressed to Eric Benzelius early in December, he inquires as to whether the Upsala Library has yet received a copy of the journal in question. The letter itself is lost, but there is preserved a fragment1 of Benzelius' reply, dated UPSALA, DECEMBER 11, 1722, wherein he says:
1 This fragment is copied in the sixteenth of the twenty volumes of letters copied by Bengt Bergius (1723-1784) and now preserved in the library of the Swedish Royal Academy of Sciences. These volumes contain copies of letters of all kinds, ancient and contemporary, and, as in the present case, even of fragments of letters, or extracts; but the place where the letter was found, etc., is never given.
"I also wish that the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit might arrive, so that one got to see her in the eyes, since she herself wishes to walk with a mask before her face, and so, suspiciously."2
2 Benzelius is referring to the preface of the first issue of the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, where the editors make a special point of their anonymity.
It was but a few days later that the Upsala Library received the desired copy, and Swedenborg was at once given the opportunity of reading the review of his Miscellaneae Observationes. The review is bitter and ill-natured, and the reading of it inspired Swedenborg to add a paragraph to his article on the Hydrostatic Law, the caustic tone of which is a decided contrast to the rest of the article.3
3 The review in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, is translated in the NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1929, pp. 99-108.
After his return to Sweden, subsequent to the signing of the harsh peace treaty with Russia in 1722, Swedenborg's thought was directed to the means of restoring Sweden's prosperity, now lost; and in the Diet which opened in January 1723, the means to this end became a matter of long continued discussion. Swedenborg, as a patriotic citizen, and also as a holder of extensive interests in the iron industry, took deep interest in the revival of Sweden's trade which had been brought to such ruin by the disastrous wars of Charles XII. He had already manifested this interest, and also his keen insight in matters of political economy, in the Memorial of February 1719 addressed to the Diet, wherein he proposed a plan for the redemption of the well nigh worthless paper currency with which Sweden was flooded. And now, at the commencement of the Diet of 1723, when the question of foreign trade was to the fore, he again addressed the Diet, his theme being, that a country cannot have prosperity without foreign trade and a favorable balance in that trade. His Memorial* is dated FEBRUARY 5, 1723:
* In his Mynt-och Bank politik, p. 2, Sjstrand refers to this Memorial: "On the significance of an orderly balance of trade," and adds that "the same Diet ordered the Kommerce Kollegium to give an annual statement of imported and exported wares."
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
The main cause of a kingdom's advancement in wealth is its balance of trade. If more is brought in from the foreigner than the country is able to pay for with all its domestic products, it follows that the kingdom not only loses considerable sums every year, and places them in the hands of foreign nations, but little by little diminishes the capital which it has laid up in prosperous times and has intended for its posteritaten.
Now, since the true spring and source of a kingdom's wealth is its balance of trade, I have composed two lists of accounts, herewith subjoined, with a view to verterande [calling attention] thereunder to its great importance. The first contains a rough calculation of exports and imports in the time of the late King Charles XI's government when Swedish trade was in its greatest flower. Hereitis shown that the balance was 4-1/2 million gulden a year in favor of the kingdom. The second list shows the balance at the present time which, as compared with the former list, has undergone an incredible change so that there is a yearly loss of from 2-1/2 to 3 million Dutch gulden; from which it follows that Sweden's rich products are no longer sufficient to pay for the excess of imported wares and fancy articles, and that for the supplying of this, a portion of the country's domestic cash resources must be sent out every year. For some years past this deficiency has been supplied and offset by the capital which has come to Sweden from foreign Puissancer [Powers] and which should still come;1 but as soon as this comes to an end, the country must necessarily fall little by little into a lamentable poverty, unless the Estates of the Realm now find a way to avoid it.
1 England and France were both giving annual subsidies to Sweden.
Now since every individual is left free to utter his well meant thoughts and to give out what he sees might in one way or another serve the general good, it will not presumably be taken unfavorably that I call attention to the fact that for the present Diet, the most important thing is to look into and assist and advance all projects which are of service for the promoting of the general economy, and for reaching a balance, especially since this is the foundation of the welfare of the individual and of all posterity. It is such deliberations that have become the principal things that are taken up in the English Parliament, and also by the States in Holland, whereby with much counselling and many statutes, their economy has been brought to its highest flower, the balance is preserved, the land and its inhabitants are wealthy, and the means and the profits of other nations flow into her treasuries.
From the following balance lists, one finds:
1. That Sweden has lost her main revenues which she had from the lands now conquered by the enemy, namely, Livland, Ingermanland, Wiborg, Stetin, Bremen, and also Zweibrucken,2 which amounted to some millions of gulden annually. Formerly these revenues had flown into the kingdom's treasury and were gradually spread among her subjects, and so made wealth both for the public and for the private individual. And since these considerable sums are now lacking, there is no other way to restore them save by putting our commerce and economy in such a condition that the like sums are earned by industry as were lost by misfortune.
2 The present Latvia, Esthonia and Lithuania (Ingermanland) and Viborg (on the southeast of Finland) had been conquered by the Russians. Stettin and Bremen had been compulsorily ceded to Prussia and Hannover. Zweibrucken (Deux Fonts) in Bavaria had lost connection with the Swedish crown on the death of Charles XII.
LISTED ACCOUNT OF SWEDEN'S GENERAL REVENUES AND BALANCE SHEET AT THE PRESENT TIME
Holland
Gulden
Exports
Annual manufacture of iron in Sweden, for 250,000 at 6 florins* per 100 in Holland. (Sometimes, however, it is sold for from 6-1/2 to 7 florins per 100 lbs., and regrund iron up to 8 to 9
per 100 lbs.) Deducting 26 per cent for costs, the sum becomes
3,300,000
* "6 f."--this is presumed to mean florin. According to the present calculation, 1 florin would equal 3 gulden. The second number should be, not 1,100,000, but, 1,166,400.
Annual manufacture of copper at Fahlun, Nya Kopparberg, Garpenberg, Schito, etc., for 8,000 at 54 florins per 100 lbs. paid in Holland (though sometimes it is 60-70 florins per 100 lbs.). This copper, after deducting 8-10 per cent for costs, amounts in Holland to the sum of 1,100,000
Brass, brass wire, steel, steel wire 100,000
Heavy manufactures, such as guns, bullets, anchors, etc.
50,000
Silver, at 3,000 per year 60,000
Alum, vitriol, sulphur 200,000
Pitch and tar, 5,000 loads annually at 20 R. F.H per load, though the price is still lower 450,000
* 1 Riksdaler Flemish = 4-1/2 gulden.
Masts, boards, palings, logs, etc., wood 300,000
Raw and refined potash from different Baltic ports
250,000
Freightage of Swedish ships 250,000
Yearly revenues from the Provinces. Advantages of trade with one's own provinces. Foreign ministers at the Swedish Court. Foreign travelers. Couriers 300,000
Balance, namely What the country loses annually 3,260,000
9,650,000
Imports
Salts of all kinds 1,200,000
Tobacco in the leaf and twisted 1,000,000
Grain, more or less according to the annual crop 1,300,000
All kinds of wines and liquors 800,000
Groceries and drugs 400,000
Cloths, silks, half silks, costumes 1,200,000
Clothes 1,200,000
All kinds of articles of fashion, jewelry, pearls, etc.
450,000
Linen 50,000
Tin, quicksilver, calamine, French stoves, marbles, etc.
250,000
Porcelain, stoneware, pipes, glass, mirrors 100,000
Herrings, salt fish, whalebone, flesh, hops, leather, paper, hemp, will amount to well up to 1,200,000 gulden yearly, but because of the variation in consumption, they are set out at 1,000,000
Swedish ministers at foreign courts. Couriers. Swedish travelers. The cost through Denmark * 550,000
9,650,000**
* Probably the cost of Danish tolls on ships passing between Helsingborg and Helsingfr. See pp. 124-5.
** This should be 9,500,000. Some of the items must therefore be increased to amount to 150,000.
LISTED ACCOUNT OF SWEDEN'S GENERAL REVENUES AND BALANCE OF TRADE IN THE TIME OF THE LATE KING CHARLES XI'S* REIGN
* The autograph has Charles XII, but this is clearly an error, for the flourishing time of business in Sweden was in Charles XI's reign.
Exports
Yearly manufacture of iron in Sweden for 300,000 at 6 florins per 100 lbs. in Holland, though sometimes it was sold for from 6-1/2 to 7 florins per 100 lbs., without mentioning the price of regrund iron. Deducting 20* per cent for costs, the total becomes
4,000,000
* This should be 26.
50,000
Alum, vitriol, sulphur 200,000
Pitch and tar, about 10,000 loads annually, at 20 R Flemish per load (though the price at one time was 36 R. F.) amounts together to an annual sum of 900,000
Masts, hoards, palings, logs, wood, from Westerwik, Calmar, Gefle,
Gothenburg, Uddevalla, etc., yearly 300,000
Raw and refined potash 250,000
Freightage on Swedish ships for imported and exported wares
1,500,000
Yearly revenues of the Provinces which then came from Liffland, Ingermanland, Wiborg, Stetin, Bremen, Zweibrucken, after deducting what was paid civil servants and garrisons, amounts to the sum of
4,000,000
Profits of business with our own Provinces, reckoning also the means brought into the country by the inhabitants of the Provinces who sought employment in Sweden, and of those who became naturalized Swedish merchants, which can be reckoned yearly at over 1,000,000
Foreign ministers at the Swedish Court, foreign travelers, couriers, etc. 500,000
14,220,000*
* This should be 14,160,000. The first figure on this page should be 1,458,000, making a total of 14,258,000.
Imports
Yearly import of salt 1,200,000
Tobacco in the leaf and twisted 1,000,000
800,000
Linen 150,000
Iron manufactures 50,000
Tin, quicksilver, calamine, French clay, stones, marbles, etc.
250,000
Porcelain, stoneware, pipes, glass, mirrors 100,000
Herring, salt fish, whalebone, flesh, hops, leather, copper, hemp; these amount well up to 1,200,000 gulden yearly, but for the variation in consumption, they are entered at 1,000,000
Swedish ministers at foreign courts, courtiers, Swedish travelers.
Cost through Denmark, etc. 500,000
The Balance which comes yearly into the country through trade and other revenues becomes 4,270,000
14,220,000
II. From these accounts, one sees that all the profit which foreign trade has yielded and which came to domestic merchants through freightage and voyages, must now be left in the hands of foreigners; for during the long period of war, Swedish ships have been wrecked,3 and Swedish capital gradually diminished, so that foreign merchants are advantaged by the whole of that profit which Sweden acquired at such great trouble and expense in the late King Charles XI's time, and thereby the land, all unnoticed, has lost many tons of gold.
3 In July 1723, the Commerce College reported that Sweden possessed only 177 ships. By October 1734, the number was 648, of which 300 were of larger size (Chydenius, p. 173)
III. Here also can be deducted the loss which Sweden must feel later, because of the separation of the lands formerly incorporated with her, whereby an incredible profit and gain might have come to Swedish traders, in that they joined hands in all commerce and in the wares which are fetched from the Baltic ports, such as, to speak generally, grain, hemp, oak, pitch and tar, etc., which made a considerable gain in the reckoning of the balance.
IV. From the accompanying lists, it is seen that the most honorable means and the surest income that Sweden now has, consists in the working of her iron and copper. Iron brings into the country two to three million riksdalers a year, or pays for an amount of goods which answers to that sum, and copper one million a year. From this it follows that the kingdom's welfare and the balance of trade is now founded mainly on the maintenance of the mining district, and one call be the more sure of this, in that foreign traders will not neglect to plot all unnoticed to get for themselves the profits which the Swedish mining district can give out for the use of the kingdom.
V. For this, it would be necessary, 1, To inform oneself as to the condition of the Swedish merchant shipping, and to see how it can gradually be raised up and brought to its former lustre. 2, To examine the quality, the nature, and the quantity of the wares, one and all, that are brought to us from foreign places, and how far they are necessary for us and indispensable; so that one can cease to use them; or can procure the wares for a better price or at less cost; or can have them manufactured in this country, whereby an unnecessary importation could be stopped, or the profit of the manufacture be kept in the country; 3, and likewise works and manufactures within the country could be promoted to better advantage, quality and return.
Such and other like matters should be referred to the examination of the Royal Colleges to which the country's economy is entrusted by the Estates of the Realm. But since their concern is mainly with the private economy of manufacturing, and with the dispensing of justice, they probably have little time left to look into the general economy in all its parts. Therefore, the only recourse herein is to the Estates of the Realm which will be pleased to keep ward over these highly important matters whereon depends the whole welfare of posterity. Stockholm. 5
Feb. 1723. Eman. Swedenborg
This Memorial was received by the Business Committee or Uhrskillnings Deputation as it was called, of the House of Nobles.4
4 In view of the great number of memorials presented to the House, a business committee was appointed to receive and examine them. This deputation then referred them to one or other of the committees or deputations to which the subject belonged, and there it was decided whether or not it should be presented to the Diet; or the business Deputation could refer them to the Diet direct.
Although Swedenborg was addressed by the Bergscollegium as Assessor, he was yet without a salary, and was also denied a seat at the meeting of the College, and this, despite the fact that he had attended several of its meetings in November 1719, and had voted as an assessor.5 He had thrice made written application for full recognition as assessor, but each time without success, the only tangible result being, that after the failure of his second application, he was formally denied the right to a seat and vote in the Bergscollegium.6
5 See p. 217.
6 See p. 242.
He had not given up hope, however; and now, after his return from Germany, where he had made extensive observations of the mining districts, and where he had received the most signal marks of favor from Duke Ludwig Rudolph of Blanckenburg, he determined once more to apply to the Bergscollegium for recognition. Probably also he was encouraged in this by his knowledge that during his absence in January, the Bergscollegium had received a new president, the learned and honorable Gustaf Bonde, to whom he had dedicated the first volume of his Miscellaneous Observations. He made his new application in a letter addressed to the College, and dated STOCKHOLM, FEBRUARY 12, 1723:
High and Wellborn Herr Count and President
and
Wellborn Herrar Councillors and Assessors:
To your Excellency and to the most worshipful Royal Collegium, I come in humility with the enclosed copies of the most blessed King Charles XII's Warrant and letter, to be Extraordinary Assessor in the Royal Bergscollegium, and there to have voice and seat; from the enjoyment of which privilege I have been hindered, since the removal of the most blessed King by death, partly by journeys at home and abroad, and partly because I wished humbly to await the very gracious and voluntary summons of your Countship's Excellency and of the most worshipful Royal Collegium.
Your Excellency's
And
the most Worshipful Bergscollegium's
most humble servant
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Feb. 12
1723
[Enclosures]
Copy
We, Carl, by God's grace, King of Sweden, Gtha and Wende, etc., etc., make known that, inasmuch as we have graciously thought fit that some one who has a good knowledge of mechanics, should also have a seat in the Bergs Collegium; and for this, our faithful and beloved subject, Emanuel Swedberg, in view of his praiseworthy qualities and skill, has been proposed to us; therefore, we have herewith and by virtue of this our open warrant, graciously willed to appoint him, Emanuel Swedberg, to be Assessor Extraordinarius in our Bergs Collegium. To this, all whom it may concern must give obedient observance, etc., etc.
Lund, Dec. 18, 1716
CAROLUS
S. Cronhjelm
Read in the Royal Bergscollegium, April 6, 1717
Carl. Our special favor ... Since in grace we have been pleased to advance Eman: Swedberg to be Extraord: Ass: in the Bergs Collegio, yet in such way that at the same time he should accompany Councillor of Commerce Polhem and be his assistant in instituting his constructions and inventions, we have, therefore, desired hereby to inform you of this, with the gracious order that you allow him to enjoy seat and voice in the Collegium when he is able to be present, and, in particular, when such matters come up as concern mechanics.
Lund, Dec. 18, 1716
CAROLUS
S. Cronhjelm
No answer to the above letter was received from the Bergscollegium. One reason for this neglect was probably the fact that the Diet which had assembled in the middle of January was claiming the attention of the members of the College, all of whom were members of the House of Nobles. Indeed, Swedenborg was himself actively interested in the work of this Diet, particularly in respect to Swedish finances and foreign trade, on which subjects, as a member of one of the special committees appointed by the Diet (see p. 301), he presented more than one memorial.
He waited six weeks for an answer to his letter, after which he again addressed himself to the Bergscollegium in a letter dated MARCH 20, 1723:
High and Wellborn Herr Count and
President
Wellborn Herrar Councillors and Assessors:
Since some time ago I submitted a humble petition respecting a vote and seat in the Royal Bergscollegium; and your Countship's Excellency, and the most worshipful Royal Collegium, have likely been prevented from coming to a decision on private affairs such as this, by reason of the important matters of the Diet, it is now my humble request that your Countship's Excellency and the most worshipful Collegium will be pleased to come to some decision regarding me in this matter, which I await in all humility. I remain, with all reverence,
Your Countship Excellency's
And
the most Worshipful Royal Collegium's
most humble servant
Eman; Swedenborg
Stockholm, Mar. 20
1723
The immediate effect of this letter was an invitation to Swedenborg to attend the sessions of the Bergscollegium.
At this meeting the question of precedence was brought up, as between him and his future brother-in-law, Johan Bergenstierna.1 The matter was one of importance since advancement was by seniority, the Senior Assessor being entitled to the office and salary of a councillor as soon as a vacancy occurred. Bergenstierna had been appointed assessor in 1720 (see p. 241) while Swedenborg's appointment as extraordinary assessor was in 1716. The latter was therefore asked if he would give precedence to Bergenstierna. To this he readily consented. Then came the question whether he would give precedence to his present brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna who had been appointed Assessor in 1722. He said be would like to talk the matter over with his brother-in-law. As a result of this talk he reported to the College on April 11, that since Benzelstierna as assessor was obliged to attend the sessions of the College, whereas he, as extraordinary assessor, could attend or not at pleasure, he consented to sit below his brother-in-law* but with the reservation, that this place should be reserved for him, in case a new assessor be appointed. He then took his place at the board immediately below Assessor Benzelstierna--but without salary.
1 Johan Bergenstierna (1668-1748) married Elizabeth Brink, the widow of Swedenborg's brother Eliezer. See p. 241.
* In his first meeting at the College, his seat--the lowest--had been after Anders Swab; see p. 154 Bergenstjerna became Assessor in 1720, and Benzelstierna in 1722.
One of the early actions of every Diet was the appointment of deputations for the more particular discussion of matters that might come before the Diet. Thus, there was a Deputation on War, a Deputation on Banking, a Deputation on Mines, etc. Each of the four Estates appointed its own members separately, the House of Nobles appointing double the number appointed by each of the other three houses. To these deputations, the appropriate memorials were referred by the Deputation on Business. The Deputation then considered the memorials and decided whether or not to report them to the Diet, together with other matters which they might wish to be taken up. Each deputation sat as a whole, but its report was made to each of the four Houses by the members of the deputation representing that House.
On February 9th, Swedenborg was appointed a member of the Deputation on Mining (R. o. A. Protocol, 1723, p. 76). This was evidently a recognition of his qualifications, for his writ of appointment as Assessor Extraordinary by Charles XII was not yet recognized by the College of Mines. Mining, Commerce, and Customs were so closely related that, although each had a separate Deputation, it was arranged that they should have joint meetings whenever the subjects under consideration demanded this--which was quite often. This brought Swedenborg into frequent contact with the Deputation on Commerce which, during the whole Diet was extremely active in considering the means whereby the country might be restored to prosperity. This was also of great interest to Swedenborg, and, as a member of one of the deputations, he was kept well informed of the various proposals that were made and discussed.
For a long time past, there had been great distress in the copper works at the Fahlun copper mine and at Avesta where the copper coins were made, owing to the lack of sufficient charcoal to carry on the work; for the peasants had been selling their charcoal to the iron smelters who offered a better price. Therefore, on December 4th, 1722, an Ordinance was issued, imposing a fine on all iron works situated in or near the Stora Kopparberg,2 which unlawfully purchased charcoal, and also on the peasant who sold the charcoal (Frordningar, pp. 619, 625), the iron forgers and smelters being obligated to confine themselves to their own woods. Despite this, however, the copper industry at Fahlun and Avesta continued to suffer from lack of charcoal, for the lure of higher prices defied the law.
2 The great copper mountain near Fahlun.
This discrimination against iron and in favor of copper as being the nobler metal, led Swedenborg to make strong protest; and that he was justified in this, is evident from the fact, already noted, that iron, being Sweden's principal export, was the richest source of her wealth. He therefore submitted to the House of Nobles a memorial on this subject, dated FEBRUARY 18, 1723:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL*
* In connection with this Memorial, it may be noted that in former times copper was "the noblest jewel in the Swedish crown," but the production of copper and also its selling price had steadily fallen, while that of iron had so steadily increased that in 1724 it constituted five-sevenths of the kingdom's exports and commanded a good price in the world market (Malmstrm 2:105)
Sweden is blessed above many other kingdoms with metals of different sorts. But in places where many sorts are found in one tract, it has been ruled from of old that the nobler metal should have preference above the less noble.
1 I.e., the ancient rule was later incorporated in a Royal Ordinance. The ordinance was published in May 1689 (Frrdningar, p. 385).
Now since such Ordinance is so absolute that it is not permitted to take into consideration any circumstantier other than the nobility of the metals, therefore, in humility, I will adduce some cases which will show that such Ordinance can at times militate against the general good of the kingdom. For example:
If, in mining districts where are iron mines and where have been erected blast furnaces which furnish the whole mining district with iron, there should be found a poor and thin vein of silver or copper; and if, because of the nobility of these metals and without any consideration of the advancement of the general welfare, it should be able to insult and push out works that have been brought into fitting condition; that is, if for 200 marks2 of silver, one must give up the working of 2,000 skeppunds of iron, this would be a loss of 8 dalers for one gained. Yet it would be certain that for the 2,000 skeppund of iron, foreign merchants are willing to pay from 14 to 1500 marks in native silver.
2 A mark in silver weight was two-thirds of an ounce Troy.
So likewiseBshould there be found by the side of the Stora Kopparberg mine a great mountain of thin silver ore, from which six to ten thousand marks could be obtained at the same cost as is incurred today [in the obtaining of copper] at this great mine--if, merely because of the accepted rule, one were to cultivate the nobler metal and put aside the less noble, even though one were assured that for the copper which this considerable work yields every year, a foreign merchant will give eight or ten times as much in silver of the same standard as in the former case.
Now since such a rule without any limitation could in a year do injury ten or a hundred times greater than the profit which itself shows, the question is submitted to the ripe consideration of the Diet, whether it would not be necessary that in certain cases the said rule be limited; to wit, that we should have in view, not only the nobility of the metals, but also the general welfare, that is, all the cases and circumstantier which can show that in the long run, the one work brings more into the kingdom than the other, or, that the work itself is the nobler, even though the metal is ignoble.
Eman. Swedenborg
This Memorial was read by the Uhrskillnings Deputation, and by it was referred to the joint Deputation on Commerce and Mining of which latter Swedenborg himself was a member. There it was read on March 1st, but it seems to have made no progress.
During February and March, the Commerce Deputation, the most influential of whose members were representatives from the staple cities, was busily engaged in considering ways and means for securing greater profit from Sweden's foreign trade, especially the profit from the carriage of cargoes, which was then enjoyed mainly by English and Dutch ships.
On this subject there were two schools of thought, represented respectively by the ironmasters and the shipowners. Prior to 1699, foreign traders had been allowed in the mining districts, where they contracted with the individual iron manufacturers. But on November 15th, 1699, Charles XII, on the ground that the smelters were selling their iron to foreigners, or were themselves exporting it, issued an ordinance forbidding this practice, and compelling the iron dealers to sell to the merchants of the three staple cities--that is, cities which alone had the right of exportBStockholm, Gothenburg and Karlscrona (Kgl. Frordningar, p. 515). The object of the ordinance was the promotion and growth of the staple cities. Its effect, however, was to make the export iron industry the monopoly of a few merchants. In consequence of this, within fourteen days of the issuing of the ordinance, the price of iron fell by 10 dal. k.mt per skeppund, and this resulted in such an outcry that the ordinance was soon suspended (Chydenius, Politiska Skrifter, p. 157); and from when on until 1723, foreigners were permitted to trade with the iron manufacturers direct.
The merchants and shipowners in the staple cities were opposed to allowing foreigners to deal direct with the iron manufacturers. They argued that by this means the foreigner got all the profits, not only from the purchase and sale of iron, but also from the shipping charges for freightage. They worked, therefore, to exclude the foreigner from the domestic trade, thus compelling the iron manufacturers to sell to the staple cities which alone would have the right to sell to foreigners--and profit thereby.
During the discussions in the Commerce Deputation, it was first proposed entirely to exclude all foreign ships from Swedish ports. But this was altogether too drastic a step, involving serious international questions. Finally the Deputation confined itself to consideration of the proposal that no ships be allowed to bring any goods to Sweden except those produced in the land in which the ship was registered. During the discussion of this question on March 22d, one of the members of the Deputation, himself an iron manufacturer, stated that before such a step was taken, three points should be made clear: 1. Whether Sweden could avoid the importation of salt, a most necessary item for Sweden, by foreign vessels, without a great rise in its price. 2. Whether foreign ships could carry Sweden's exports if they had to come without cargoes. 3. Whether the measure would not jeopardize Sweden's relations with foreign nations. "The whole prosperity of the country (he added) depended on the mining district, and yet they talked so rashly against it, just in the interests of a few merchants." His opponents answered that by 1724, enough ships could be built or bought to carry the greater part of Sweden's foreign trade (Heckscher, Produktplakatet, pp. 35-35) The number of ships then owned by Sweden was 228, of which only were of any size (ibid. 52).
Swedenborg was, of course, well aware of what was going on, and that it was opposed both to his interests as an iron manufacturer and to his principles of political economy which were averse to all restraint of trade. Therefore, on APRIL 2D, 1723, he sent to the Diet a Memorial on the subject.
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
As I perceive that the Commerce Committee, appointed by the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, have had under consideration the question as to how far foreigners and foreign agents may and ought to be allowed in the country to buy Swedish wares; and as the matter has already been communicated to the Royal Colleges of Mines and Commerce; may it please the most worsh. Estates of the Realm not to take it ungraciously that I venture, in humility, to point out that before the matter is concluded and the Commerce Deputation's opinion is submitted, the Mining Deputation appointed by the Estates of the Realm may also receive the pertinent part thereof, and the two Deputations have a joint meeting on the matter, inasmuch as it concerns not only the interest of traders but also the welfare and oeconomium of the whole mining district. For, as it is reported, some think they are able to show that in case foreigners should now he banished from the country and free trade with our own wares be forbidden, it would put the whole of Swedish iron and the mining industry in jeopardy, and within a few years would completely destroy it and so would tear down with one hand what was built up with the other. Stockholm, April 2, 1723.
Eman. Swedenborg
This Memorial was handed in to the Business Committee of the Diet, and on April 5th the Committee referred it to the Commerce Deputation, and there it stayed until July 31st when it was read in the Mining Deputation, of which Swedenborg himself was a member. Nothing further was done with it.
Swedenborg was firmly convinced that iron was the most important of Sweden's products, but he was also aware that Sweden did not reap the full advantage of her wealth in iron ore. For she exported her iron to other countries, there to be made into steel which she then imported. He therefore advocated the establishment in Sweden of the manufacture of steel.
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
The most important thing in a kingdom is that the setting up of manufacturing be promoted, and especially so when one has the ruda [raw] material therefor. That which is ignoble is thereby nobiliteras [made noble] and advanced in price, and the public enjoys the benefit and avance [advantage] thereof.
It is known to all the world that no nation has such opportunity for setting up the manufacture of iron as Sweden. On the other hand, many deplore our late in that we ourselves wish and desire the establishment of manufactures but without put ting it into execution and without energy. I will therefore humbly present a project showing how a foundation can he laid for their advancement so that they can be gradually commenced and grow up and be improved. In consequence whereof, I will humbly relate the following:
I From Sweden many thousand skeppunds of coarse pig iron are exported to Holland at great cost for customs and freight, etc., and from there it is sent far inland to Saurland and Liege, where it is divided into pieces which are then rolled and cut into lengths of six, ten to twelve small bars, or also pressed out into bands.l It is then carried back to Holland and from there to many places in Europe, where it is sold at considerable profit. Thus our Swedish iron must in this way be ennobled in Brabant and give them a profit which, with a little expense and industry, we could ourselves retain.
1 That is, bands such as are used by tying up bales, also for barrels, etc.
II This iron, which has been divided into small rods, and, by means of rolling and cutting machines, into fine wares and forms, then serves for the advancement of all kinds of small manufactures For by its means time is saved as well as work and expense, being medium [midway] between the raw Swedish iron and the manufactured wares themselves of whatever sort they be.
III It serves likewise as material for all who work at locksmithing, because they have an assortment upon which otherwise they must expend much time and expense. Thus the manufacturers as well as the work of the locksmiths themselves advance the country to an incredible profit and a lowering of prices.
IV Of this, one can anticipate a certain diminution and a considerable distribution within the country itself; and what is not consumed for domestic needs can be sent to other places in Europe and there be disposed of to avance [advantage]. One can have so much surer hope of this, since the larger part of the cut iron that is sent from Liege consists of Liege and Brabant iron, which, in the absence of better, many nations must use although it is cold-brittle,2 brittle and breakable. Were the same sorts of iron articles sent from Sweden, the others would fall in estimation and in price, and the better would win the prize, a fact which is proved by those who travel to these places and who carry on correspondence with them.
2 Kallbrckt iron is soft and malleable when heated, but as soon as it becomes cold or lukewarm is extremely brittle under the hammer or on falling (Rinman).
If the most worsh. Estates of the Realm were pleased to advance the setting up of such manufacture, and thereby lay a foundation for the establishing of iron manufacture in Sweden, the most worsh. Estates of the Realm would likely grant advantages and liberties to those who set up the work; and the Roy. College of Mines will give the most worsh. Estates of the Realm a project of the privilege to be given whereby these works ought especially to be promoted and be set in an advantageous condition.
The accompanying drawing shows a machine such as is used in foreign lands. The cutting is done at two ovens capable of 40 skeppunds every twenty-four hours or from 8-10,000 skps. annually, with the help of eleven workmen; and the consumption therefor is twelve to fourteen stigs3 of charcoal every twenty-four hours. The cost may amount to 6 marks per skeppund. Part is rolled into iron bands, a part into material for nails, thin rods, steel wire, gallerier, etc. A part is for locksmiths, being of whatever sort is desired. Stockholm, April 11, 1723.
Eman. Swedenborg.
3 A stig was about 40 bushels.
[Etching.] Drefoe et Lipfice in Officina Hekeliana 1734
DESCRIPTION OF THE ACCOMPANYING DRAWING.4
4 Here Swedenborg's original drawing is described. It is probable that he requested that it be returned to him by the joint Deputation on Mining and Commerce, for in 1734 he had an engraving made from it which was included in his work on Iron published in that same year. It is this engraving which is here reproduced.
1 At the extreme right are two wheels, only one of which is seen. These drive the whole machine, and all the cogwork seen in the drawing.
2 At the extreme left is a double oven in which iron is heated to a glowing red. The iron which is there used is coarse pig iron. The iron is divided into pieces, each being about 5 quarteers,5 which are cast into the oven crosswise in such way that they make a vault under which is laid the charcoal; and all the pieces, which together may amount to 3 to 5 skeppunds, are brought to a red heat at the same time.
5 1 quarter = 6 inches.
3 They are then taken out, one by one, and each is placed under the rolling machine through which it runs and is pressed out both breadthwise and lengthwise. The rolling machines are of no great size. While it is running, water must be poured over it, this facilitating the work.
4 When the iron has twice been in the fire and gone through the rolling machine and has become broader, and three times longer than at the first, it is then taken to the cutting machine and, running through it, is divided into the number of rods for which one has chosen to arrange the machine, whether 3, 6, 8 or 12.
5 The rods are then bound into bundles and set up.
6 Below, at the left, is a furnace where a smith is preparing all that is needed, so that one has at hand all kinds of rollers and round steel discs such as are used in the cutting.
This Memorial was read in the Business Committee of the Diet, on May 17th, and was referred to the joint deputation on Mining and Commerce, by whom it was referred to the Deputation on Mining where it was read on June 11th. Nothing further is heard of it until two years later, when, on August 23, 1725, the King referred it to the joint Mining and Commerce Deputation by whom, on September 1, 1726--one year later--it was "entered among the transactions" of the Committee.
* During a visit to Stockholm in 1949, I Came across a book by Carl Sahlin, entitled Valsverk inom den Svenska Metalurgie Industrien intil brjan av 1870 taleti Stockholm, 1934, which throws some light on the effect of Swedenborg's memorial. In his chapter on "Rolling and cutting machines for the making of iron rods and bands," Sahlin says: "The one who gave impulse to again introducing rolling and cutting machines...was Emanuel Swedenborg. During a journey in Holland and Germany from 1721 to 1722, and among other things, he studied the rolling machine, and in consequence thereof, drew up, on April 11, 1723, a memorial addressed to the Diet, which was handed in on the 20th of the same month. Since this paper which has not hitherto been published in Swedish constitutes a weighty document in the history of our rolling work, it will here be printed in its entirety." Then follows the memorial itself together with the accompanying drawing (taken from Swedenborg's De Ferro). Sahlin then continues: "The drawing is of great interest since it is the oldest existing drawing of such work which the technical world has (Johannsen, Die Geschichliche Entwichlung der Velsverkstetechnick, Dsseldorf, 1929).... The first Swedish works which took up Swedenborg's project in actuality was Vedervafi.... On January 17, 1726, the Director of Vedervg [Hans Ehrenpreus] approached the College of Mines with a request to establish ... a rolling and cutting work of a construction like that used in foreign works. For this they requested a monopoly privilege for 12 years. Two days later, January 17, the requested privilege was granted by the College, and in due course a rolling and cutting machine was set up and operated in the Vedervg's works, under the direction and operation of two Frenchmen from Liege (pp. 149-52). Since Swedenborg was an Assessor in the College of Mines at the time when the Directors of Vedervg made this application, it can hardly be doubted that his memorial and its accompanying illustration played a prominent part in this transaction. See New Philosophy, 1950, p. 25.
Meantime, on April 10, 1723, a memorial was presented to the Diet, complaining that foreigners were sucking the life out of Sweden, not only by buying its goods and selling them in foreign ports at great profit, but also by the profits their ships earned in carrying native goods from one Swedish port to another. The memorial, therefore, appealed for the entire exclusion of foreigners from all free trade in Sweden, and the confining of foreign dealings to Swedish merchants, to whom alone Swedes could sell goods intended for export (Chydenius, pp 163-63)
This aroused Swedenborg's zeal, not only as an owner of iron forges, but as a patriotic citizen; for he clearly saw that approval of the memorial by the Diet would mean the establishment of monopolies.
The memorial itself was referred to the Deputation on Commerce, and it was to this Deputation, which itself favored the memorial (Chydenius, p. 176) that Swedenborg addressed his rebuttal in the form of a Memorial dated APRIL 13, 1723, which was an amplification of his former memorial of April 2d, on the subject of Foreign Trade:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
As is known, the Committee on Commerce, appointed by the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, in consequence of certain humble memorials that were handed in, has had in consideration the question as to whether foreign agents should be tolerated in the country, and whether hereafter as heretofore they may carry on trade in wares produced here in the country, such as iron, etc.; and some have made the claim that the freedom granted to these foreigners from of old and time after time, should be restricted, and the mining district be allowed to offer its wares to native merchants or to recognize them as the only buyers thereof. Now since such a claim leads to the utter ruin of the Swedish mining district, I feel myself in duty bound, both as a sharer in the prosperity of the milling districts, and as a subject, to show its unreasonableness and, at the same time, to set forth the fatal consequences which would thereby come upon the Estates of the Realm, and all its loyal inhabitants.
It may not be unknown that by the change in the coinage and the times, Sweden has undergone such a fate that its economy has come into a condition wholly different from what it had formerly been; and is in such a jeopardous position that, when the coinage declined or the price of iron was dominated in some other way, half of it was completely lost, and the other half quickly languished away.
I will show this clearly from experience. During the late King Carl XII's government of 1699, a like presentation of the case was made, when the claimants, likewise under the pretext of the general welfare, obtained gracious consent thereto, namely, that trade should be forbidden to foreigners. The foreign agents were thereby compelled to abstain therefrom; but it came to pass that within fourteen days, Swedish iron fell from 31 or 32 dalers to 22, and finally the mining district had to search for buyers thereof with bargaining and trouble. The Roy. Colleges, therefore, must again come together and show the late King the great jeopardy and the destruction of the mining district which would ensue if it should not be changed in good time; whereupon the prohibition was recalled and freedom of selling and trading restored.l One sees this now from actual experience, and this must at least serve us as a mirror wherein to see the condition into which the whole mining district, which is the kingdom's chief support, will be brought.
1 On November 25th, 1699, Charles XII issued an ordinance forbidding all who were engaged in the manufacture of iron to have any dealings with foreign merchants, and obliging them to sell their products to citizens of certain staple cities, who in their turn were to pay "a reasonable price, such as they themselves can obtain from the foreigner" (Kgl. Frordningar, p. 515). The bad results of this ordinance at once became evident, and the ordinance was not enforced. It was finally repealed on April 21, 1719, by an ordinance issued by Ulrica Eleonora (ibid. p. 594).
The source and spring of the kingdom's prosperity is indeed the mining district. It is by this that trade is balanced, the kingdom provided with all necessities, and imported goods for both food and clothing paid for. By this the copper coinage is kept in the kingdom, and domestic business maintained in strength. If now the iron trade should be subject to Swedish traders to be left to them alone, the mining district would inescapably come under that same duress which is shown by experience and by all the circumstances to hand, whereby must necessarily come scarcity both to the public and to the private individual.
To present the matter in its lively colors, such a prohibition-to wit, that Swedish traders alone should be the purchasers of this kingdom's produces---would be nothing else than their coming indirectly into possession of all the advantages owned by the mining district. Thus, for example, if certain persons should claim the sole right to receive the grain that comes from estates and farms, and should purchase it according to their own agreement, counsel and design, what else would this be than to destroy everything that could result from the kingdom's agriculture, and to accumulate to oneself all profit from Swedish properties, to take away, all unnoticed, the juice of all gains such as belongs to the subjects of other kingdoms, and to depossidera [dispossess] them of the profit and advantages which ought to result from their well earned property, and so to reduce them to being slaves and tributaries, with the compensation that to the owners is left the shell and the name of being masters over their own goods.
To the same fate would the mining district be subjected if the owners were bound to subject themselves to the discretion of certain traders, and to recognize them and how down to them as the masters of their effects. These they likewise own, and for them they alone receive payment from foreign nations, while the owner, under the virtuous sheen of the general welfare, must step out of his own property in that he must leave its profits to others. And to this he is compelled by the fact that freedom is taken away from him, he being in possession thereof no otherwise than as a smith is in possession of his anvil and hammer; against which thraldom and unrighteous injury, and the invasion of freedom, the most worsh. Estates of the Realm have taken upon themselves to be guarantors for the whole kingdom.
If the mining district and its economy is destroyed, as can be shown with clear and most evident reasons to be the result herefrom, it follows that, with the mining district, the internal economy of the whole kingdom would go down to complete destruction. The strength resulting from domestic trade, and the sales resulting from the cattle breeding on freehold estates and farms, and likewise the movement and balancing of foreign commerce is dependent on and is upheld by the thriving condition of the mining district. By this, the farmer gets return for his grain, the merchant and shopkeeper his profit and the movement of trade, and every subject resident in the kingdom, an increase in the produce yielded by the country estates.
Up to the present, not one of the sovereign kings of Sweden has been willing to consent to such a project, with the exception of what happened in 1699--which was changed. Still less is it to be supposed that it call be brought into use, and damnable monopolies be thus strengthened, under a free government where the upholding of the economy of the country is the only object in view. Such an object, moreover, which so essentially touches the economical condition of the country, the general welfare of the kingdom and the upholding of the strength of the mining district, etc., ought not to be brought into dispute nor to be weighed in any such way that it can thereby come into any uncertainty. For as concerns this matter, it would be the same as bringing into dispute whether or not an owner can dispose of his own property; or whether a guardian should be appointed, to whom one shall leave the advantages of another's property; or also, whether the noblest and most important part in the kingdom should become a sacrifice and be entirely offered up to the service of another.
As regards the reasons which might supposedly be brought up against this, under the title of publici [the public] good and the advancement of commerce, I take it on myself, if such reasons come to the fore, to show that they are mere chimeras, and in such measure highly injurious to the public. I therefore reserve the right further to develop this matter. Stockholm, April 13, 1723.*
Em Swedenborg
* This Memorial is printed by the famous liberal-minded Finnish economist, Anders Chydenius, in his Omstndligt Svar, etc., printed in his Politiska Skrifter, Helsingiors, 1880, pp. 253-55. Chydenius was a great admirer, not only of Swedenborg's economic principles, but also of his ability clearly to present them. In his Rikets Hjelp, published in 1766, speaking of Swedenborg's work On the Lowering and Raising of the Coinage, published in 1722--being anonymous, Chydenius did not know that it was by Swedenborg--he says: "He brings out the matter with such clearness and strength that it call hardly be improved, and needs merely to be adapted to the crisis in which we now are" (ibid. 285).
Of the present Memorial, he says: "But then [when the proposal was made concerning foreign ships] a worthy member of the Diet . . . set forth the matter with a clearness, power and zeal such as can always be expected from an undaunted and honorable member of the Diet. He founds his thoughts on reason; he appeals to irresistible experience. He paints the consequences of the prohibition with lively colors. He shows that it would be a severe invasion of the citizen's rights which, when having been spared in the time of sovereignty, should least of all be fitting in a free republic; for industry, business and the state itself would thereby be destroyed and the property of the subject be a sacrifice for the profit of others" (ibid. p. 156). Of the same Memorial, a later historian says that "it drew a parallel between political freedom and economic freedom, unusual for the times" (Heckscher, Produktplakatet, p. 45, printed in Hjarne, Hist. Studier, p. 737).
This Memorial was considered by the Uhrskillnings Deputation (see p. 296, note) by which it was referred to the joint Mining and Commerce Committee of which Swedenborg was a member. What its further fate was is not apparent, but see p. 429, line 19 seq.
Subsequent to this Memorial, ii not in consequence of it, the Diet (probably the Diet of 1726) prayed to the King to appoint a joint committee of members of the Chancery College and the College of Mines to consider the whole question. It does not appear, however, that the committee was appointed until the spring of 1728. Swedenborg was a member of this joint committee, and it held meetings on April 28, 1728 and on December 9th, 1730, and doubtless others between these dates. A meeting was called for the end of November or the early part of December 1723. See p. 429, line 19 seq.
On June 20th, 1723, the Diet accepted the recommendation of the Commerce Deputation against which Swedenborg had argued, and it became law (1) That foreign ships could bring in only the products of their own land--this, however, was not to go into effect until the College of Commerce notified the King that Sweden had enough ships for her foreign trade, which it did at tire end of May 1723. (2) That Swedish ships should enjoy one-third reduction on import customs; and (3) That the staple cities alone had the right to store and export Swedish products.
The actual results of these laws verified Swedenborg's prophecy. They are described at length by Chydenius (p. 95 seq., 137 seq.). The export trade came into the hands of a few men, and at once iron prices fell from 57-64 dal. k.mt. per skeppund in 1724 to 47-54 in 1726-28 and 37-44 in 1729-49 in which latter year a palliative was supplied by an Iron Office, privately established by the iron manufacturers under government approval (Chydenius 146-47; Sv. Konv. Lex., s.v., Jernkontoret).
It will be recalled that on February 18th, l723, Swedenborg had presented his Memorial concerning the discrimination between iron and the nobler metals in favor of the latter. The matter of the lack of charcoal for the copper mining, because of the higher price paid by the iron manufacturer, was discussed at length in the House of Nobles on April 24th. It was then decided that a commission should be appointed by the King to inquire into the matter by visiting the copper mining region; also that any iron manufacturer who bought charcoal beyond the privileges granted him--usually to confine himself to his own woods--should be fined 1,000 dal. s.mt. for the first offence, and for the second, should lose all his privileges. During the discussion, one member remarked: "If the copper works pay as much for charcoal as the iron works, they will get charcoal enough"; to which the Landmarshal or President retorted, "Before the copper works suffer lack of charcoal, the iron works must go" (Rid. o. Ad. Prot. 1723, 186-88). This was further emphasized three weeks later when on May 15th the instruction given to the College of Mines by the Deputation on Instructions was read in the House of Nobles, to the effect that the College should be particularly solicitous of the copper and silver works as dealing with a nobler material than iron (ibid. 233)
This led Swedenborg to present a second memorial on the subject, which he did on MAY 18TH:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
In the Instruction communicated on May 15th to the Royal College of Mines by the Deputation appointed by the most worsh. Estates of the Realm on Instructions for the Bergscollegium and the provincial governors, and which was submitted to the approval of the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, it was ordered and commanded that the said Roy. Bergscollegium shall have all tender care and solicitude for the welfare of the mining districts, but shall be particularly solicitous of the copper and silver works, as being nobler and more precious and the importance of which is as great as is the welfare of the country itself. The iron works, on the other hand, as depending on an ignoble and meaner material and metal, was presented and put forward in less solicitous and less worthy termer, it being added that as occasions occur, the latter should yield position and preference to the former. Because of this, and induced by many weighty reasons, I venture in humility to represent to the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, how that the Swedish iron mining districts are deserving of the approval and high regard of the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, and the tireless solicitude and protection of its dependent Roy. Bergscollium equally well as the copper mining districts.
1. It is well known that at the present time the Swedish iron mining districts bring forth or produce for the kingdom annually from 250 to 270,000 skeppunds of iron,1 which at the present current price corresponds to from 48 to 50 tunna gold in dalers s.m.2 Thus, from its iron mining districts, the public or the kingdom in general enjoys yearly new capital and a revenue of about 50 tunna gold.
1 One Skeppund mining weight equals about 350 lbs. In 1720, the yield was 251,000 skeppunds, and iron constituted five-sevenths of Sweden's export. The copper yield in Oxenstierna's time was 20,000 skeppunds. In 1720 it was only 5,800, and the yield of silver was insignificant.
2 1 tunna gold equaled L1,400.
2. Of this, the crown enjoys yearly in forge taxes, tithes, free and unfree customs,3 and other taxes coming from the works direct, about 6 tunna gold.
3 Foreign ships paid the full customs tax and were "unfree." Swedish ships paid only two-thirds and were "free."
3. Through town dues, weighing, carrying, freight and factorie-charges, and also provisions, the staple and other cities enjoy about 4 tunna gold.
4. The general public and many thousand persons who with their families are fed hereby and who have their support both by the selling and hauling of charcoal and wood, and by work in the woods, at the mining, smelting and forging works, enjoy here the distribution of 15 tunna gold, not to speak of the general public which itself has a share in the mines and smelters.
5. The merchants who with their salt, fish, tobacco, clothes, etc., and the farmers who with their grain and other products of the land, supply and replenish these mining districts, draw to themselves at least 20 tunna gold per year, all of which causes an incredibly strong movement in business.
6. The remaining profits which come in from the cassor [treasure chests] of the mining district are such that they remain in the country and are used for the carrying on of the works, and for maintaining them in good condition. Partly also by their means the coarse metals are ennobled, and thereby the income of the public and the welfare of the kingdom is advanced.
7. And now, since the Swedish iron mining districts draw annually from foreign nations, and bring into the kingdom, about 50 tunna gold, either in cash or in wares, and distribute them to the public in the way spoken of, and thereby hold all our foreign and domestic trade and manufacture in constant activity and steady progress, and result in the copper coinage remaining in the country; one ought in all reason to conclude therefrom that the welfare of these mining districts, being equally important as that of the other mining districts which are called nobler, ought to be a matter of careful consideration in the memory and judgment of the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, and that the solicitous superintendence thereof ought to he more highly enjoined on the Roy. Bergscollegium than seems to have been done in the above mentioned Instruction.
8. The copper mining districts, on the other hand, can furnish to the public yearly 8,000 skeppunds of copper which comes to from 14 to 15 tunna gold, in daler s.m., being a third part of what comes yearly from the iron mining districts for the service of the kingdom. Yet, as regards the Fahlun mining district, which is the principal work in the country and also the noblest, it ought to be cared for and its maintenance encouraged above all other works; ii only a just balance is taken into account between it and the iron mining districts.
9. Therefore it is my inoffensive humble opinion that the Roy. Bergscollegium may not, by reason of their Instruction, be called upon to make any difference, or to give special consideration in respect to the one work more than to the other because of the latter metal being called nobler, and seeming to be of a more aristocratic race and origin; but the Royal Bergscollegium ought rather to have respect to their merit and their importance for the public, that is to say, as to how far the one work is more noble than the other, even though the metal may be more ignoble. This can be better seen from an example. Thus, if a weak silver vein should be found which could yield 200 marks of silver, and if it were in the neighborhood of an iron district which produced yearly 2,000 skeppund of iron--that in such case the noble metal ought to have preference and precedence over the less noble seems the more unfortunate, since for 2,000 skeppunds of iron are offered and paid not merely 200 marks but from 14 to 1,500 marks in silver equally fine and pure.
10. From the above it can be seen that if these metals should have preference, merely in view of their being nobler, and the others should be pushed aside, as the Instruction seems desirous of giving occasion for doing.
Em. Swedenborg
Swedenborg's contention in this memorial is fully borne out by the facts. From 1720 on, Sweden's yield of silver and copper steadily decreased, while her yield of iron as steadily increased. In 1724, the export of iron alone brought in four-fifths of the total income from Swedish exports (Fryxell, 33:170-171).
This memorial was referred to the House of Nobles itself, where it was read on May 22nd. After the reading, Herr Bergenstierna, the senior Stockholm member in the Bergscollegium, stated that it had never been the thought of the College to give so much thought to copper and silver, as to ruin any iron work that might be useful to the public; they were concerned with that which would be of the greatest use (Rid. o. Ad. Prot. 261).
The memorial was sent by the House to the King, but no action was taken by him until two years later, when both Swedenborg memorials on this subject were presented to the Royal Council, and by that body, on August 10, 1725, were referred to the Bergscollegium. There they were received on August 23rd, and on September 1st were quietly buried among the documents of that body.
The memorial, however, did have a more immediate effect; for on May 23th, 1723, it was read in the Bergscollegium, where it evidently aroused some indignation. For the Assessors denied that there had been any discrimination between noble and ignoble metals, and in illustration of this, they cited a case in the time of Charles XII where the discoverer of a new silver vein requested the removal of neighboring iron works, but was refused until he could show that his discovery should prove itself at least equally profitable for the public and the crown as the iron works. While ever solicitous of the nobler metals, it was always without prejudice to the rights of others, and without any loss to the crown. Herr Bergenstierna undertook to make a statement to the above effect to the Mining Deputation of the Diet.
Two days after his memorial had been read in the House of Nobles, Swedenborg's attention became drawn to an entirely different matter, namely, the question of customs duties. Up to the time of Charles XII's death, the collection of customs dues had been rented out to private companies; but in 1719, the first year of the Frihets-tiden (time of freedom), the State itself collected its customs dues. Two years' experience of this resulted in widespread complaints of embezzlement, of the receiving of bribes by the customs men, and of widespread smuggling. Certainly the income for the State was very low; but this was due in part to the poverty of the country, and to the bands of smugglers who, encouraged by the disorders of the last decade, had become extremely powerful (Fryxell: 33:195).
Therefore, in the Diet of 1723, the question was raised as to whether it were better to go back to the old practice of renting out the collection of customs dues. This was discussed by the Customs Deputation sitting in joint session with the Mining and Commerce Deputations, of the former of which Swedenborg was a member. Among the reasons favoring the change were those given above. Those who opposed it, objected that a private company would enrich itself at the expense of the State.
In the meeting of the joint Deputations on MAY 24, 1723, Swedenborg delivered his vote in writing:
VOTE
Concerning the question as to whether hereafter the customs should be under the administration, or whether they should be rented out, in view of the rationes [reasons] pro and con that have been brought forward, it is my inoffensive humble opinion, that they should be let out to lessees. For my part, the principal reasons for this seem to be:
1. That the public has a definite and sure income which is needed; but without the renting out of the customs, it is not likely that an income such as it ought to receive can be obtained.
2. Although means have been discovered which can serve for the checking of smuggling, yet they cannot be carried into practice under civil servants, unless in every staple city there be appointed supreme director of the same mind as Herr Ehrenpreus.1
1 Carl Didrik Ehrenpreus (1692-1760) was a Student in Upsala contemporaneously with Swedenborg, and in 1748 became the Chancellor of that body. He was with Charles XII in Timmertasche, and also in the siege of Stralsund, and evidently was a favorite with the King, for in 1718 he was appointed an assessor in the high court of appeal where he later became councillor and was highly esteemed for his exceptional judicial qualities. In this same year, the collection of customs at the seaports was leased out to a company of which Ehrenpreus was the Operating Director.* The company contracted to pay the sum of 488,700 dal. s.m. plus eighty-four per cent of all receipts above that sum. As a result, the King actually received 1,167,400 dal. s.m. When the contract expired, Ehrenpreus offered to renew it, but this was refused. The "time of freedom" had come, and the State was determined to collect its own customs. The result was a decreased income and increased smuggling.
* This is an error. Carl Didrik Ehrenpreus is the person referred to on p. 482. The man here referred to is Director Hans Ehrenpreus (1664-1740). The words (line 13b) commencing "In this," etc. apply to him.
3. That those who support the cause of the civil servants ought indirectly to be responsible to the public if the customs cannot be brought up to that sum.
4. Under leasing, business stands on a surer foot; the right business is helped, but the wrong business goes under.
Yet, on the other hand, it seems that the following points ought to be given some attention, and provision be made:
1. That the lessee may not seek his main profit from the confiscation of the goods of others merely because of objections on account of errors. This can be provided against if the Roy. Commerce Collegium take up and adjudicate such cases. Yet some of those [in the Collegium] may be shareholders therein;2 therefore in such matters beneficium appellationis [the right of appeal] should be allowed without cost.*
2 That is, in the Lessee body, or Customs Society.
* This is an error. Carl Didrik Ehrenpreus is the person referred to on p. 482. The man here referred to is Director Hans Ehrenpreus (1664-1740). The words commencing "In this," etc. in footnote #1 above, apply to him.
2. That the lessee society may not, either through their own credit or that of others, order from abroad an overabundance of goods, so that next year's customs would thereby be taken away from the public.3 This could be provided against by a reservation in the contract that the next year, or the year thereafter, the Estates of the Realm will be free to oblige the lessee to enter into a new lease, or that the arrangement be done away with altogether, as seems best to them.
3 The proposed plan was that the lessee society would contract each year to pay the Crown a specified sum. Therefore any money received above that sum would go to the society.
3. Since Overdirector Ehrenpreus4 has had the goodness to discover all that which, as he is assured, will be necessary to check smuggling, he ought in this connection to have a considerable reward, or a large part in the disposition of the matter. On this matter, his opinion ought to be taken.
4 Ehrenpreus was Overdirector of the customs.
In further discussion of this question, the majority of the joint committee finally decided to continue the customs under the civil service, and on June 26th, they so reported to the Diet (R. o. Ad. Prot. 1723, 349). On July 6th, this was finally approved by the House of Nobles by a vote of 201 to 153 (ibid. 385) The Diet of 1726, however, decided to farm out the customs, and as soon as this was done, there was both a steady increase in the crown's income and a decrease in smuggling (Fryxell 33:196).
The meeting of the Diet lasted from January to October, and during this time Swedenborg had no correspondence with his brother-in-law; for the latter, as a member of the House of the Clergy5 was in Stockholm, as also was Bishop Swedberg.
5 The Diet consisted of four Houses--Nobles, Clergy, Burghers, and Peasants.
During this Diet, and, indeed, ever since the adoption of the new constitution in 1719 and for many years after 1723, there was a constant effort on the part of King Frederick and Queen Ulrica Eleonora, to free themselves from the narrow limitations of power prescribed by the Constitution. In this they were steadily supported by the House of Peasants. Indeed, during the Diet of 1723, the King steadily courted the members of that House, and very definite movement was made for the enlarging of the King's power. This was bitterly opposed by the House of Nobles, which was the real power in the government. In the course of the Diet, papers were discovered in the possession of Abraham Dahlen, a notary in the office of the Diet, which distinctly linked him with a plot to change the Constitution. Dahlen himself was an obscure tool in the hands of others,6 but the Secret Committee of the Diet, in which members of the House of Nobles had the predominant voice, eager to frustrate every effort to enlarge the King's power, at once arrested Dahlen, and extorted from him the name of Lars Brodzenius, a secretary in the army, as a fellow conspirator; and he also was arrested.
6 Malmstrm I, 383.
Another phase of the same struggle between the King and the Nobles occurred about the same time. According to the Constitution, the Diet was to nominate three men from whom the King was to choose one as a member of the Privy Council. In 1723, two vacancies were to be filled, and the Diet, in order to limit the King's choice so far as possible, nominated three men as usual, but their intention was to nominate for the second vacancy two of these same men with the addition of a third. Thus the King would have only four names from which to fill the two vacancies. The three names were duly presented to the King on August 12, but the latter turned the tables on his opponents by expressing himself so pleased with all three that he wished them all to be privy councillors--which the surprised Diet agreed to.7
7 Malmstrm I, 394.
The day after these occurrences, Swedenborg wrote to his brother-in-law, Assessor in the Bergscollegium Lars Benzelstierna, who was then engaged on a commission in the mining districts.
The letter is undated, but its date is definitely fixed by its contents, as AUGUST 13, 1723:
Highly honored d: Brother:
I am still hoping that d. Brother is in Starbo, so that this letter may reach my brother; at the last post I was uncertain, nor was there anything special to write about. The most notable thing that has happened since, is what took place yesterday, namely:
1. That Daleen's doom was so far mitigated by the House of Nobles that during his lifetime he must remain in Marstrand,1 with a crown and neck-iron; on the crown shall be the inscription: A traitor to his country; and in all the towns through which he passes, he must stand exposed to public view. It is not yet known how the other Houses will express themselves on the matter.2
1 A strong fortress on the Skaggerrak, a few miles above Gothenburg It was used as a prison for political criminals.
2 The three other Houses of the Diet were unanimous in still further mitigating the punishment, by confining it to life imprisonment. Dahlen was finally released in 1726 (Fryxell 31:69).
3 Brodzenius.
4 It was confirmed by the House of Nobles, a large number of whose members were army men; but the other Houses changed the punishment to life imprisonment (Malmstrm, 1:383).
2. For privy councillors, Landmarshall5 Lagerberg, Count Gyllenborg and Josias Cederhielm were nominated, and when the list of nominees was presented to his Majesty, he expressed himself as wishing to keep all three as members of the Council, and when this was reported in a full session, it received unanimous assent--on which matter there is now much discussion.
5 The Landmarshall was the elected head of the House of Nobles, and was virtually the head of the whole government.
3. Yesterday also, the list of appointments was read, and this likewise caused talk and conversation.
4. Today was about caracters hmmande (putting a stop to the assumption of false titles)6 etc.
6 The reference is to the practice indulged in by some civil servants and military officers of assuming a higher title (caracter) than they were entitled to. On August 12 Landmarshall Lagerberg announced in the House of Nobles that the Secret Committee had been ordered by the Diet to draw up an ordinance for checking (hmmamde) this practice. Such an ordinance became law on Sept. 20 (see Sv. Rid. o. Ad. Riks. Prot. 1723:III, 3).
I should like to hear from my Brother as to how things are in Starbo, and what the conditions are, for he must let me know what is the condition of the works, but only one or two details. My most obedient greeting to sister,7 wherewith I remain
highly honored Brother's
[Stockholm, Aug. 13 obedient servant
1723] [Eman. Swedenborg]
7 Hedwig.
The year 1723 was a year of great activity for Swedenborg as a member of the House of Nobles, and he wrote a number of memorials on mining and on foreign trade designed to contribute to the improvement of Sweden in the developing of her manufactures, particularly of steel (which, at this time, was made in Liege and other foreign cities from Swedish ore, and then imported into Sweden), and thereby to give Sweden a strong position in foreign trade.
A petition was addressed to the College by Colonel de Wallair, a Swiss metallurgist, asking for the privilege of instituting the manufacture of steel in Sweden, by a new process which he had invented, whereby there was no loss of weight due to scoriae and refuse. This petition was discussed September 16, 1723, at a joint meeting of the Bergscollegium and the Commerce Collegium, at which, of course, Swedenborg was present. Colonel de Wallair appeared before the Committee, and he was promised a copy of the proposed privilege, that he might study it with the aid of a Swedish interpreter.
Swedenborg evidently did not favor the giving of such a valuable privilege to a foreigner, if the work could be done as well, or even better, by a native Swede. Later, in the same day, therefore, he addressed a letter to the Bergscollegium, dated SEPTEMBER 16, 1723:
The High wellborn Herr Count and
President; and the
Wellborn and highly Esteemed Herrar Councillors and
Assessors:
Since Colonel Herr Wallair requests the privilege of a new establishment in Sweden, for the making of steel, and I, during my sojourning abroad have acquired from Viennel knowledge of a process whereby steel can be made as excellent as one can wish, and can be made ever better and harder, if only a longer time is used in the process, and at a lower price than if the usual method is used; therefore, in order to reserve the right to set up this work and test it, I wish now, before the privileges for Colonel Herr Wallaire come out, to put into the hands of your Excellency Herr President, a copy of this process, and humbly request an extract from the minutes hereon. I remain, with deep reverence,
Your Countship Excellency's
And
the Most Worshipful Collegium's
most humble servant,
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Sept 16,
1723
1 A province of France where there were many iron works. The city of Vienne was famous for its sword blades. The process Swedenborg here refers to is probably that described in his De Ferro, p. 208.
The Bergscollegium appears to have taken no notice of this letter, and nothing further is known of the matter, save that Colonel Wallair received the privilege for which he petitioned, and which, indeed, seems to have been promised him at the meeting of September 16th. It would seem that Swedenborg wrote Benzelius about this invention, for the latter reported it to the October 31st meeting of the Bokwetts Gille.
Swedenborg had worked continuously even throughout the summer months, both in the Bergscollegium and as a member of the House of Nobles. The Diet adjourned in the middle of October, and Swedenborg's thoughts at once turned to the necessity of attending to his private affairs. He therefore applied to the Bergscollegium for a leave of absence which would enable him, not only to visit his smelting properties, but also to spend the Christmas holidays with his father at Brunsbo. His letter of application is dated Stockholm, OCTOBER 29, 1723:
High Wellborn Herr Count and
President; and
Wellborn Herrar Councillors and Assessors:
Since, during the Diet now ended, and ever since the beginning of the year, I have been obliged continually to remain here in the city, and have thereby in various respects neglected my own affairs; for this reason, it is my humble prayer to your Countship's Excellency and the Most Worshipful Royal Collegium, that it will please your Countship's Excellency and the Most Worshipful Royal Collegium, to grant me permission to journey herefrom, and for some time to look after my little property in the country. In the hope of a gracious consent, I remain
Your Countship Excellency's and
the Most Worshipful Royal Collegium's
most humble servant
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Oct. 29
1723
The consent was given, and early in November, Swedenborg left Stockholm and, after visiting his properties at Starbo and Prsthyttan, etc., proceeded to Brunsbo.
During this time, he was busily engaged in writing his promised work on the Genuine Treatment of Metals. He had published a prospectus of this work in Hamburg in July 1722, including an invitation for advance subscriptions of three Dutch Florins before the end of 1722, and three more on receipt of the work.
1 See the complete Prospectus in NEW PHIL., 1929, p. 115 seq.
But now that he was granted leave of absence "for some time," he girded his loins for his great work on metallurgy. That work was to commence with a chapter on the working of copper, after which were to come chapters on silver, lead, gold, etc. So, in the fall of 1723, Swedenborg commenced his chapters on copper ore, the methods of treating it as used in Germany, Hungary, Sweden, etc.; its smelting into copper stone, etc.; drawings of the furnaces used; the testing of the copper in small quantities, showing the difference between the process used by workmen, and that proposed by the author.2 The work as far as it was written, is now lost. It was probably returned to Swedenborg (cf. p. 335), used by him in writing the published work, and then destroyed. But as he wrote it, he enclosed installments of the MS. in letters to his brother-in-law at Upsala, and the latter announced their receipt to his fellow members of the Bokwetts Gille. It is therefore from the Minutes of the Gille or Guild that we learn concerning the following three letters, all of which are lost.
2 Presumably this is the only reference to the improved process which Swedenborg had proposed to the King. It is quoted from the Prospectus referred to in the text.
Early in January 1724, Swedenborg wrote, probably from Brunsbo, to Benzelius, enclosing the first two chapters of his work on Copper, being, 1. On Copper Ore, and 2. On the Process of Smelting it into Copper as practised in Fahlun. These chapters were exhibited before the members of the Bokwetts Gille at its meeting on January 24.
On January 24, Swedenborg again wrote his brother-in-law, enclosing the continuation up to p. 28, and stating that so far as he knew, nothing of what is contained in pages 1-20 had ever before appeared in print--apparently his new process; but see p. 288. This continuation was exhibited to the Guild on February 7.
The Upsala Academy received a large part of its revenue in the shape of corn, and since it did not need all this for its own uses, it sold the rest to private buyers. During this correspondence with Benzelius, the latter had assured Swedenborg that he could obtain from the university what corn he needed for use at his iron works; and it would appear that the Academy authorities had specifically authorized the sale. But there was some delay in the delivery, and Swedenborg, when visiting his iron works on his way from Brunsbo to Stockholm, made other arrangements for his needed corn.
He arrived in Stockholm during the first week in February, and from there he sent to Upsala a third installment of his work, being pages 29-40 which included chapter 14 on the method of smelting copper used in Hungary. This was exhibited to the members of the Guild on February 14.
On his arrival in Stockholm, he received a letter from Benzelius dated February 3, informing him that the Academy would not be able to sell him ally corn, as it had disposed of its holding to a certain Hans Behm and others in Westers, at a higher price. With reference to the work on metals, Benzelius suggests that instead of beginning with copper, the opening pages of the work might deal generally with all the metals which were later to be treated of specifically.
Swedenborg remained in Stockholm only a few days, and on the tenth he left for Prsthyttan, after again obtaining leave of absence to attend to his private affairs. From here he answered Benzelius in a letter dated FEBRUARY 14, 1724, enclosing in his letter, pp. 41-60 of his work on copper:
Highly honored d: Brother:
I have had the honor to receive my Brother's letter of the third instant, and from it I am endlessly obliged that my Brother has let me know in time that no corn will be sent me from the Academy, and, as I noticed that there was some delay in this matter, and at the works here, the charcoal making, the hauling, etc., began to stop, I was compelled meanwhile to provide myself with some from another source. Of my Brother's goodness and care in this matter, I have so little doubt, that it would annoy me and give me pain if my Brother had the thought that I thought otherwise; for, what my Brother promises, that I know to be promised so far as it lies in my Brother's power; am therefore under the same obligation as if it had been done.
As to what my Brother is pleased to say about my observata metallica, it would be too lengthy a matter to bring everything in, for I will probably have more on each of the metals, aurum argentum, ferrum, than on copper. But, should my Brother think it worth while, it could first be reviewed generaliter, yet in such a way that something can be inserted later. I have nothing further to remark thereon save that the processus Fhalunensis, i.e., chapter 2, be saved to come after chapter 14, i.e., after the processus Hungariensis, and this for its own special raisoner [reasons]. What I now send, and also a part of the former batch, and that on the refining smelteries, is held indeed to be arcana [things secret]; for a foreigner has difficulty in getting entrance, and in becoming in any measure informed. Yet, according to my simple thought, nothing ought to be arcanum [secret] in metallurgy, for without this knowledge, no one can advance to the investigation of nature;* still less our Swedish processes, since they cannot contribute to the information of the foreigner. I hope in time to increase this my mineral cabinet or collection, just as others add to their stones. Meanwhile, I remain, with all respect,
Highly honored d: Brother's
most obedient servant,
Presthyttan, Feb. 4,
1724 Em : Swedenborg
P.S. As to whether anything is missing, this can be seen from the pages, in which case I hope to learn concerning it; for some may be overlooked at the Post, or have disappeared.
* This was not done in the published work; there the Falun. Process is described in chapter 1, and the Hungarian in chapter 15.
The pages enclosed in the above letter, being pages 41-60, were exhibited to the members of the Guild at their meeting of February 28th.
At the end of February or the first of March, Swedenborg sent a further continuation of his work on Copper, being pages 61-73; and a week later, the end of the work, being an Appendix consisting of six pages on the copper ore found at Schilo or Rydderhyttan.3 These pages were exhibited at the meetings of the Guild of March 6th and March 13th, respectively.
3 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 102, 103; cf. De Cupro, p. 105.
There appears to have been some discussion in Upsala as to the cause of the Aurora Borealis. Prof. Burman, who was a member of the Guild, thought that this phenomenon, which is very marked in Sweden, was due in part to the burning of sulphurous material in the lower atmosphere arising from exhalations from the earth.4 Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg on this subject in the beginning of March, and suggested the possibility of these sulphurous elements originating in volcanic eruptions. Swedenborg answered the letter about MARCH 20, 1724:
4 Acta Lit. Suec., July-Oct., 1724, p. 568.
Highly honored d: Brother:
As regards the Northern Lights--that they shall have come here from the fiery eruptions of Hecla, Vesuvius or Etna--my firm opinion is:
1. It is indeed certain that the air has been sulphurized, and impregnated with sulphur, as noticed from the many meteors, chasmata,1 etc., that have shown themselves in the sky; from the Northern Lights; from the effect of thunders; from fiery lights on high towers; from sulphurous air and from the sulphur2 which falls down with the rain, etc.; so that at one time the air was well sulphurerad [sulphurized].
1 A name given by the Ancients to Northern Lights or similar phenomena; literally, it means a hollow space, an abyss.
2 The term sulphur was used contemporaneously in a very loose sense, and included many inflammable elements which now have a distinctive name.
2. But the origin of this should, it seems, be ascribed to one or two summer's great heat without rain, or to a winter's great and dry cold.
3. One knows that in every gleba terrestri [earthly clod] there are, in summer, perpetual distillations and sublimationes the particles being now solveras [dissolved], and now bound together, now formed into certain growths, and now vegetated; so that one finds endless chemical operations in the earth, according to the weather.
4. Moreover, one knows that sulphuris sublimationes abhor all dampness, and demand certain degrees of heat. Therefore, when there have been one or two summers without rain, and previously a severe winter, it is no wonder that the particles are first solverade [dissolved], and then the most subtle sulphur sublimated and the air impregnated with it. This would not likely have happened had there been a different temperies [temperature] in the air, and had it been sufficient to bind the particles together.
5. That an Etna or a Vesuvius would be able to fill the whole air with sulphur, would be as if one said that the rain was drawn up into the air solely from the river Motala,3 when even a single rainfall call give rise to two hundred Motala waterfalls. On the other hand, the superficies from which such sulphur is sublimated, must be enormously large, that is, it must be the superficies terrestris [the surface of the earth] whereon the sun plays, and which ever exhalera [exhales] particles, and fills the air with them; for otherwise, the fiery eruption of a mountain would be nothing more, in comparison, than a brook from which the rain generas [is generated].
3 A small river in East Gottland, connecting two lakes. It runs into lake Roxen from a considerable height, and has many waterfalls.
6. On the same ground, one would be able to suppose that many more such meteors would be seen in Sweden than in any other place in the world, and especially in Fahlun, where, indeed, as much sulphur is drawn up as from Etna; where two hundred open fires are burning day and night, and where three hundred furnaces are at work. But, even so, one sees no more meteors in this region, due thereto, than in any other place.
7. The sulphur which causes meteors and which can thrive in air, is much more subtle than that which comes from an exposed fire or from an Etna. Sulphur such as has already passed through an open fire, cannot thrive for long in the air, but soon falls down again, while that which has not yet been in the fire, can thrive in water, as in the case of aqua acidularum [the water of acid springs] in air, in the sky, and then, after dry weather, can be combineras [bound together] in the air.
8. Therefore, the fiery eruptions of Etna or Vesuvius do not cause any meteors, as neither do the roastings at Fahlun. But if Etna or Vesuvius is going to burn, then, previous thereto, there is seen in the air a lot of fire, chasmata, and meteors, etc., for the subtle sulphur then exhalar [exhales] upward, but never, so far as I know, when the fiery eruption is determined on.
To me, therefore, it seems undeniable that the aerial sulphur comes from the superficie terrestri, it being therefrom that, by means of the sun aeris temperie sicca,4 a subtle sulphur of this kind is abundantly subtilized etc., etc.
4 In a dry temperature of air.
The above letter is without signature, place or date. The signature is lacking probably because there was no room for it on the paper, the last two lines being written lengthwise in the margin. The place was Prsthyttan or in that neighborhood, for Swedenborg was there legalizing the titles to those properties, the shares of which he had purchased from the members of his family. The date is clearly indicated by an entry in the Bokwetts Gille minutes of March 27, 1724, as follows: "A letter from Herr Assessor Swedenborg to Herr Dr. Benzelius was read, concerning meteors or fiery chasmata which are caused by the sulphur in the air. He holds that this sulphur comes up from the earth and does not come from any fire erupting mountain."
During Swedenborg's absence, engaged on his private business, some change occurred in the Bergscollegium which directly affected him. Assessor von Bromell had been appointed archiater or chief physician to the King, and, in consequence, resigned his position as Assessor in the Bergscollegium. This left a vacancy, and at its meetings on April 26, 1724, the College decided to assign Bromell's salary of 1,200 d. s.m. to Benzelstierna, who, up to now, had been receiving the salary of a master of mines (800 d. s.m.), and to recommend to the King that Swedenborg be raised to the rank of Assessor, and be given Benzelstierna's salary. The law required that for the office of Assessor, the College must nominate three men, but such a nomination was not thought necessary on the present occasion, probably because Swedenborg had already been assured of the office.
The King or his Counsellors, however, took a different view, and while granting the request as regards Benzelstierna, refused the granting of a salary to Swedenborg, insisting that in this case, there must be three nominations. The King's reply was written on May 22nd, a few days after Swedenborg's return to Stockholm, but for some reason or other, it did not reach the Bergscollegium until May 29th.
Swedenborg returned to Stockholm in the middle of May. During his absence in the mining district, and also after his return to Stockholm, he had continued with the writing of his proposed treatise on the Genuine Treatment of Metals, though necessarily the work was hastily done. However, he covered in first draft the parts on Sulphur, Vitriol, etc., and was continuing the work. Meanwhile, on his arrival in Stockholm, he sent to Benzelius, by the hand of Anton Swab, the parts "On Sulphurs and Salts," amounting to 167 pages.5
5 Bokwetts Gillets Prot., 107.
When he resumed attendance at the Bergscollegium, he learned that a correspondence had been going on between the Governor of Stora Kopparberg, Jonas Cedercreutz, and certain smelters who were in dispute as to rights to a certain tract of wood. The matter was one of great importance, as without woods for their supply of charcoal, the iron works could not operate. But the tract now in dispute was claimed by Swedenborg on behalf of himself and Benzelstierna as the joint owners of Prsthyttan. Accordingly, on May 23rd, he wrote to the College of mines, setting forth his claim. The letter, a copy of which is not now available, was referred by the College to Governor Cedercreutz, but what the ultimate outcome of the matter was, is not known.
Meanwhile, a few days after his arrival in Stockholm, Swedenborg had received a letter from Benzelius, inviting him to Upsala, and communicating considerable news. He informs Swedenborg that the Professor of Astronomy, Nils Celsius, had died on March 31st, and suggests that Swedenborg might like to be nominated as his Successor--an office which would bring him a salary of nearly 900 d.s.m., whereas he was now working without salary. Meanwhile, Benzelius offers to lend Swedenborg money in case of need.
He also wrote concerning the dispute then raging in the Upsala Consistory concerning the nomination or the office of Dean and First Theological Professor, caused by the death of Molin in September 1723.
6 See Annerstedt, III, pp. 16-18.
Another item on which Benzelius informed his brother-in-law, was the fact that at last the reply to his Hydrostatic Law, written by his anonymous Leipzig critic, had appeared in the pages of the Neuer Zeitungen,7 and that it was a caustic attack on Swedenborg.
7 the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit had a fitful existence. The issue in which Swedenborg's Miscellanea Observationes was so bitterly criticized came out in December 1722, and no other issue appeared until June 1724, when the journal died. Meanwhile, Swedenborg's critic, Prof. Clodius, used the pages of the Neuer Zeitungen in its issue of March 23, 1724, to answer Swedenborg, and the answer was a bitter one. (See NEW PHIL., 1929, p. 125.)
Swedenborg answered Benzelius on MAY 26, 1724, thus before he had heard of the King's decision on the proposal that he be granted a salary:
Highly honored d: Brother:
By the last post I had the honor of my Brother's dear letter with respect to the professorship in succession to the late Celsius, for which office the Chancellor wishes to have the nomination of some clever man, whoever it might be. There are fine persons at the Academy--Magister Buhrman and, after him, Vassenius or Hasselbom.1 My affaire [occupation] has now been Geometrica, Metallica and Chymica, and it is a far cry between them and astronomica.
1 Eric Burman (1692-1729) became Professor of Mathematics; Birger Vassenius (1687-1771) was then teaching astronomy in Upsala, see p. 163, note 6; p. 232, note 14. Nils Hasselbom (the autograph has Hasselquist, but this is an error) had been a fellow student with Vassenius both at Skara and Upsala; see p. 181, note 11.
2 Swedenborg had this impediment of speech in his old age; see 3 Doc. concerning Swedenborg, 696.
3 A Riksdaler was equal to 2 d. s.m.
I thank my Brother for the kind invitation to Upsala; would readily accept it, if on my return, I dared to at once ask leave in the Collegium to take a journey, and gave the reason therefor,4 from which they might well answer me, that I call bestow myself better. In these days, several in the Collegium are going away on a commission,5 so that the difficultet which meets me is so much greater. Meanwhile, I wish for good luck and would gladly learn the next letter, the materiam litis.6
4 Swedenborg was contemplating a visit to the iron works at Axmar, in order to look after his interests there. The journey thither would take him through Upsala.
5 It was the practise of the College to send its Assessors, during the summer months, to the different mining districts to make investigations, institute inquiries, and hear complaints, etc., and then report the results to the College for final adjudication. Swedenborg served on many such commissions, being often in company with his brother-in-law Benzelstierna.
6 The substance of the dispute. Swedenborg is referring to the renewed attack made on him in the Neuer Zeitungen, by the writer of the original attack in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit.
7 i.e., in the original review.
8 The celebrated mathematician, physicist and philosopher, Christian von Wolff (1679-1754). Swedenborg, apparently, did not know that in November 1723, Wolff had been expelled from Halle by King Frederick William, on the ground of teaching destructive of civil order.
By Brother Anton Swab,8a I am sending my collectanea on sulphur, victriole, alumine, sale communi and vitro and acidis,9 but set up, as yet, without precise care, yet in such shape as I would have them for my own use. I beg to have them back by July at latest, as well as the earlier pages on Copper.
8a Anton Swab (1702-68) was then an auscultant in the Bergscollegium.
9 This MS. consisted of 167 pages (see Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 107).
I thank my Brother for the offer of money, but as I have already a good deal in Norrberkie10 which will not come to be used before next winter, I have no outlet for it.
obedient servant
Stockholm, May 26 Em: Swedenborg
1724
10 Norr Brken or Berke, a mining district which contains the villages of Swedjebacken, Mamas, Starbo (Sv. Conv. Lex., s.v. Norrberke), in all which places Swedenborg owned iron works. It was in the Norrbrke court that Swedenborg had registered the various documents testifying to his purchase of his relatives' shares in these iron works.
11 This refers perhaps to a sale by Benzelius of one of his coins, of which he had an unusually fine collection, the whole of which he eventually sold. See Linden, pp. 110, 155; Forssell, p. 239.
P.S. I shall now likely have the honor of congratulating my Brother in the matter of the Diurberg Professorship.12
To the
honorable and most learned
Herr Dr. and Professor13
Ericus Benzelius, in Upsala
12 Swedenborg's hope was not realized, for though Eric Benzelius received the second largest number of votes, the Consistory refused to place his name on the list of three nominees for the office of first Theological professor and Dean of Upsala. Diurberg, the first of these nominees, was appointed in October. There was opposition to Benzelius on the part of the Theologians, probably because, while an orthodox theologian, he was inclined to be tolerant, as opposed to the narrow dogmatism ruling in Upsala (Forssell, p. 223).
13 Benzelius had been appointed Professor of Theology in April, 1723.
It was not until three days after writing the above letter, that Swedenborg learned of the King's insistence on having three nominees presented to him for the salary vacated by his brother-in-law, Lars Benzelstierna. When he heard of this he wrote to the Bergscollegium on JUNE 16, 1724:
Highly well-born Herr Count and President, and
Well-born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:
To your Countship's Excellency and the worshipful Royal Collegium, I offer a humble expression of thanks for the high favor shown me, in that your Countship's Excellency and the most worshipful Royal Collegium has been pleased to nominate me to his Royal Majesty for the salary left vacante by the preferment of Archiater1 Herr Bromell.
Your Countship Excellency's and
the most worshipful Royal Collegium's
most humble servant,
Em: Swedenborg
Stockholm, June 16
1724
1 Chief Physician.
The above letter was read in a meeting of the Bergscollegium on July 6, after Swedenborg had retired from the meeting; and, in order to comply with the royal demand, a resolution was then passed, nominating Swedenborg in the first place, and Wallerius and Ekman2 in the second and third place, to succeed to the salary left vacant by the promotion of Lars Benzelstierna.
2 Gran Wallerius (1683-1744) had served in the College from his youth. At this time he was a Master of Mines. He became Assessor in 1730. Nathaniel Olafsson Ekman (1682-1746) was also a life worker in the College. He was at this time Mining Master, and never attained any higher rank.
The day after this meeting, Swedenborg addressed the King himself in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, JULY 7, 1724:
Most Mighty ever gracious King:
To your Royal Majesty I proffer in deepest humility, the request that on this occasion, when, by the promotion to an ordinary assessorship of Archiater Herr Bromell; there is an opening in your Royal Majesty's Bergscollegium, it please your Royal Majesty to have me in gracious remembrance; for which office your Royal Majesty's Collegium has in humility nominated me.
Your Royal Majesty's
most humble and dutiful subject
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, July 7
1724
This time Swedenborg's appeal was successful, for on July 15th, the King approved the nomination, and appointed Swedenborg a full assessor, though with a mining master's salary of 800 d.s.m., instead of the 1200 d.s.m., which was the salary of an assessor.1
1 Since the salaries of civil servants were reckoned according to the price of grain, 800 d.s.m. was equal to more than double that sum. It was also much more than the salary of a professor (Annerstedt, 5, p. 12, 13).
To understand the letter that follows, it should be noted that during the winter of 1722-23, the whole mining district had suffered from a shortage of charcoal. There was no state control over this industry, and the charcoal burners were willing to sell charcoal only to iron furnaces, since these were offering higher prices than other industries, such as the great sulphur works at Dylta in Vastmanland. The matter was discussed in the Diet of 1723, and in April of that year the House of Nobles authorized the appointment of commissions, each consisting of two members of the Bergscollegium, to visit the various mining districts, and there, with the coperation of the Governors of the respective districts to investigate the matter with the view of finding a remedy.2 Accordingly, early in June, Swedenborg received a letter (now lost) from Baron Conrad Ribbing, the Governor of the Nerike and Vermland mining district, within which was situated the highly important sulphur works at Dylta, concerning the time and place for the meeting of a commission. His answer is dated STOCKHOLM, JULY 7, 1724:
2 Sv. Rid. O. Ad. Riks. Prot. 1723, p. 188.
The high well-born Herr Baron and Governor's very friendly letter and notification of June 3d last, concerning the time and place for the Commission graciously ordered by his Royal Majesty, in regard to the privileges of the Dylta sulphur works and the complaints made by the owners of the works and the public during the past Diet, has been received, and I shall humbly make arrangements in accordance therewith. Remaining, for the rest, with all reverence,
the High well-horn Herr Baron and Governor's
humble servant,
Stockholm, July 7, Emanuel Swedenborg
1724.
Two weeks after writing the above letter, Swedenborg appears to have gone to rebro in connection with the investigation of the Dylta sulphur works.. After finishing his business there, he proceeded to Axmar via Ster and Gavle. His object in visiting Axmar was to meet his aunt Brita, to make arrangements with her as to the carrying on of the iron works. These works had been utterly destroyed by the Russians in 1721,3 and were not rebuilt until I724. In May of that year, Brita Behm and Swedenborg had completed their arrangements by which they became four-fifths and one-fifth owners of Axmar, and, with some state help, they at once set about the rebuilding of the furnace, etc. It was in connection with the rebuilding of this furnace that Swedenborg now made his visit, and on this occasion he contributed 2,000 d.k.m. as his share of the expense of rebuilding. There was some hard feeling between his manager and his aunt's, and he and his aunt had finally agreed that the Axmar property, with its houses, meadows, etc., should be divided into five parts, she to have the management of her four-fifths and Swedenborg of his one-fifth.
3 Malmstrm I:321.
From Axmar, on AUGUST 2, he wrote the following business letter to a Mr. Hedendahl, apparently a commission agent in iron:
Herr Hedendahl:
Owing to haste, I was not able this time to go from Ster to Hedemora, and so did not get to settle in that place my indebtedness to Herr Hedendahl. It is therefore my respectful request that it please Herr Hedendahl to send the account to me at Stockholm, where I will at once make arrangements for payment, which I would have done earlier, if Herr Hedendahl had been pleased to send the same to me according to promise.
1 A lispund was equal to 18 lbs. 12 oz.; and 26 lispunds made 1 skeppund. 147 skeppunds 25-1/2 lps., would, therefore, equal a little over 32 long tons.
Be so kind as to let me know the total amount which comes to Herr Hedendahl from Ternsteen Jr., last year and this; i.e., how much during the year 1723, and also this year, comes from Ternsteen Sr; that is, all that is over and above 147 Sk, 25-1/2 lispunds; for Ternsteen Jr. was to have sent me 200 sk. nett. Whether it is less than this, or more, I do not know. Until I receive enlightenment from Herr Hedendahl, I cannot make any sure accounting with Ternsteen Sr. I shall await it finally in Stockholm, Werr Hedendahl thereby doing me a good service.
I remain, for the rest, with all satisfaction,
Herr Hedendahl's
most obliging Servant
Emanuel Swedenborg2
Axmar, Aug. 2
1724
2 The original of this letter is lost, but a copy was found in the Stockholm Town Hall by Mr. F. H. Lindh, who published the Swedish text in his Nya Kyrkans Tidning, 1917, p. 104.
On his way from Axmar to Stockholm, Swedenborg stopped over at Upsala for a few days' visit with his brother-in-law Eric Benzelius. Here he had an opportunity of reading the sharp criticism of his Hydrostatic Law, which had appeared in the Neuer Zeitungen, and, at a meeting of the Bokwetts Gille on Aug. 14 (the only meeting of that Society which he ever attended), he promised to write an answer for the Acta Literaria Sueciae.3 This, however, he never did.
3 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 108.
One thing at this meeting had particular interest for Swedenborg, namely, a letter to Benzelius from Jacob Jurin, the Secretary of the Royal Philosophical Society of London, thanking Dr. Benzelius "for our institution of barometric observations," and requesting a continuation of these observations, together with other matters of scientific interest, and that they be communicated to the London Society regularly.4
4 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 109. Benzelius, desirous that the Bokwetts Gille should have some contact with learned societies in foreign lands, had communicated to the Royal Philosophical Society, certain meteorological observations made by Prof. Quensell in Lund and E. Burman in Upsala (Hildebrand, K. V. A. Frhistoria, 106-7).
On his arrival in Stockholm, about August 16th, Swedenborg had the pleasure of meeting some old friends--Pastor Nordberg, who had returned from London, where Swedenborg had met him in 1710 when he was Assistant Pastor to the Swedish church there; his cousin Andreas Hesselius,5 who had returned from a twelve years service as Pastor of the Swedish churches in Delaware and Pennsylvania, and who had acquired a rich store of information respecting the flora and fauna of the land, and also respecting the manners and customs of the Indians; and, finally, his own brother, Lieutenant Jesper Swedenborg, who also had recently returned from America where he had been teaching for the past ten years.
5 A brother of Dr. John Hesselius, Swedenborg's companion on his journey to Holland in 1721. Their mother, Maria Bergia, was a sister of Bishop Swedberg's second wife.
At the Bergscollegium, Swedenborg met the famous French metallurgist, mathematician and physicist, Ren Reamur,6 whose Recently published work on the Art of Refining Steel (L' Art de convertir le Fer, Paris 1722), had brought him much fame.
6 Since 1710, Ren A. F. de Reaumur (1683-1757) had been the head of a commission appointed by the French Government to prepare an official description of the useful arts and sciences, and it was probably in this connection that he now visited the Swedish Bergscollegium. As a result of his investigations, many more manufactures were instituted in France, and old industries revived.
High well-born Herr Baron and
Governor:
When I arrived in the city a few days ago, Secretary Coiling1 told me that he had sent me at Gefle a letter, enclosed in one to Mining Master Belander,2 and which he thought was from the High Herr Baron and Governor. And since I have not yet received this letter, and it is doubtful whether it will be returned here from Gefle within fourteen days, because the Mining Master to whom it was addressed is on a Commission in Helsingland, therefore duty demands that I inform the High well-born Herr Governor thereof, humbly begging that, if any command was given me in the said letter, it will please the High well-born Herr Governor to repeat his orders before I betake myself on the journey from here in consequence of the High well-born Herr Governor's notification concerning time and place, which was graciously communicated to me earlier.
1 Olof Colling, Sr. (1677-1742) was Secretary of the Bergscollegium.
2 Torbern Bellander (1688-1740). He had been appointed Mining Master for Uppland in 1723.
If the High well-born Herr Governor has not already engaged any protocollist3 for the commission, I venture to nominate an auscultant named Tunberg4 who has sometimes taken the minutes in the Royal Bergscollegium, and thereby has had experience and has also given proof of ability.
the High well-born Herr Baron and
Governor's
Stockholm, Aug. 18, humble servant,
1724 Emanuel Swedenborg
3 A secretary for taking minutes of the meetings.
4 Anders Olofson Thunberg (1697-1758) He had graduated from Upsala in 1722, and the next year became an auscultant in the Bergscollegium, where he finally became an Assessor:
5 Nathaniel Olofsson Ekman (1682-1746) was also the Burgomaster of Filipstad. See p. 337 note.
Having thus attended to his business correspondence, Swedenborg now writes to his brother-in-law, to thank him for the entertainment at Upsala. His letter is dated STOCKHOLM, AUG. 20, 1724:
Highly Honored d: Brother:
For the last pleasant company and cheer, I express most dutiful thanks. The journey hitherward to Stockholm went well, and on my arrival I met my brother Jesper, Magister Nordberg from London, and Magister Andreas Hesselius from Pensilvania. Magister Hesselius is now pastor in Ster. While he was in Pensylvania he was very cureus [inquisitive], and gave an accurate description of the land, but had the misfortune, that this, together with his other things, got under water and was blotted out.l Yet he will refresh his memory as best he can, and again put it on paper.
1 This refers only to his MSS., which were spoiled by water during a storm at sea (Jacobsson, 10; 1 Doc. 339). Subsequently, Hesselius rewrote his Diary. This writing is now lost, but a copy of it is preserved in the Royal Library in Stockholm. This Copy was edited by Nils Jacobsson and published under the title Andreas Hesselii Anmrkningar om Amerika 1711-1724, Upsala and Stockholm, 1938. In this publication, a page of the fragment referred to on page 34 above is reproduced on page 45. His collection of curiosities, or, at least, part of it, was finally deposited in the Museum of Upsala University.
Reaumur, who wrote on Steel in France, has come here. The work is in the Collegium, and, so far as I have glanced through it, it is very fine and curieus. Yet I have no more time left, except to put myself in condition and prepare myself again to go to rebro. When I come back, I will always take for myself some set time every day which I will use for some useful things in literariis.
If my brother answers Dr. Sloan in England, perhaps he could also mention that of which we spoke. In metallicis I will gladly carry on a correspondence with any one who printed it at his own cost; for to print anything further at my own cost, would be to lose as much as formerly; nor will I give my time afterwards to debitera exemplaren [keeping account of the money due for copies sold].
My most dutiful greeting is given to Sister Anna and also to Brother Eric, remaining
highly honored d. Brother's
most dutiful servant
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Aug. 20
1724
To the highly honored and highly learned
the Herr Professor and Doctor
Eric Benzelius
in Upsala.
Benzelius answered the above letter on August 25th. His autograph letter is lost, but a portion of it is included in the Bergius Collection of letters previously referred to, p. 288 note.
. . . I am pleased at Brother Jesper's arrival at Stockholm, together with his good companions, and hope to get to see them here, which would be a great pleasure to me. I shall write to Herr Dr. Sloane in London as soon as I get the observation on the state of the barometer in the Sahlherg mine,1 whither young Celsius2 is going today for this sole purpose.3 Dr Martin4 has gone to the Roslag islands to make his ichtyological observations.
1 The great silver mine at Sala or Salberg, in Vastmanland.
2 Anders Celsius (1701-1744), the son of Prof. Nils Celsius. He was a brilliant mathematical student in Upsala. He had lately been engaged by the Bokwetts Gille as its amanuensis.
3 Celsius gave the result of his investigations in the last number of the Acta Literaria Sueciae for 1724.
4 Peter Martin (+ 1727) adjunct professor of medicine in Upsala.
Thanks for what is promised for the adornment of the Acta Literaria, and I remain,
my highly honored d. Brother's
most faithful servant and brother,
Eric Benzelius
Upsala
Aug. 25, 1724
The answer to Swedenborg's letter of August 18th proposing Andreas O. Thunberg as Protocollist to the rebro Commission, suggested Eric Esberg for that post, but with Thunberg as substitute in case Esberg were not available. Swedenborg wrote to the Baron immediately on the receipt of this letter, namely, on AUGUST 28:
Because Vice Notary Herr Eric Esberg is at present keeping the minutes for the Commission which is being conducted by Herr Assessors Lyell and Benzelstierna. and for this reason cannot be available before the end of September; therefore, in consequence of Herr Bohm's and Herr Holmer's letter of the 26th inst., I have requested the Auscultant Herr Andreas Tunberg, by a letter to Phillipstad, to be in rebro at the time set by the high well-born Herr Governor. If the letter reaches him, I have no doubt but that he will be there and will industriously apply himself to the business so as to please the High well-born Herr Governor. I remain, with deep respect,
the High well-born Baron and
Governor's
most obedient servant,
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Aug. 28
1724
In the beginning of September, Swedenborg duly went to rebro to preside over the Commission of Inquiry. From here he wrote to his manager in Axmar, John Lindbohm, giving him authority to represent him ill the division of the property into fifths, which had already been agreed upon. His letter is dated REBRO, SEPTEMBER 12:
Herr Inspector,
Since Midlaelmas will soon be here,1 and since, that of the works which is mine, is to be separated from that which belongs to the Fru Professorska,2 and the peasant debts, etc., are to be taken in, therefore, for this purpose, I authorize the inspector, Herr Lindbom, who shall receive all this*; and in case ally dispute shall come up, he will inform me. rebro. Sept. 12, 1724.
Emanuel Swedenborg.3
1 Michaelmas (Sept. 29) was the time agreed on by Swedenborg and his aunt Brita, for the division of the property at Axmar.
2 Brita Behm had married Johan Schwede, an Upsala Professor, and therefore, according to Swedish custom, was entitled to the name Fru Professorska. (Mrs. Professor).
* The occasion of Swedenborg's writing to Lindbohm was that he had received a letter from the latter informing his that Aunt Brita was then visiting in Axmar. She had only recently come into possession of 4/5 of the Axmar property.
3 This, and the other letters relating to the Axmar works, are translated from attested copies which were included in the documents submitted to the Bergscollegium in the legal dispute that developed between Brita Behm and Emanuel Swedenborg.
Swedenborg evidently anticipated that his aunt's insistence making a physical separation of their shares in the Axmar properties, would result in trouble when the smelting in the newly built furnace was commenced. Nor was it long before he learned that his anticipations were not unfounded, the information coming to him from his Axmar Inspector in a letter dated Nov. 1, 1724:
... For the rest, I must now tell how that the Fru Professorska through her servant Wahlstrom,l has informed me, as formerly she informed well-born Major Schnstrm in Stockholm,2 that she will by no means make a smelting in the furnace at Axmar, with the well-born Assessor, although everyday I have as good materials3 as she, and my ore is all ready to roast. For this reason, and since this is utterly opposed to the mining ordinances and to all customs, that she would thereby come to shut us off from the furnace for our one-fifth portion, when we have just as good materials as she, and are not able to heat it up for our own fifth portion without the greatest part of the charcoal being lost, therefore I humbly beg that the well-born Herr Assessor be most kindly pleased to prevail upon the Bergscollegium that the Herr Mining Master [Bellander] may be commanded to assist me in this matter, so that I may smelt my prepared materials in proportion, since I do not refuse to contribute to the heating accordingly. Otherwise both charcoal and other materials must lie fruitless, and be wasted away. For me, this is very urgent, that I may obtain pig iron for forging.
1 Wahlstrm was Brita Behm's Axmar manager or inspector.
2 Before Swedenborg had bought out his fellow heirs, Lindbohm was Schnstrm's inspector at Axmar.
3 i.e., ore and charcoal.
On receipt of this letter, Swedenborg at once took the matter up with his Aunt Brita; and since she had gone to Axmar, he addressed a letter to her there, dated STOCKHOLM, Nov. 3, 1724:
Well-born Fru Professorska,
Highly honored Fru Moster1
1 i.e., Mother's sister.
Two days ago I arrived here in Stockholm from Commission service in rebro, learning on my arrival that Fru Aunt is sow in Axmar. I regret that I had not the pleasure of conferring orally with Fru Moster before her departure, and this I had also hoped for, had not the Commission, against all expectation, continued so long.
2 This refers to the rooms in the main house at Axmar. Both Lindbohm and Wahlstrm lived in this house.
3 Presumably, store of ore and charcoal.
4 The widow of the former master of mines, Johan Bergklind, who resided in Axmar and who had died there in June, 1723. He was succeeded by Torbern Bellander.
I remain with all reverence
highly honored Fru Moster's
most dutiful servant,
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Nov. 3
1724
Despite Swedenborg's hopes for a peaceful settlement of the Axmar dispute, it was not long before he felt under the necessity of bringing the matter up to the Bergscollegium which, of course, had jurisdiction of such mining matters. This he did in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, NOV. 9, 1724, enclosing Lindbohm's letter to him of November 1:
High well-born Herr Count and
President, and
Well-born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:
I am called upon most humbly to relate to your Countship's Excellency, and the most wor. Roy. Collegium, how that Fru Professorska Brita Behm's servant at the Axmar Works, named Wahlstrm, on behalf of his principal, as it is said, will refuse to let Mons. Lindbohm, who is in charge of my fifth part at the same works, smelt conjunctim [jointly] in the furnace lately built by us, and this, without doubt, with the intention that I, to my great injury and loss in charcoal and pig iron, might later make a separate smelting, or be caused delay therewith, as can be gathered from the enclosed copy of the said Lindbohm's letter.
1 Swedenborg's contribution to this building was 2,000 dalers, while Brita Behm, owner of four-fifths, contributed only 8,000 dalers.
I remain, with deep reverence,
Your Countship Excellency's and
the most wor. Roy. Collegium's
Stockholm, Nov. 9, most humble servant,
1724.
Emanuel Swedenborg
On this same day, November ninth, the College of Mines--Swedenborg absenting himself--after reading the above letter, resolved that it be referred to Bellander, the Mine Master at Axmar (who had succeeded Bergklind) with instructions to secure an explanation from Wahlstrm, and to communicate the same to the College; and that, meanwhile, Swedenborg was not to be refused the joint smelting which he demanded.
A little later in November or early in December, Brita Behm, answering Swedenborg's letter of November third, invited him to accept ten points, concluding with something in the nature of a threat in case of non-acceptance. On December 12th, he wrote accepting most of the points, but not all. Thus he held that the proposition that he should divide with her some stores which he had with certain peasants, and which had no connection with the Axmar works, concerned things irrelevant to the matter at issue. He also advanced, for consideration, eleven points, dealing with the division of the stable yard buildings, the large grain barn, the cellars, etc., leaving them for the most part in accordance with his aunt's plan; see p. 375. In answer, he received a letter from his aunt which, he says later, contained "expressions which I had not expected from so just a lady."2
2 The contents of the letters mentioned in this paragraph are gathered from Swedenborg's letter to the College of Mines, dated January 9, 1725. The letters themselves have not come to light.
At the end of November, Bishop Swedberg seems to have written to his son, enclosing two Government Assurance Notes3 which he requested him to cash; for on DECEMBER 2, Emanuel wrote to the Treasury Office of the Diet:
3 Confer Swedenborg's Proposal for the reduction of tokens, on p. 206.
Most Humble Memorial
Enclosed are two bills of General Loan Assurances, the one for 781-4 dal. s.mt. In current coin, and the other for 618-3/4 dal. s.mt. In Carolins.1 Stockholm, Dec. 2, 1724. Em. Swedenborg
1 The riksdaler = 2 dal. s.m.; the Carolin = 25 re s.mt.
718.24
569.8
1288.00
Rundstyken2 386.12, Dec. 3.
2 The rundstycke was a small copper coin = 4 re K.mt.
It would appear that payment was refused in the absence of an authorization by Bishop Swedberg; for the Bishop wrote an authorization, dated Brunsbo, Dec. 3, 1724, authorizing Swedenborg to receive "the loan to the crown and the payment for the tokens" in accordance with the decree of the Diet.
The money was then paid on DECEMBER 14, for on the back of Swedenborg's original letter, is written, not by Swedenborg but signed by him:
The original Obligation of No. 620 and 866, together with the assignation for payment given thereon, I have taken out on my father's behalf, and it is receipted Stockholm, Dec. 14, 1724.
Em. Swedenborg
Swedenborg's letter of November ninth to the Bergscollegium had been duly sent by that body to the Mining Master at Axmar, and toward the end of December a reply was received from him, enclosing Wahlstrm's defence, in the form of a letter addressed to the College of Mines. In this letter, Wahlstrm states that he has acted merely according to the instructions of his principal; and he expresses surprise that Swedenborg does not take up the matter with Fru Behm direct, inasmuch as she is living in Stockholm Since Swedenborg makes his complaint as principal, "although it is his servant Lindbohm who has furnished the cause," he presumes that his principal will be allowed herself to explain that which was done in pursuance of her orders.
Wahlstrm's letter was read to the College on December 22nd, and was at once referred to Swedenborg for reply. The latter lost no time in writing this reply, and on December 24th, he presented it to the College in the form of a letter dated STOCKHOLM, DECEMBER 23, 1724:
High Well-born Herr Count and
President, and
Well-born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:
On December 22d, the bookkeeper, well trusted Fetter Wahlstrm, came in to your Countship's Excellency and the most wor. Roy. Collegium with an explanation as to the complaint brought against him, because he had told my servant Lindbolm that he would not smelt conjunctim with him in the Axmar furnace. For this, he gives the excuse that he had ordres therefor, from his principal, Well-born Fru Brita Behm, which he, as a servant, must follow; and he thinks, therefore, that it lies with the aforementioned Fru, and not himself, to give answer in this matter. That such was the Fru Professorska's command and intention--this I have not been able to give credit to, because it is wholly opposed to justice. I am therefore constrained most humbly to request of your Countship's Excellency and the most wor. Roy. Collegium, that it please your Countship's Excellency and the most wor. R. Collegium to communicate to the well-born Fru Professorska the letter of complaint against Wahlstrm, previously handed in by me, and most graciously to request her explanation, so that it may come out what has given rise to such an unrighteous proposal. But since the smelting is now likely to be soon going on, and it may come to pass, against all justice, and directly opposed to the most wor. Roy. Collegium's Resolution and the ordres given out by the Mining Master in obedient consequence thereof, that, before the explanation of this matter can come in, and a conclusion he arrived at in the Roy. Collegium, Bookkeeper Wahlstrm will yet give orders to smelt alone in the furnace;
I remain, with the deepest respect,
Your Countship Excellency's and
the most wor. Roy. Collegium's
most humble servant,
Stockholm, Dec. 23. Emanuel Swedenborg.
1724
1 The right of an unjustly accused person to bring action against his accuser.
Swedenborg's request was granted by the Bergscollegium, and his letter of November 9th was sent to Brita Behm, who was ordered to deliver to the College her reply, both to this and also to Wahlstrm's letter. She handed in her answer on January 9th, 1725.
She says therein that, though desirous of avoiding every cause of dispute, she yet had been able to count on little else in Axmar, ever since she had had anything in common with Swedenborg.
On the basis of his servant's letter of November 1st (which, however, being uncertified, ought never to have been handed in), Swedenborg complains that she has refused Lindbohm a joint smelting; but she must wonder "why the Herr Assessor, neither from Lindbohm's letter and still less from Lt. Col. Fetter Schnstrm, who has been living at the works all this autumn and has heard the connected chain of circumstances in this matter, both on my side and on Herr Lindbohm's, has not wished to learn the causes of this dispute, and the scruples which I have had against making a common smelting with him [Lindbohm], especially since I can give assurance that at no time, when I talked of the matter with him, have I omitted to represent the causes, nor was silent as to the plan I had, that the Herr Assessor might, to the greatest possible degree, be without injury."
Although in his letter of November 3d, he had asked her not to enter into any dispute with Lindbohm, promising that, on her return to Stockholm, he would give her all reasonable satisfaction, yet "so little did he show the effect of his promise" that he did not once inquire as to the cause of the dispute, although, during the whole time, they were both in Stockholm, and although she had "not neglected to remind him of his late promise in regard to other similar unsettled points."
In his conscience, Swedenborg knows that his servant Lindbohm is a man with whom no one will have anything to do; a man who makes trouble even in matters of small importance. "I have proof of this from a long time back, and I had to experience the same thing continually during the time when I was last there, and also how that he knocked down my servant, all but in my own room, and had not Lt. Col. Fetter Schnstrm, who had been his principal, safely locked him up in his own room, and away from all conversation with us,... we would never have arrived at so good and quick a settlement as we did...."
"When the men of the place and the Crown servants can enjoy no peace in the execution of their work, because of him, but must listen to abusive words ... and threats to strike down and murder; when, even the day of the Sabbath and feast days, and church grounds cannot restrain him from disorder and violence, it is evident what my servants at the furnace and the works have daily to expect from him." In confirmation, she adduces the fact that recently in the local court, he had been separately fined for disturbance on the church premises, for attacking the tax collector, and for sneering accusations. If she seeks to avoid such a man, and leaves him all reasonable advantages separately and for himself alone, is she doing any one injustice? especially since her servants threaten to leave if they have to work with him, protesting that any day they expect nothing less than murder, and that no blessing can come from God so long as they work in his company.
Not only does Swedenborg provide no remedy, but he avails himself of his servant's amazing disposition, and gives him authority and instructions whereby he has freer reins to act as he pleases, not as a servant but as a master, and to make everything a matter of dispute, whether it be against his principal's order or not. And when he does this, one receives from his principal no other counsel than "that one should not contradict him, but should leave the matter to another time and place, the clear meaning being, to the Assessor's reasonable and swift conclusion and decision."
It devolves on the Assessor to specify what Royal Ordinances expressly forbid her insisting upon a separate smelting; and if such Ordinances do exist, they presuppose that one is working with honorable persons such as Lindbohm is not. The Schnstrms and she had found no difficulty in separate smelting at other Works where the former possessed a sixth interest.
She has given the Assessor's servant the choice of either the first or the second smelting; and should a separate smelting be too costly for him, she has offered to contribute four-fifths of the cost of heating the furnace when he smelted, provided he would contribute one-fifth of the heating cost of her smelting; he could even smelt for a longer time than his one-fifth share allows. If the Assessor thinks he is being injured, it is for him to suggest better arrangement, and this would readily be agreed to provided only he work separately to avoid disturbances.
Fru Behm enclosed in her letter twelve folio pages of Court Records, in support of her assertions as to Lindbohm's disorderly conduct.
Swedenborg's answer to the above was presented in the form of a Memorial, submitted to the Bergscollegium "in place of a conference," and dated JAN. 13, 1725:
Humble Memorial
Loco Conferentis
From the Professorska, well-born Fru Brita Behm's lengthy explanation, humbly handed in to the Roy: Collegium, concerning the smelting and the use of the furnace at Axmar, his Countship's Excellency and the most wor: Roy: Collegium will most graciously gather as to how far answer is given therein, as regards the matter itself, or the main subject. A complete description of the servant Lindbohm is there given; the Fru also troubles herself to mix in something that concerns my conduite [conduct]; and all that suspicion could make available to her, this I see the lady has been pleased to seize hold of with her pen. But what has Lindbohm's personal character to do in this matter?
How would it help my case if I reciprocated the unjustifiable charges there made? as, for example, if in this Memorial, wherein the talk should be concerning smelting, I should bring it out how that last summer all the good propositions with respect to the division, which I set up at the lady's request and counsel, for the preserving of good harmony in Axmar, were disapproved--but as to how that came about, this another may know better than I. My letters could show that I have ever sought, and still seek, unity, which letters the Fru will please be so kind as to exhibit according to her promise. A letter containing ten points, together with some threat at the end, was sent me, to which I answered in writing and agreed with almost everything that was requested. But it seems that, because, with all possible politeness, I submitted one or two points to the Fru's ripe judgment, I was met with suspicion and unfriendliness. If I now assented to all the points without reservation, and added more thereto, I should have come into friendship. But, in place of my polite answer, a letter comes back with expressions which I had not expected from so just a lady. If I do trot answer any single point, it is at once thought that there is something underneath; to wit, if the lady insists on dividing with me the stores which I have with the peasants in Moo and Srsta Parishes, three to five miles1 from Axmar, and which do not in any way belong to the Works, and, as said, I do not answer this point, it is at once thought that I am taking an improper advantage because of my fifth part, which is what is spoken of in the letter.
1 i.e., about nineteen to thirty English miles.
As regards the servant Lindbohm, if he stands on the rights of his principal, then, in the other servant's mind it is not right. The said Lindbohm is a man of sixty years, of good understanding, experienced in mining work from childhood, a bookkeeper of excellent capacity in the management of furnaces and forges: somewhat hasty, indeed, against those who wish to do him injustice; has been for a long time with Herr Assessor Schnstrm,2 and managed all his work to the late Assessor's satisfaction; was with the lady herself at Longwind3 for a good round time, and, according to her own utterance, kept correct accounts; has managed one-sixth part in Longwind and three-fifths in Axmar for the Herrar Schnstrms,4 and now manages with the one-half of Longwind in common with the same lady's servant in common Wahlstrm. And for the first time, he is denounced. Had he been a simple man and given way in everything, he would have been praised. If he does any injustice in connection with my one-fifth, then accuse him; for this there will indeed be a penalty; yet there shall be no change in that wherein he is right.
2 Peter Swedberg (ennobled Schnstrm), the older brother of Jesper Swedberg. He was Swedenborg's uncle on both sides, having married the older sister of Swedenborg's mother, by whose inheritance he came into possession of part of the Axmar Works. He became an assessor in the College of Mines in 1691, and died in 1692.
3 Lgvind, a great iron works situated on the Gulf of Bothnia, some thirty-five miles north of Axmar. It was owned by the Behm family, and passed by inheritance to Brita Behm and her nephews, Peter and Albrecht Schnstrm, the sons of Peter Schnstrm the elder.
4 i.e., Peter and Albrecht, the sons of Peter Schnstrm, Sr.
But all this which I have now brought forward merely as an example, what does it have to do with the main subject itself? Can I possibly think that my right to the smelting can thereby be justificeras [justified]? Therefore I will leave such matters, especially since I have made this digression for no other purpose than to enable me to get hold of him who in his letter has gone so far afield, and to lead him by the hand back to the thing itself and the chief matter.
Now, as concerns the thing itself, the Fru Professorska wishes that I exhibit an Ordinance that the work should be done conjointly. For this there are innumerable praejudicia [precedents], likewise measures taken by the Collegium, which should be correctives to us, as well as Ordinances. But why should an ordinance be made on that which sound reason dictates? Shall the law say expressly that one must smelt conjointly, when yet, such smelting is to the advantage of the one party and the other? for in the opposite case, one loses a large part of his material. But here is the difference, that where the lady loses one portion I lose four. This ought to stand for its own reasons. Shall the law command that one shall not throw his pig iron into the sea, or burn up his charcoal for some vain purpose? If the understanding is clear and unpolluted, it knows this of itself. This I now procurerar [bring forward] not only for my own benefit, but equally for the lady's; I hope that the other side understands this. Has a private individual at a work, leave to handle its oeconomien as he lists? A Collegium is indeed ordained which has oversight of such matters, and in cases like the present, it is the authority and will afford a check that the general good he not injured by bad private management, and also that in such case rein and bridle be laid on self-will.
In the mining district, where there are from twenty to thirty shareholders in a foundry and many of them much at odds, there has yet never been to my knowledge any complaint about the shareholding and the division. Such firm rules are observed there, that the one cannot say that he has lost to the other a piece of charcoal or a single malmsten.5 There are a hundred cases where they have offered to he co-workers, but, as yet, ever since the milling ordinances came out, not a single case can likely be brought up where one refused a joint smelting; and should I speak of such a thing to a mining man, he would hold it as the most unreasonable thing he has heard in all his days.
5 i.e., lumps resulting from the first smelting.
Now, since I note that the method and rules at a joint undertaking are unknown, I feel called upon to put them down for the servant's instruction:
1. A lot is cast, as to who shall smelt first or last; he on whom the lot falls, smelts first or last.
6 Meaning, a day of twenty-four hours.
7 opsttning. This word is defined by Swedenborg in his De Ferro (p. 34), where he describes the filling (opsttning) of the furnace, after its preliminary heating, with alternate layers of ore and charcoal.
But the Fru Professorska imagines that everything is done when she offers the servant--which, however, has hitherto been without my knowledge, perhaps it was done after my humble supplique had been communicated to her--the choice to smelt either first or last; if last, that in that case I contribute one part of charcoal for the clay smelting,8 while the lady contributes four parts. Is not this a joint smelting? indeed, the only thing that is joint consists in this: The lady offers me to smelt later, being willing to contribute four parts of charcoal for the heating up. If the lady then claims that the resulting pig iron that runs off shall be divided in the same proportion, then it is a joint smelting; everything in a smelting that can be called joint consists in this; for each smelts for himself, and the one comes in when the other finishes. But why should they make two heatings for this? why two joint smeltings? One joint smelting is rejected, but two are proposed and approved.
humblest servant,
Em. Swedenborg.
8 Leerblsning, literally claysmelting,--I see no other way of translating it. It refers to the preliminary heating of the furnace to assure its being thoroughly dry before the ore is put in (see De Ferro, p. 30).
Swedenborg's letter was duly referred to Brita Behm for reply, and in a few days the latter handed in to the College her answer, dated Stockholm, Jan. 19, 1725.
She commences by saying that Swedenborg's reasoning in his so-called Memorial loco Conferentiae, was so singular that she could not avoid considering it more closely, in order that the College might see at a glance how far Swedenborg's method of dealing with the dispute, "departs from every comprehensible method." Perhaps they might then understand how that "her conferences with him must necessarily prove fruitless."
After reciting her charges against Lindbohm, and the proofs she had submitted, she continues that, forseeing that the objection might be made that the Assessor knew nothing of this, she feels compelled to say that "he not only knew of it, but also availed himself of Lindbohm's amazing disposition to do me injury in every way." As an instance, she cites the fact that the division is still undetermined, "whereby I am shut out, even today, from what belongs to me."9
9 Fru Behm is here referring to the house near the Axmar Works. Lindbohm occupied three rooms of this house, Wahlstrm using the other rooms. But Swedenborg's one-fifth share entitled Lindbohm to no more than two rooms and a portion of a third. See p. 375.
The Assessor does not deny anything of this directly, but breaks out in a remarkable way, saying that to describe Lindbohm's character is beside the point. "What has Lindbohm to do with this, he says. He calls it circumlocution, digressions, useless stories; explains it as being unseemly, and a thing already banished from the honorable world, to blame a person; says such conduct N.B. is wont to be considered by a judge with a fine of 10 d. s.mt.
She had almost concluded to avoid any further speed with the Assessor, and to submit the matter to the speedy decision of a righteous judge, who would likely discover how such reasoning was to be regarded; but, "recognizing the plan, and exactly the same procedure that the Herr Assessor used last summer against both me and any one else who took upon himself to argue any point with the Assessor concerning my affairs," she cannot forbear from setting the matter under closer consideration. She wonders how far back she should go to get Swedenborg to hold that to be permissible which he now calls "forgetful of honor." He "ought first to be convinced that law and right are intended to direct men and their conduct;... that the proper office of a judge consists, moreover, in holding ungovernable people in check . . . and that, for this reason it is by no means criminal, or opposed to honorableness to seek help from a judge against self-willed and intractable men." If one enters a complaint against another, he must use reason and proof, and must tell of that other's actions in the case--what Swedenborg calls "descriptions, personal characters, the blaming of persons"; and one would thus "have to waste the whole summer with preliminaries before getting the Herr Assessor to answer Yes or No, to the matter in question." One must proceed by a shorter way, and represent to the Assessor that if it is forgetful of honor to concern oneself with another--which he calls making black strokes by the side of white, how then does he himself stand who, in his letter of complaint, was the first to accuse Wahlstrm "of unreasonable behavior, of wilfulness opposed to sound reason, of caprice, etc., and also later accuses me of an unjust offer? Is not this blaming people?" She does not wish the Assessor such ill as he wishes her, but his insinuation of a 10 daler fine because she spoke of Lindbohm and offered to prove her assertions, while the Assessor spoke against her servant without proof, this she prays the College not to permit and also to keep in mind.
The impression which the Assessor has wished to give concerning her second proposal was that she had scornfully rejected a reasonable and courteous offer.
From "the Assessor's manifold digressions, as he admits them to be," she gathers that he was unable to mention any Royal Ordinance forbidding separate smeltings. His contention centers around: 1. An appeal to a sound understanding, which he "somewhat cavalierement" deduces from self-interest and profit. 2. The obligation one has that his goods he not destroyed. 3. The custom in mining districts. 1. As to the first, if the rules of the understanding are established on self-interest, it devolves on each individual to say where his interest lies. If the Assessor set up rules of the understanding for her, she would ask, by what authority he did so. She is the one to judge as to her own interests, and in this case they lay in being delivered from the disturbances of her neighbor. 2. Her offer to expend charcoal for the Assessor's private use, was an exception to the rule as to destroying one's goods. One may be permitted to lose goods and money for the sake of peace of mind, and to choose the least of two evils. 3. The furnaces in the mining districts are conditioned quite differently from smelteries.
She notes that the Assessor did not contradict her statements as to Lindbohm's brawlings, except when "he asserts--in explanation of the District Court's judgment (which, however, shows something else)--that his servant Lindbohm is only hasty against those who do him injustice." But, at the same time, the Assessor gives her a new proof of Lindhohm's shameless ability to tie people up in a legal process; for though she had expressly told Lindbohm that he could smelt first or last, and that she would contribute four-fifths of the charcoal for the clay smelting, etc., yet in his letter to his principal, he was silent as to this, so that he might lead the Assessor to begin suit as he did. "Still, in my explanation, I noted that his letter of November first, ought all the more to have been exhibited. I supposed that perhaps the condition would he found included in it."
As regards Swedenborg's final request, she repeats her offer to contribute four-fifths of the charcoal for the heating of the furnace whenever Lindbohm smelts, provided this is reciprocated by a contribution of one-fifth when she smelts. Further, "to improve the Assessors's conditions, he shall be allowed to smelt as long as he will, and so long as he has material therefor, although no more than one-fifth of the annual time belongs to him."
Finally, she cannot but wonder that Swedenborg, himself an official having in charge the King's interest in matters of judgment, has, contrary to the Ordinance in the case, submitted to the Bergscollegium the three arks of his Memorial, with only one ark stamped with the 2 ore s.m. stamp: "with which reminder, I have no other object than to induce the Herr Assessor to weigh more closely what he says and answers and does before a judgment seat, and this, both in respect for the judge, and in reasonable deference to his opponent."
The case was considered by the College on February first, Swedenborg, of course, retiring from the meeting. The decision there reached was, that while it would be better for the parties to have a joint smelting, yet, because of the enmity between their servants, Fru Behm's project might prove best, namely, that each party smelt separately, but leave the furnace heated for the other.
Rosenadler, representing Fru Behm, and Swedenborg were then called in and the proposition put before them. Rosenadler consented, especially since Fru Behm's servant was willing to bear the cost which the plan would entail, if only it relieved him of working with Swedenborg's servant.
Swedenborg later submitted the following draft:
PROJECT
1. While the furnace is being heated, which is done within the first ten to twelve days, Wahlstrm shall put in four-fifths part of the charcoal and four-fifths part of the ore; Lindbohm, one-fifth part of the charcoal and one-fifth part of the ore; all the iron that comes out during these days to be divided in the same proportion, Wahlstrm to take four-fifths, and Lindbohm, one- fifth.
2. When these ten to twelve days are past, lots to he cast as to which shall blast first. The one obtaining the first lot, to blast so long as he has ore and charcoal. When this is finished, and while the blasting is still going on, the other comes in and does in like manner.
3. In order that the one may do the other no injury, for instance, that the one who blasts first may not leave the furnace in bad condition for the one who follows, so that the latter's work may miscarry, Lindbohm shall always undertake to blast last.
But, on the other hand, if the Fru's servant is the cause of the furnace being in bad condition, or if this is the result of some improper blasting of the ore, or of some other like cause; and also if the water fails, Wahlstrm shall not be able to escape compensating for the resultant damage.
4. When the furnace is set up, each one shall defray the cost thereof in the same proportion, to wit, Wahlstrm four-fifths, Lindbohm one-fifth.
This Project was sent to Fru Behm, accompanied by a letter (not now available), pointing out the loss which site would suffer if separate smeltings were to be made commencing with a cold furnace. At its end she made the note "To this Project, which is the very opposite of all I have asked for, I cannot give myself."
The Project drawn up on Fru Behm's behalf, stipulated that during the time when the furnace is being heated, the parties shall contribute respectively four-fifths and one-fifth of the charcoal, Wahlstrm to blast as soon as the heating is completed.
Each party shall continue his blasting while his material lasts, irrespective of his four-fifths or one-fifth share. But he must always have enough charcoal to contribute to the heating up of the furnace for his successor, under pain of paying compensation therefor.
This Project was submitted to Swedenborg, who appended to it the following note:
This copy left me by Councillor of Chancery Rosenadler is not at all in accordance with my project; for I showed therein what loss the Fru Professorska would have to expect from its being carried out; and yet, despite this, the Herr Councillor of Chancery*, on behalf of his mother-in-law, has wholly approved it, and has written "consented to" on the draft. I, therefore, humbly request that my draft be called for.
E. S.
* The Censor had the rank of Councillor of Chancery.
The request made in the last sentence indicates that the two plans had been submitted to the College of Mines. Moreover, Wahlstrm, to whom Swedenborg's plan had been submitted, sent a letter to the College, dated February 14, in which he totally objects to the plan, as being "as unreasonable as anything in the world can be," and as entailing great injury to his principal. What he wished was that each should begin his blasting with a cold furnace. And on the Project itself he wrote: "To this project, which is just the opposite of all I have requested, I cannot consent."
The matter, therefore, came again before the College, and at its meeting on February 25th, when Swedenborg was present, Rosenadler was called in, and asked whether the two parties could not follow a precedent of 1705, when a four-fifths owner of a furnace blasted for four years, and then left the furnace heated for the one-fifth owner to use during the fifth year. Rosenadler stated that he would be contented with whatever the College decided on, but, as for the proposed arrangement, it had this inconvenience, that at the end of the filth year, his mother-in-law might not be quite ready to take over the blasting.
The case was finally settled by the College at its meeting of March first. Assessor Swedenborg, as an interested party, and Assessor Benzelstierna as his brother-in-law, retired during the discussion of the case. The former was then called, and in answer to a question, stated that he was willing to abide by the 1705 precedent if his own project was not accepted.
The College then resolved on its decree, which it served on both parties, and which was binding on both. The decree set forth that "although in the mining districts, it is the general custom that shareholders in a furnace or forge" assemble their materials in proportion to their holdings, and work them jointly, each holder then receiving his due proportion of the results, by which arrangement, "double cost in the setting up of the work and the heating of the furnace, besides many inconveniences" was avoided; and since there was so much complaint against Lindbohm, and Assessor Swedenborg had agreed to a separate smelting; therefore, "under these circumstances," the College ordered that Brita Behm shall have the first four smeltings, shall use her own materials, and shall leave the furnace all heated and ready for the fifth smelting which was to be done by Swedenborg, he likewise to use his own materials and also to leave the furnace heated up to be used by Brita Behm. As to Lindbohm and Wahlstrm, the College subjected them to a fine of 100 d. s.m., "if, in the carrying on of the work, either offers insult to the other by word or deed."
Meanwhile Swedenborg, among his duties in the College of Mines, had been assigned the task of examining and reporting on the machine models invented by Polhem, which for years had been lying neglected in a room of the building occupied by the College of Mines, where they had long been deteriorating owing to neglect and exposure to the weather (pp. 70, 71). It is not improbable that the investigation was suggested by Swedenborg himself, for in addition to his interest in all kinds of machines, he had a special interest in Polhem's old models. Even as early as September 1714, when writing from Restock concerning his own inventions, he speaks of his "great desire" to return to Sweden and make drawings of Polhem's inventions, and give detailed descriptions of them.
Almost ten years had elapsed before Swedenborg once more entered upon an examination of these models. Then he had hoped, by his private efforts, to save them from utter ruin (see p. 75) Now he is acting in an official capacity, and has under him two young apprentices of the College of Mines, appointed for the purpose of assisting him. His report includes a recommendation that the work of repairing be undertaken by the College, which would require the expenditure of money. For this reason, he sends it as a MEMORIAL. It is dated FEBRUARY 14, 1725:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
In humble pursuance of his Excellency's and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium's most gracious command, I have inspected and examined the machines belonging to the Roy. Collegium, and for that purpose, have associated with me the Auscultants, Herrar Bergenstierna and Faggot,l and together with them, have looked into their present condition, and observed what has got out of order and, so far as possible, have had it set right. But, since on this occasion it was found that some parts of the above-mentioned models, in part, have disappeared, and, in part, are falling to pieces due to the length of time they have stood there, the question is submitted to his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, as to whether some of the funds belonging to the Mechanical Laboratory might be appropriated and used for the mending of these same models. I ought indeed to enclose herewith a specification of what is lacking in the models, and what seems to be required for their repair; but since all the small parts could not be noted, or a price set upon them beforehand, until the workmen have finished the work, it seems unquestionable that, for a beginning, 50 d.s.mt would be enough, for which money I will give an account after the work is finished, and verify the whole with receipts;
EMANUEL SWEDENBORG
1 Daniel Bergenstierna (1706-73) was the son of the senior Assessor with whom Swedenborg was frequently associated on summer commissions. He became Assessor in 1760. J. J. Faggot (1699-1777) left the College of Mines in 1726 and turned to surveying.
The request was granted by the College, and Swedenborg himself was appointed to superintend the work.
On the same date as the above Memorial, Swedenborg made use of the opportunity thus afforded him to petition the College to appropriate money for the purchase of an air pump. His Memorial was dated FEBRUARY 14, 1725:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
How necessarily his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium have bestowed care on having at hand models of machines which serve a use in mining operations, can be sufficiently gathered from the money which his Royal Majesty has expended on a Mechanical Laboratory, and from the great care which his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium has always been pleased to manifest in maintaining such a useful work. This gives me occasion humbly to submit to his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, the question as to whether his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium would be pleased to have an antlia pneumatica [air pump] purchased with the funds belonging to the Mechanical Laboratory, and imported and installed among the other machines; which, it would seem, is so much the more useful since by such an antlia pneumatica can be exhibited many hundreds of experiments which concern air, fire and water, and one would thereby gain experience in much that pertains to physiquen [physics]; there being, indeed, among the Roy. Collegium's machines some invented by Counsellor of Commerce Polhem, whereby one can see the power and effects of water in various downfalls, and also the ratio in the falling and rising of pendulums and bullets; besides other machines serviceable for making tests in physicis.
Emanuel Swedenborg
1 Francis Hauksbee (1687-1763) was a maker of air pumps, telescopes, etc., in Crane Court, Fleet Street, London. He was renowned for the accuracy of his instruments. During his stay in London, Swedenborg had met Hauksbee, and had procured from him a printed description of his air pumps. See p. 28.
This Memorial was read by the College on February 16, when it was pointed out that there was not a single air pump in Sweden. It was therefore decided to find out what funds were available for the purchase recommended by Swedenborg On the next day, February 17, the necessary information having been obtained, 1,000 d. k.mt. were assigned from the funds of the Mechanical Laboratory, and placed at Swedenborg's disposal for the purchase in question.
Swedenborg penned still another Memorial, and this also was inspired by his examination of the models in the College of Mines. This Memorial also was dated FEBRUARY 14, 1725:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
In a separate room inside the vestibule of the Archives of the Royal Collegium, there is said to be a model of a hoisting machine which was invented by Counsellor of Commerce Polhem. Since the said model is standing so shut in that it cannot be exhibited to serve any use or give pleasure, I therefore humbly submit to his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, the question as to whether this model cannot be moved into the room where stand the other models, and in its place be set the great Mons. Duhre'sl machine, so that the models can be together and one can have the opportunity of looking after them in case one of them get out of order, which should be mended in time; submitting to the good pleasure of his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, with the same humility the question as to whether his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium would be pleased to request the Roy. Kammar Collegium, that this same room with the outer kitchen might be given up to the claims of new machines. Stockholm, 14, Feb., 1725.
Emanuel Swedenborg
1 Anders Gabriel Duhre (1680-1739) was a stipendiary in mechanics of the College of Mines. He had been a fellow student with Swedenborg in Upsala, where he was a devoted pupil of the elder Elfvius, Professor of Mathematics. In 1723, he was given charge of the Royal farm in Ultun, near Upsala. Here his great mechanical genius led him to the invention of many machines for use in farming (Hildebrand, K. V. S. Frrhist, 180). It was probably one of these inventions that is referred to in the text.
This Memorial also was considered on February 16, and it was resolved to postpone the matter till the room in question could be opened.
Shortly after he had been authorized to purchase an air pump in London, Swedenborg received a letter from his brother Jesper, who had returned from America one year previously, which, as it happened, provided him with an opportunity of more easily effecting the purchase. Swedenborg had previously written twice to his brother, and had received a letter in reply, but neither the letters nor their contents are extant. Jesper's present letter was sent from Brunsbo and was dated FEBRUARY 26, 1725:
By the last post I had the honor to answer my highly honored d. Brother's two agreeable letters, in which I forgot some urgent matters, which I now think to call to my Brother's attention. 1. The first is concerning my cash riksdalers1 which d. Brother was pleased to send to mine Herr Myra, who is the chaplain in St. Maria Church in Stockholm. He has received a royal warrant on Floby.2
1 Probably in connection with Swedenborg's purchase from Jesper, of his one-seventh share in Starbo, for which Swedenborg paid him 4,571. See F. G Lindh's Swedenborg's Ekonomi in Nya Krykans Tidning, Nov. Dec. 1928, p. 114.
2 That is, a warrant to become Pastor in Floby--situated some thirteen miles south of Skara where was Bishop Swedberg's seat. Peter Myra (1682-1729) was a fellow student with Swedenborg at Upsala. He became pastor of Floby church in 1725.
2. For the second thing, What does d. Brother think of my going again to America, or not. I have indeed a mind thereto, but in such matters good counsel is often necessary. Some counsel me in favor of it, but some against it; most counsel me against it.3
3 Jesper returned to Sweden early in 1724. At the end of that year, he thought of going back to America with Pastor Tranberg whom Bishop Swedberg had appointed over the Swedish churches in Racoon and Pennsneck (J. Swedenborg's Preface to Then Sidst Basun fwer Tyskland). Tranberg sailed in September, 1726. It seems that Jesper did go to America, for on March 6, 1725, he secured a passport for that purpose. But he cannot have stayed there long, for in February, 1727, he married and settled down on an estate in West Gttland. (See p. 431, note I.)
3. If I should go, that d. Brother take my monies here and procure me exchange on London through Herr Consul Alstrm or any one whom d. Brother thinks best. Of such matters and the like, we can further counsel, if so be it that I take the journey. Today Herr Alstrm4 was here, and went off to Stockholm; has a very strong desire to talk with d. Brother.
4 Jonas Alstrm (1685-1761) was but three years older than Swedenborg. He was a man inspired by love of his country, and with far-reaching plans for its industrial development. Born in poverty at Alingss, a small village some twenty miles northwest of Gothenburg, after some years of ill-paid work in Sweden, Alstrm, in 1707, went to London where he soon became a successful business man, and acquired a moderate fortune. Swedenborg was in London 1710-13, and undoubtedly often met Alstrm. In 1722, Alstrm was made Swedish Consul in London. His life in London, where he saw how great was the export trade with Sweden in textile goods, inspired him with the desire to establish a textile industry in Sweden. For this purpose, he traveled in France, the Netherlands, and Germany, purchasing machinery, and procuring skilled workmen for his projected establishment. These arrived in Sweden in November 1723, and preliminary arrangements were made for the establishment of a manufactory in Alingss, Alstrm remaining in Holland, procuring more machinery and workmen. In June 1724, he received Royal privileges for the Alingss establishment, including the grant of religious freedom for his workmen and their families; and in October of the same year, the work of weaving was commenced in earnest. For this purpose Alstrm imported goats from Morocco, and sheep from England and Spain, and even established a company for the breeding of sheep. Working thus with raw materials raised in Sweden itself, the work prospered and became eventually the basis of a large textile industry in Sweden. Alstrm also introduced the cultivation of potatoes and tobacco. In 1739 he was one of the Founders of the Swedish Academy of Sciences, of which Swedenborg was one of the earliest members; and in 1751 he was ennobled, when he took the name Alstrmer. He died in 1761, not only a rich man, but one who was honored for his contributions to Swedish prosperity and for his encouragement of learning. He was always a friend of the Swedenborg family, and when, in 1769-71, Swedenborg's doctrines were so bitterly attacked by the Gothenburg Consistory, his sons, Claes and Patrick, expressed strong disapproval of the persecution.
Let me know, d. Brother, what judgment the false King Charles XII has received, and whether it is true or not that the Emperor in Moscow has died.5
I remain steadfastly
highly honored d. Brother's
Obedient servant
Brunsbo, 26 Feb., 1725 Jesper Swedenborg
5 Peter the Great of Russia died in January 1725. "The false king refers to a Finn named Benjamin Dnster. After some sojourn in Stockholm in the summer of 1723, where he vainly tried to get a pension from the King on the grounds that he was an officer in the army and had escaped from Russia, he betook himself to Upsala. There he gave himself out to be King Charles XII, claiming that the King had never left Turkey, but had sent one of his drabants to represent him, and that it was this drabant who had been shot at Frederickshall. He was arrested in December, 1724, and sent to Stockholm, where in the same month he was examined by a commission. During the Christmas holidays rumor of his claim and arrest were widely spread in Dalecarlia by returning students, it being doubtless these rumors that Jesper had heard. After several hearings the Stockholm commission on February 19 adjudged Dnster to be mad, and the next day, after public exposure at the gallows, he was sent to a madhouse, where he died in 1730." (Bring, Benjamin Dnster).
Swedenborg met Alstrm in Stockholm, and through him negotiated the purchase of the air pump from Hauksbee. The business was conducted through Alstrm's daughter Mary, who had been left in charge of the Alstrm office in London. On March 19, she wrote him that the air pump had been ordered and would be shipped in due course. Early in May, he received the bill of lading from London, dated April 20 and stating that the air pump had been "shipped by the grace of God in good order." The bill for the pump was also received. This bill Swedenborg paid to Jonas Alstrm on May 13, out of the funds appropriated by the College of Mines.
But when the air pump arrived in Stockholm, there came difficulties with the Customhouse, which refused to release the pump until some considerable sum for duty and other charges had been paid. Swedenborg was indignant that such an impediment should be placed to the importation, by a branch of the Government, of an instrument for the advancement of science. Therefore, refusing to pay the customs charges, he addressed to the College of Mines a Memorial dated MAY 27, 1725:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
Since the Antlia Pneumatica ordered for the most Wor. Roy. Collegium has now arrived from London by a Captain named Antony Bayley, and according to information I received from the Customs, there must now he paid for customs, licence, town dues, and other charges, about 300 dalar kopp.mt;
Em. Swedenborg.
1 In 1723, an old law was revived which made a difference between Swedish and foreign ships, in order to encourage Swedish shipping (p. 314). According to this law, all foreign ships must pay the full customs dues, but Swedish ships were given a reduction of one-third (Hildebrand, Sv. Hist. VII:78).
2 The Kammar Collegium had charge of internal revenues.
The matter was taken up by the College of Mines on the same day, and it was decided to petition the King, as requested by Swedenborg. Presumably the air pump was released duty free.
With the judgment given by the College of Mines in the Behm case on March 1st, Swedenborg might well have thought that his troubles with his aunt Brita were over; but he was soon undeceived.
Both he and his aunt had come into possession of their one-fifth and four-fifths shares of the extensive Axmar property, with its smelting and blasting works, farms, woods, etc., in 1724, and from the very beginning, Fru Behm had determined that there should be a complete and, so far as possible, a physical division of the property.
* See p. 345.
Fru Behm, however, was determined on a speedy settlement. Accordingly, on April 17th, soon after the settlement of the dispute concerning the furnace, she secured from the District Court of Ockelbo (Ugglebo, Ogglebo, or Oggelbo)--a town situated some twenty-five miles southwest of Axmar--a summons for Swedenborg to appear before the Court on June 10. In this way Swedenborg was drawn into a long drawn out lawsuit--the only lawsuit in which he was ever involved.
At the hearing on June 10th, he was represented by Lindbohm, and his aunt by Wahlstrm. The latter asked the court (1) to enjoin Swedenborg that he enter upon a division of such part of the Axmar estate as had not yet been divided; the division to be completed by a certain date to be fixed by the court; (2) to pay to Brita Behm 361 d. k.m. compensation for his use of more than his one-fifth share of the house since Michaelmas; and (3) 142 dal. 16 re k.m., for expenses, reserving the right to add to this sum the cost of fences which had been erected between Brita Behm's and Swedenborg's parts of the property. To prove that Swedenborg had evaded the division, his letter to Brita Behm of Nov. 3, 1724 was read; see p. 346.
Lindbohm then produced the letter to the court which Swedenborg had enclosed in his letter authorizing him to appear on his behalf. This letter is summarized in the court proceedings. No date is given, but it was probably written at the END of MAY:
Swedenborg there states that a division at Axmar, by the casting of lots, had taken place long before this, both as respects the farm, the appurtenances of the works and other belongings;
* Capt. Lundberg is probably the Sven Lundberg spoken of on p. 390n.
Wahlstrm answered orally, that the Assessor knew what division was now asked for, namely, the part that was still undivided Lindbohm replied that this had been answered by the Assessor in his letter.
The court then gave an interlocutory decree, to the effect that the law expressly requires that in a summons the plaintiff must specify the things for which the summons is issued. Brita Behm must therefore summon Swedenborg anew, specifically stating the matters to which he is to answer. As to compensation and expenses, these are held over until the main case is settled.
Meanwhile, Swedenborg was again faced with a dispute as to his assessorship, not, this time, as to his obtaining the post, but as to his precedence. This he had sacrificed once in favor of his future brother-in-law Bergenstierna, and of his brother-in-law Benzelstierna, but he had then, and without objection on the part of the College, expressly reserved for himself brother Anders Swab who was the third husband of Eliezer Swedenborg's The widow; see p. 408, note 2. The matter of precedence was one of importance, as the first in precedence was always appointed Councillor in the College whenever a vacancy occurred.
Swab petitioned the King that he be recognized as an Assessor as of 1716, thus giving him precedence over three of the four present assessors. His application was referred by the King to the College of Mines, and the College, in turn, communicated it to the three assessors whose positions were threatened, for their reflections, namely, Bergenstierna (the fourth husband of Eliezer's widow, p. 110, note 3), Benzelstierna and Swedenborg.
and President and
well born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:
I most humbly thank your Countship's Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, for their most kind communication of Herr Anders Swab's supplique submitted in humility to his Roy. Majesty, which his Roy. Majesty has been pleased graciously to remit to the Roy. Collegium, and has commanded that it hand in its expression of opinion. As concerns the Assessors' petitum [petition], so far as it would concern me, in case the grace befall him to enter upon a seat in the most Wor. Roy. Collegium without attendance at its sessions,l in a humble supplique to his Roy. Majesty, which will follow, I have brought forward what, in humility, I might have to note thereon. I therefore most humbly request that it please your Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, to allow this same supplique to his Roy. Majesty to be enclosed,2 reserving to myself, for the rest, an expression of my view orally, in case anything is taken into deliberation which concerns his place in the Roy. Collegium, and how far he can, at these conjunctures, fill two offices.
Remaining, with deepest respect,
Your Countship Excellency's
and
the most worsh. Roy. Collegium's
Stockholm, most humble servant,
July 6, 1725 Em. Swedenborg
1 Schwab (1681-1731) was at this time master of mines in the Fahlun mining district, a post which he occupied from 1714 to June 1730.
2 I.e., enclosed with the College's reply to the King.
The Supplique was addressed to the King, but since the King had addressed himself to the College for an expression of opinion, it could go to his Majesty together with Bergenstierna's and Benzelstierna's replies, only through that body.
King.
The Assessor Anders Swab has most humbly brought before your Majesty that some of his brother members in your Majesty's Bergscollegium wish to dispute his right to a seat which is adjoined to him by two Royal Warrants; saying that ever since the year 1716 he has been actually an Assessor in the Collegium, and on the same footing as his predecessor Councillor of Mines Harald Lybecker;l and he is of the opinion that, in consequence thereof, he should occupy the position there, according to the date of his warrant; with other things which he humbly brought forward in the Supplique.
1 Harald Lybecker (1649-1714) became Assessor in 1692, but, being found indispensable at Fahlun, he remained there as master of mines until his death when he was succeeded by Anders Swab (Almqvist, Bergscol.). Anders Swab. Two years later (May 1716) he was appointed salaried Assessor, but continued as Master of Mines in Falun until June 1730 when he became Councillor. He died eight months later.
In accordance with your Roy. Majesty's most gracious command, the Collegium will present its humble opinion as regards his seat and place, and how far the Assessor can have a seat in the Collegium, and, at the same time with his service as mining master, have another post at another place, and thus administer two offices and one of them an office over which the Roy. Collegium has the right to command, and himself the right to he one of those whose orders it falls on him to obey, especially in respect to those conjunctures and dispositions which concern the Fahlun mining district. But, inasmuch as he announces himself as actually Assessor in the Collegium, and on the same footing as Councillor of Mines Harald Lybecker, it cannot be known to me what Swab's true meaning is, whether he wishes to enter upon his seat there, and at the same time administer the mining mastership in Fahlun, or to leave the one and take up the other, and thus, at pleasure, according as he finds it enjoyable, to go from the one service to the other. In such case, it seems incontestable that some one must yield up his place, or be removed from the position in which your Roy. Majesty has been pleased in grace to station him; and such a displacement or flitting would redundera [redound] on me who am the younger.
But in Assessor Swab's warrant of 1716, on which the later Assessor's warrant is based, it is not said by a single word that he should enter upon the ordinary office in the Collegium, but only that he shall be ordinarius together with his office as mining master; for when he received the warrant, no vacance [vacancy] existed in the Collegium, and therefore he could not enter into any position. Nor in this same warrant was there reserved for him any ordinary position at the first, second or third opening; still less that he should now be able, at pleasure, to make a displacement among the members, and also have arbitrium [arbitrary power] and disposition over another and his office in a Royal Collegium, where so many are already provided with warrants as ordinary assessor, as the form of government requires; he having so much greater proof of what has been said in that, since that time, namely, 1716, he has been serving as mining master at Fahlun, and not as Assessor in the Collegium.
As concerns that which the Assessor asserts--the holding of a seat in the Collegium on the same footing as his antecessor Councillor of Mines Harald Lybecker--the circumstances in this case are different; for, on the 29th of May, 1692, on the occurring of an ordinary vacance, the aforesaid Councillor of Mines held an open warrant to become ordinarius in place of the late Assessor Schnstrm, as seen from his warrant, and from the blessed King Charles the XI's most gracious letter to the Collegium of the same date as the warrant; Letter B.
But since he could not be spared from the work at Fahlun, therefore, later on, at the earnest appeal of the Collegium, Assessor Adelstjierna was appointed in 1695 as extraordinarius to take his place. Assessor Swab cannot, therefore, apply to himself the example of his antecessor and draw therefrom a reason and a praejudicat [prejudgment] such as entering into the same right and advantage, because he entered into the mastership of mines in his place, and received the title of Assessor under the same circumstances, when there was no vacance in the Collegium;
Therefore, since I have the gracious favor by virtue of your Roy. Majesty's own most graciously given warrant, to be an ordinarius in the Collegium, in place of Chief Physician Bromell, with a salary, after Assessor Benzelstierna, I pray in humility that no private individual may come of his own authority, to arbitrare [decide] concerning a publique service, and at his pleasure push, displace, or move me from the office graciously granted me; in which humble confidence, I live steadfastly.
Your Roy: Majesty's
my ever gracious King's
most humble and loyal subject
Em : Swedenborg
Stockholm,
July 15, 1725.
[Enclosures]
Letter A
We Frederick, by God's grace, King of Sweden, Gothland and Wenden, Grand Prince of Finland, etc., etc., decree by letters, that, whereas by Lars Benzelstierna's transfer to the salary of Ordinary Assessor which the Chief Physician Magnus Bromell formerly had in our Collegium, the office of Ordinary Assessor there, with the 800 dal. s.mt. mining Master's salary thereto attached, has become vacant; and for the filling of that place, it comes to us, in grace, to think of our true servant and Extraordinary Assessor, beloved of us, the noble and well-born Emanuel Swedenborg, in view of the knowledge he has acquired in this branch, and his manifest ability and good conduct; therefore, we hereby will and, by virtue of this our open Warrant, have appointed him, Emanuel Swedenborg, to be Ordinary Assessor in our Bergscollegium in the said Lars Benzelstierna's place, wherewith he is to enjoy the above 800 dal. s.mt.
FREDERICK
S. Barck
Letter B
Carl, by God's Grace, King of Sweden, Gothland, and Wenden, Grand Prince of Finland, etc., etc. Our singular favor and gracious pleasure with God Almighty. True man and servant respectively, our Councillor Herr Count and President, and also our Assessors: whereas we, in grace, have found it good to constitute and appoint the mining master at the great Kopperberg mine, Harald Lybecker, to be an Assessor in our Bergscollegium in the place of the late Assessor Schnstrm, we therefore give this to be known to you, ye having to nominate in his place a clever and deserving person for the office of master of mines.
Wherewith we commend you to God Almighty's singular grace. Linkping, May 24, 1692.
CARL
C. Piper
This letter, together with those of Bergenstierna and Benzelstierna, and the College's formal opinion, were not forwarded to the King for many months. However, Swab was permitted to read the letters, but since they were addressed to the King, no copies would be made.
Some time earlier in the year, Swedenborg received from Eric Benzelius a request for a contribution to the Acta Literaria Sueciae, and in response, he had written an article giving some mathematical calculations of the dimensions of a funeral mound or hill the calculations being of a mound with an oval base. These funeral mounds were made in heathen times as monuments covering the dead, and since members of the same family used a common mound or hill, they were called ttebackar or ttehg (family hills). They are found in many places in Sweden, the most famous, perhaps, being those at Old Upsala. Judging from Benzelius' letter, one of these was probably the subject of Swedenborg's calculations. During his many visits to Upsala, he must certainly have seen them more than once, and with his inquiring mind, have speculated concerning them.
The article was written in Swedish and, in order to appear in the Acta Literaria, it was necessary to have it translated into Latin. This translation was completed in July, and Benzelius then wrote to Swedenborg in a letter dated JULY 13, 1725:
My highly honored d. Brother:
With all the honor I so greatly owed, I acknowledge my d. Brother's kindness to my Ericus1 which he has experienced in Stockholm in such manifold ways, by instruction in physicis and mathematicis, and now in addition, with a new present.2 I wish that my Brother may not grow weary of this, especially in these times' when expenses are still great enough and continuous.
1 Eric Ericsson Benzelius Jr. (1705-1767), Eric Benzelius' firstborn, had recently graduated from Upsala and was now living in Stockholm preparatory to entering the College of Mines: He became an Auscultant or apprentice there in August 1726, and eventually became a Councillor.
2 Frring. This word is used of a gift made by one of high rank, to another who is beneath him in rank.
A good friend has translated my Brother's Calculation on the well-known funeral mound, so that the same may appear in the Acta.3 He has made the calculation on the basis of a figuram conicam (a conical figure), though d. Brother's was on the basis of an oval. Should there then be anything to note in respect to this calculation of his, he awaits d. Brother's ordres.
My d. Brother's
most faithful Brother and Friend
E. Benzelius.
Upsala 13 July, 1725
3 The article was never printed, and whether it is still preserved is not known. See Bokwetts Gillets Prot., 121.
The Sec. Regia Anglic.4 has been pleased to send me one of Hauksbee's thermometers, to make observationes therewith. It is likely on the way by the yacht.5
4 The Royal Philosophical Society of London.
5 There was a regular service by yacht between Stockholm and Upsala, taking a varied length of time for the journey, according to wind and weather. The yachts were owned by Professor Rudbeck. (See p. 159, note 6.)
A few days after the receipt of this letter, namely on July 19th, Swedenborg and his fellow Assessor Bergenstjerna left Stockholm for Nya Kopparbergs in Westmanland, on a commission of inspection, and did not return to Stockholm until October 26th.
6 The copper mine here was discovered in 1628, and to distinguish it from the great or Stora Kopparberg, it was called the Nya Kopparberg, a name which it retained.
Swedenborg had not been long on the work of this commission before he was again troubled with the dispute over the Axmar property. As already noted, in the suit brought by Brita Behm, the Court at Oggelbo had given an interlocutory decree, to the effect that before further proceedings could be taken, Swedenborg must be served with a summons specifically stating what property the plaintiff demanded should be divided. On July 22nd, Brita Behm furnished the court with the required particulars of her claim, showing that there still remained undivided eight village houses; I timber tract; I house of eight rooms, situated at the works; a brew house; two stables; a barn; sheep pen; three tool sheds; a workshop; four storehouses; a grain house; an iron storehouse; two meadows; two kitchen gardens; two cabbage patches; four horse paddocks; a fishery and net house; and two windmills.
In her letter to the judge, Brita Behm asks that these properties be divided between her and Swedenborg in the proportion of four-fifths and one-fifth; that Swedenborg be held to compensate her for the "injuries, loss, and inconvenience" which she has suffered owing to his having evaded the division, and having meanwhile enjoyed more benefit than his one-fifth share entitled him to; and that he pay the legal costs of the proceedings. Inasmuch as he was then on a journey to Vermland, and would remain there until Autumn, she prays the Court to furnish her with a written citation, that she may be able to serve it on him in due time before the opening of the autumn term.
On receipt of this communication, the Judge of the District Court at Oggelbo wrote a letter to Swedenborg, dated JULY 29TH, 1725:
Well-born, high learned Assessor:
From the accompanying open letter from Fru Professorska Brita Behm, of the 22nd of this month, which came to me just now, the high 1. Assessor will please understand the matter on which the Fru Professorska requests of me a summons on the high 1. Assessor to the next Court, in consequence of the District Court's interlocutory decree pronounced between the Fru Professorska and the high 1. Assessor on June 10th last; and as the aforesaid Fru Professorska has furnished me with such letter, therefore I desire herewith to communicate the same to the high 1.
Lars Stiernmark
July 29th, 1725.
The Assessor in the Roy. Bergscollegium,
The well-born, high 1. Emanuel Swedenborg
Besides sending Swedenborg the above letter, the judge also complied with Fru Behm's request and sent her summons on Swedenborg who was then traveling from place to place, engaged in the work of the Commission. She had it served on him however, though "at much trouble and cost," as she avers. After receiving service, Swedenborg, on October 13th, secured from his fellow commissioner Bergenstierna, and from mining master Christiernin, sworn testimony to the effect that he was engaged on Royal business. This testimony he enclosed in a letter of October 19th to the Oggelbo Court, wherein he stated that he would he unable to present himself at the hearing because his work on the commission would prevent him from returning to Stockholm until October 26th; and that since that work concerned the business of the kingdom, it excused him legally from obedience to the summons. At the same time he wrote to Lindbohm, authorizing him to act as his representative at the trial.*
* These letters are not now available. Their contents are gathered from other letters.
When the Oggelbo Court opened on October 26th, Swedenborg's letter was read and was accepted by the Court as a legal excuse. To the objection that Swedenborg could have been present had he gone from rebro to Oggelbo direct, instead of to Stockholm, the Court suggested that it was probably necessary for him to procure the documents of the case which he had in Stockholm.
To this decision, Fru Behm's attorney, Wahlstrm, made a somewhat heated objection, and in consequence received a warning from the judge.
This was the second postponement of the case, and on November 16th, Fru Behm, despairing of ever bringing the matter to a conclusion, filed with the Court of Appeal in Stockholm, a bill of complaint.
In this bill, which was a voluminous document of twenty folio pages, she recites that ever since she came into possession of her four-fifths of the Axmar property in May 1724, she had had no peace because of Swedenborg's servant Lindbohm; that Swedenborg induced her to go to Axmar in the summer, to conclude the division of the property, and then she was called back to Stockholm. That meanwhile Swedenborg's servant was occupying more than one-fifth of the house at the works. She had therefore been compelled to take the matter to the District Court; but this Court made her trouble vain by unlawfully demanding a detailed list of the things to be divided, and this on the ground that something had already been divided, and lest, as her opponent said, "during the dividing, something may be requested which belongs to another jurisdiction."
She had however complied with the Court's demands, and the case had come up at the autumn term. She complained of several irregularities at this latter trial, such as the fact that Lindbohm took part in it without a written warrant from Swedenborg. But her special complaint was that the Court had accepted Swedenborg's failure to appear, as lawful, inasmuch as he was engaged on the business of the kingdom. Should such claim be allowed, then every one who expected to be brought to court would hasten to secure a government position. "There will then indeed be men who, because they believe they are to be brought before the law, would let an extraordinary position1 come to them which otherwise they would willingly escape, merely in order to elude comparation [trial] before the judge."
1 In the Swedish Colleges, an Extraordinarius was one who was outside the regular official employment, and he received no salary. He was entitled, however, to claim precedence in case of an ordinary vacancy.
She disputed the interpretation of the laws on which the Court had based its decision to regard Swedenborg's absence as legally justified, saying that those laws excused attendance at court only when the party was called to defend the country against enemies, and that otherwise the royal ordinances expressly say that no distinction shall be made between royal servants and others.
The sworn testimony of Bergenstierna and Christiernin*, dated October 13th, that Swedenborg was then hindered from attendance because he was engaged in the work of a Royal Commission, did not justify the judge in concluding that he was also thus hindered during the following thirteen days until the day of the hearing, October 26th, especially in view of the fact that Swedenborg arrived in Stockholm some days before the 26th, the journey from rebro to Axmar being little longer than to Stockholm. In any case, he could have appointed an attorney as he had done previously in the same case.
* Christiernin was the District Judge at Arboga where Swedenborg's commission had been at work.
Had she been allowed to enjoy her legal rights as prescribed for cases where postponement is allowed on a plea of legal excuse, a definite time would have been set, and she could have hoped for some conclusion of the case; but since her opponent could always plead his royal service and his work on a commission, she could expect "no change for me in this opponent's unrighteousness and self will" save from the High Court.
She requested that the District Court's decision be voided, and that it be enjoined on Swedenborg to attend the winter term of that Court, with all necessary documents; also that he pay the costs of the present appeal.
Finally she complains of the warning given Wahlstrm by the District Judge, because he protested against the latter's decision; and she cites laws which expressly confer on either party to a dispute the right to express such displeasure.
She encloses, with her bill of complaint, copies of several letters, and also a bill of costs for the drawing up of the present appeal, with stamps and fees amounting to 190 d. 28 re k.m.
Fru Behm's bill of complaint was forwarded to Swedenborg by the Court of Appeal, and Swedenborg gave his answer on NOVEMBER 20TH:
The High Well-born Herr Baron and President
and the Well-born Herrar
Vice-President, Court Councillor and Assessors:
For the highly gracious communication of Professorska Fru Brita Behm's filed bill of complaint, I am most thankful; and I must confess that in no other way could I come into wonderment when I saw, addressed to me, so voluminous a bill of complaint, as was that of the 19th last past,1 with so many citations concerning a small preliminari case, which could have been written in a few lilies. But I wondered still more when I read the said bill of complaint through, and saw that so small a matter was written in rhetorin [rhetorical language] and with a multitude of choice, highly weighty terms, as though it concerned some part of the kingdom's welfare, or as though the enemy had again come to tire Axmar Works. Yet I can warrant that all that the Fru Professorska is pleased to bring forward and recommend in so lofty and weighty a manner is little worth the cost which the Fru expended for the producing and copying of the bill of complaint, namely, 150 dal. kop. mt; for the main part of the whole matter is probably, and this also the Fru troubles herself over, that Inspector Lindbohm occupies a three-fifths part in one room, of which only a two-fifths part comes to me,2 and from which he cannot move until settlement has been made for my two-fifths part. And now from this, or something like it, parturiunt montes [the mountains labor].
1 The reference is to Fru Behm's appeal, "19" being a slip for "16."
2 The house itself had 8 rooms, 2 large and 5 small; but the large rooms were equal in size to 3 small rooms, thus making the equivalent of 11 small rooms. In addition, the brewhouse had 2 small rooms. Thus Lindbohm's share was 1/5 of 13 rooms = 2-3/5. He actually occupied 2 small and one large rooms in the house itself.
As regards one thing or another in meitis [in the claims] your Excellency and the Roy. High Court will not take it ungraciously that it is left unanswered by me, seeing that all this will still come to be discussed in its own foro [court], and such discussion now cannot pay for the trouble.
As regards the second interlocutory decree, namely, that the District Court has considered it as a lawful excuse that I was employed on a roy. transaction, therein speaks the matter itself, and the Herr puisne Judge knows that in this case he has followed the law and the ordinances. But to argue whether or not it is a lawful excuse, or whether or not it is conformable with equiteten [equity], when ordinances, law, practice, aequitet, and the understanding itself so clearly dictate it! So I wonder why it should be brought into doubt and dispute by mere reasoning, and a philosophy be employed therein which militates against all that has previously been mentioned.
That the sworn testimony concerning my being on a Royal Commission was given on October 13th, and I had time to go from there to Gefle3 before the 26th, is also of no weight; for that same testimony was sent by post, which goes from Orebro to Gefle only once a week. Had I delayed eight days more, my exception together with the testimony would have arrived too late and I would have been in culpa [at fault] and there would have followed a judgment contumaciae [of contempt].
3 To go from rebro to Oggelbo, Swedenborg would have been obliged to go via Gefle, a town on the eastern coast of Sweden.
That I arrived here in Stockholm before October 26th, prior to the beginning of the Court, is an untrue statement, since I, together with Herr Assessor Bergenstjerna, arrived here from the Commission on Forges ordered by his Roy. Majesty, on October 26th after noon.
That Inspector Lindbohm did not have a warrant [to represent me]; here also the opposite can be verified, for, as on the former occasion, so in this, I sent him a warrant to answer for me.
That I, last year, was on the same business as now is also untrue, for last year I was ordered by his Roy. Majesty to attend in the investigation ordered over the sulphur works, and now I was on another investigation which concerns the forging work in Wermeland and Nerkie.
To bring more such replies to the voluminous document is not likely to be necessary, especially since, after a tolerably long preface, and in its way, a well worked out oration, petitum [the petition] is very brief; to wit, that I must answer at the next Court. But since this belongs to the under judge, and this petitum has not been made at the instance of the lower Court, and a new summons will be served on rile, I do not know in what position I can be, whether I will be prevented by sickness or by other lawful excuse. For I assure myself and pray your Excellency and the high Roy. Court, that nothing will befall me save what your Excellency and the Rep, Court find to be in accordance with law and procedure.
Furthermore, to make the one just as strong as the other that the costs may he equal to the bill of complaint, 150 dal. kop.mt. is set out for the drawing up and copying thereof. But seeing that it is no art to make an account high because the art consists merely in being able to write a number more or less, yet, in all modesty, it seems that 10 dal. s.mt.4 should be noted and written off for voluminous unnecessary writing.
4 Equals 30 dal. k.m.
Meanwhile, since I think that my exception is worth as much as the hill of complaint. I most humbly beg to be excused if I append an expense account of the same kind, although it is subject to examination by the District Court, and it is unnecessary that pour Excellency and the Roy. High Court be troubled therewith.
For the rest, in the supplique, there are one or two expressions which seem offensive, and wherein, as it seems, the pen, on account of eager zeal, could not be checked; as in the passage, "Therefore I see no change for me in this opponent's unrighteousness and self-will"; in another place: "There will then indeed be men who, because they believe they are to be brought before the law, would let an extraordinary position come to them which, otherwise, they would willingly escape, merely in order to elude comparation [trial] before the judge." After this comes the application, etc., which concerns not only me but the King's servants generally.
Your Excellency's and the
Roy. High Court's
most humble servant
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm
Nov. 26, 1725.
5 Fru Behm's bill of complaint was undoubtedly written by a lawyer, but probably it was not a lawyer whom Swedenborg had in mind, but the one who instigated him. Whether, at this time, Swedenborg suspected any particular person, does not appear, but he expresses himself very definitely twenty years later, in some Swedish notes written on the last page of Codex 3, a manuscript which contains the Memorabilia written from 1751 to 1769. These notes describe the character of a man who is indicated by the letter "B.," and that this is Swedenborg's brother-in-law and fellow Assessor Lars Benzelstierna, is evident from the reference to Starbo, the property of which Swedenborg and Lars each owned one half. The notes were probably written in 1755, the year in which both Fru Behm and Lars Benzelstierna died. They contain the following:
"B incited Nordencrantz; shown by a letter from Sven Lundberg to his brother-in-law.
Incited Brita Behm; admitted by her and acknowledged ...
Went about with murderous thoughts so long as it was held out that I owned one half of Starbo.
Convicted of desiring to arouse Brita Rehm to commence the lawsuit as to the dividing of Axmar" (Cod. 63, last page; Drmmar, 1860, p. 72).
According to F. G. Lindh, Judge Stiernmark also sought to get the name or the "conceptist" in order to sue him, but without result (N. K. Tidning, 1927, p. 100).
List of expenses which the opposite party has caused me at the Roy. High Court:
Cost for the answer to the written complaint 150.00
Stamp therefor--3 arks .18
Servants at the Roy. High Court 6.00
Obtaining the Resolution with stamp 18.00
174.18
Emanuel Swedenborg
The case came before the Oggelbo Court on December 1st. What its decision was, is not known. It is known, however, that both parties thought of appealing against it. But Swedenborg's good opinion of his Aunt was soon justified by the fact that, after talking over the matter, they soon became reconciled. As a consequence, they addressed to the High Court a joint letter, dated JANUARY 31ST, 1726:
The High well-born Herr Baron and President
and also respectively the high and well-born
Herr Vice President and Herr Court Councillor and Herrar Assessors:
Since the dispute which formerly existed between us, concerning the division of certain properties belonging to the Axmar Works in Gastrickland, and which we, on both sides, have thought of submitting, during these days, to the proving of your Excellency's and this most wor. Roy. High Court's high justice, by appealing against a lately issued judicial decree of December 1st last; and which now, and within the terminum comparationis [the term of the trial] is settled by the agreement and reconciliation that has come between us, so that hereafter this case will come to a complete stoppage; therefore, in pursuance of the Ordinance of Procedure of the year 1698 and specifically of the twenty-third paragraph thereof, it devolves upon us humbly to announce this herewith to your Excellency and this most Wor. Roy. High Court, we remaining, with all reverence and respect
Your Excellency's and
the most worsh. Roy. High Court's
most humble servants
Brita Behm Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm
31 Jan. 1726
As will be seen presently, the reconciliation here referred to consisted in Swedenborg agreeing to appear at the Oggelbo Court at the next term, for final settlement of the matter in dispute.
Meanwhile, Anders Swab's petition to be recognized as an Assessor, as of 1716, was still unanswered. The three Assessors, including Swedenborg, whose appointment dated after Swab's and who would thus be injured by the granting of Swab's petition, had each filed protests. Swab had been permitted to read these protests, and had filed a supplementary petition.
and well-born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:
Since Assessor Swab, after receiving communication of the supplique humbly handed in by me to his Roy. Majesty, has come in with an humble explanation thereon, and in this explanation brings forward further reasons than were given in his former supplique to show that he is entitled to the position of ordinary assessor in the most worsh. Roy. Collegium in advance of me, therefore I feel called upon to show that the Assessor's claim in this matter is unfounded; for which end, I venture to enclose herewith1 a humble answer thereto, most humbly requesting that it please your Excellency and the most wor. Roy. Collegium most graciously to allow this same humble answer and explanation of mine to be sent to his Roy. Majesty when, with my right and the Roy. Warrant, as against Assessor Swab's claim, I can in humility expect that I will in grace be maintainerad.
1 The enclosure was a copy of his former letter to the King.
I remain, for the rest, with the deepest respect,
Your Countship Excellency's
and the most wor. Roy. Collegium's
most humble servant
Emanuel Swedenborg.
[Stockholm
Dec. 1, 1725]
It was not till May fifth that all the letters in this case were forwarded to the King in Council, and on June 3d came the King's answer, supporting the claims of Anders Swab. This of course settled the matter, and Swedenborg once more found himself one step lower down in the line of advancement.
The joint letter of January 31st, addressed by Swedenborg and his Aunt Brita Behm to the Court of Appeal, announcing the agreement reached between them, did not stop the appellate case. The letter was read by the Court on February 8th.
But it appears that about the same time, Brita Behm, perhaps influenced by her adviser,2 petitioned the Court that Judge Stiernmark be required to send in his answer to her Bill of Complaint which had been communicated to him.
2 See p. 390, note.
Stiernmark's reply, dated March 26th, was read in the Court of Appeal on April 15th. On the same day, Swedenborg and Rosenadler (on Brita Behm's behalf) appeared before the Court for oral questioning. Swedenborg stated that he was willing, without any further summons, to appear before the Oggelbo Court with the necessary documents, that the case may be settled; and after Rosenadler had expressed himself as satisfied with this statement, the Court resolved to let the matter rest at this.
While awaiting the hearing at the Oggelbo Court, Swedenborg was, of course, fully occupied, not only with his duties at the College of Mines, but also in the writing of the parts which were to constitute that great mineralogical work advertised in a prospectus issued in 1722, as to appear at the end of 1723. Though devoted to his work as Assessor, his chief interest was as a student and writer, as shown by the many MSS. belonging to this period which are plainly the result of very extensive reading.
It would appear that he had not lost connection with all the scientific friends whom he had made during his sojourn in England in 1710-1713, for in May he received from England two books, one on Finding the Longitude, and the other on the Magnetic Needle, sent to him, perhaps, by Prof. Halley, who was now the Astronomer Royal in succession to Flamstead, and to whom he had dedicated his Swedish work on Finding the Longitude, published in 1718.
The first work was by John Petrus Biester, a German resident in England, and was entitled A Method of Finding the Longitude by the Meridian, at Sea and on Land, London 1726. The second work was anonymous, and was entitled Theses de acus Magneticae directione ad Septentrionem et Meridiem, Declinatione, varietate declinationis et inclinatione, London 1725 (Theses on the Direction of the Magnetic Needle to north and south, its declination, the variety of the declination, and its inclination).
After reading these works, Swedenborg sent them on to Eric Benzelius, together with a letter dated JUNE 6, 1726.
Highly honored d. Brother:
By Friday's post, there came a letter from d. Father, which is enclosed herewith. Some days ago there was sent me by post a treatise on finding the longitude of places, written up by a man in England of whom I have not known.
Highly honored d. Brother's
obedient servant.
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm
June 6, 1726
1 Athanasius Kircher (1602-1680) was a German Jesuit, renowned for his learning, especially in the field f mathematics and physics. His book Magnes (The Magnet or the Magnetic Art) was in Swedenborg's library. He devoted the last years of his life to the study of Egyptian Hieroglyphics.
It is somewhat remarkable that Swedenborg makes no mention in this letter (which is the last known letter to pass between him and his brother-in-law) of the consecration of his brother-in-law as Bishop of Gothenburg, which took place in Upsala on June 5th, and of which Swedenborg must surely have known.
Both the books referred to in the above letter were sent to Benzelius, and they were exhibited at the meeting of the Bokwetts Gille on June 10th.
The Axmar law case came up before the Oggelbo Court in June. Swedenborg being represented by his Inspector, Lindholm; for his duties at the College of Mines required his presence in Stockholm during the whole of June. On June 14th, the Court handed down its decision. The Court arranged for the division of certain parts of the property, but a, to other parts, it held that these did not come under its jurisdiction, but under that of the District Mining Court, to which it therefore referred them.
Swedenborg was contented with this decision, but not so Fru Behm who wanted, above all things, a speedy separation from Swedenborg (or his Inspector) in all that pertained to the Axmar property.
Her complaint was taken up by the Court on June 28th, and it was resolved that both Judge Stiernmark and Emanuel Swedenborg should submit their rebuttals, the latter to hand his in within eight days after receipt of a copy of Fru Behm's complaint, or suffer a fine of 10 dalers silver mynt. Brita Behm's Bill of Complaint is not now at hand, but its contents and also the detailed judgment of the Oggelbo Court are clearly seen in the reply handed in by Swedenborg JULY 5TH, 1726:
The high well-born Herr Baron and President
and also
the Well-born and learned Herrar, respectively, Herr Vice-President, Herrar Court Councillors, and Herrar Assessors:
Professorska Brita Behm has again complained to your Excellency and the most worsh. High Court, concerning a judgment between us which the Uggelbo and Hambrunge District Court delivered on June 14th last, relating to some remaining division at the Axmar Works; and, in particular, concerning the fact that the said Court has referred to the mining Court certain matters, as not belonging to its Forum [jurisdiction]; and since I have received a most gracious communication thereof, for which are given most humble thanks, the most worsh. Court will most graciously permit the submission of the following remarks thereon:
First, the Fru Professorska complains that the District Court had referred to the Mining Court a disputed matter presented to it concerning the division of the Axmar Works' farm, in that the District Court first found it reasonable that the aforesaid farm belonging to the Axmar Works could not be split up into even parts, still less could Jns Jnsson's farm in Wy, wherein we own only a mortgage equity; and then, since the Mining Court has to do with the enjoyment of rights, and with costs and stores, it remitted the matter to that forum; and she wonders that the District Court, having thus acknowledged what has bees mentioned, likewise declared itself unable to take up the matter as being forbidden owing to defectu jurisdictionis.
The lady further argues that, as regards its enjoyment of rights and charcoaling according to general law, the estate belongs to the jurisdiction of the District Court, since it does not lie in any mining district and is not a mining- or crown-estate assigned to ally milling district, but is simply a taxed estate; and in view of this, the Mining Court has so much the less to do with it as being an oeconomicum [domestic matter]; together with much more that is voluminously brought forward to prove that these properties are true taxed estates.
As regards the first point, it is clear from its decree that the District Court reached a decision and conclusion in the matter of the dividing of the things peculiarly pertaining to the aforesaid works' farm, to wit, that in this farm there can be no splitting up or dividing. Thus, the District Court entirely rejected the Fru'spetitum [petition]; and to this extent it is incorrectly alleged that the Court dismissed the matter, and also that it did this ex defectu jurisdictionis; for the words in which it rejects such dividing as is insisted on by the lady are as follows: Inasmuch as none of the purchased property of the above Works is of such size or measurement that it can be split up or divided into five equally good parts, and Jns Jnsson's farm in Wy belongs to the parties only on mortgage for an advance of 800 Dal. k.mt., the estate being also situated in villages which have their uncut woods all together, so that the Works' farms do not own any separated woods, etc. In this matter, judgment is passed; the Fru's petitum is rejected; and reasons are adduced--and many other reasons can be adduced to establish that no division of woods or ground on the farm can be permitted, or can in any way be actually made. This matter then is not referred to another court, nor is it from any defectu jurisdictionis that the judgment handed down in respect to the desired division is negative. Still less is there any error in the procedure, unless the lady thinks it an error that the rejection does not accord with her desire and assertion.
When this matter had been decided by the District Court, the Court then finds that all that can be divided in the said farm is only the right of using the peasants' charcoal and work. This the District Court remitted to another forum. But the lady stoutly contends that it does not belong to the Mining Court, in view of reasons and arguments, based solely on the nature of a taxable estate, which are voluminously taken up and brought forward.
1 This is an ordinance decreeing that in mining districts, all cases involving the unlawful burning of wood shall be taken to the Mining Court of the district, and there adjudged. The ordinance was made in consequence of complaints that cases of the unlawful burning of wood for making charcoal for the use of forges, etc., came before the ordinary district court which was not composed of men skilled in mining matters, and thus the decisions led to disputes between the said court and the mining authorities. It was therefore decreed that "in all places where certain woods are found to be assigned to pits or mining works," all cases involving the unlawful burning of woods "shall be at once taken up and judged by the mining master with the mining court of the place" (Kgl. Frordningar angende Bergwercken och Bruken, Stockholm, 1737, p. 463 A copy of this work was in Swedenborg's library).
2 i.e., the one who conceived the idea.
The lady further adduces that the District Court dismissed to the Mining Court the dividing of the purchased wood tracts belonging to the Works, as being a matter wherewith the District Court could not concern itself. She adds that it is different with a milling estate in the mining district than with those estates which are purely taxed estates situated on their own free ground; and that if this matter shall be referred to the Mining Court, then--so she asserts--it should be considered as an error in the procedure. As concerns all this, the words in the decree read as follows: Neither does the District Court concern itself with the wood tracts bought for the use of Axmar's villagers, but leaves it to the parties in the place concerned to seek the division and surveying thereof--together with more that then follows.
Here, for my part, I find no suggestion of the division being sent to the Mining Court, nor has the Judge mentioned the Mining Court in this Point, but merely leaves the parties at the place concerned to seek a division and the survey thereof.
As to the third Point, complaint is made over the fact that the requested dividing of the house is referred to the Mining Court, and appeal is made to the late King Charles' letter of November 7th, 1707, to the College of Mines, concerning the valuing and examination by the Mining Master, of houses at Works; and she gives it the interpretation that jurisdiction was not thereby taken away from the District Court, but that it was to be determined by its means who shall carry out the execution, it lying with the district judge to name them.3 Hereon it only needs to be observed that the lady or her conceptist seems to be in ambiguo [in doubt] as to how the ordinance shall be adapted to the case in hand, and the case to the ordinance.
3 The letter referred to is entitled "Royal letter to the College of Mines, that the valuing of mines, inventories and buildings shall not be done without the knowledge and order of the College of Mines." It was written in consequence of a complaint by the College that it had written to the governors and sheriffs, asking them to inform the College of any valuations, inventories. etc., made by the mining master, as otherwise they could not keep track of the ownership of properties. The King made the giving of this information compulsory and ordained that the valuations, etc., shall be approved by the College (Kungliga Frordningar, p. 571).
As to the fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh Points, the lady complains of the judgment which orders that the meadows shall be measured off and divided when the surveyor comes to divide the wood tracts; and since the carrying out of this dividing was remitted to the Mining Court, and therefore it is uncertain when such dividing can be undertaken, therefore, the judge did not set a term but so arranged it that one can never see that the judgment in this case can come to actuality; but it would have been better had no fixed time been set, but that it had been left to the executor to seek assistance at the place, the sooner the better.
In the eighth Point, the lady laments that the judge assigned the dividing of the fish and fishing water to the inspection of a Hambrunge jury, which the lady thinks is a useless expense and throws no light on the matter since the fishing water is to be divided, not according to the shore, but according to the place where the nets are besides other matters which are there adduced. But since there is here no complaint as to any error in the procedure, therefore I hold strictly to the judgment which in this case as in the former has won legal confirmation, seeing, moreover, that a division could in no way be made without a preceding inspection, since two parties are in contradictoriis on the position of the nets, etc.
Ninth. Complaint is also made over the fact that the District Court made no judgment concerning the custom grain mill, but made the suggestion that it be put to rent or under management so that the income may be divided proportionaliter, it being thought that it was a suggestion to put me in a communion with the lady, from which she wishes to separate herself, she claiming that she should have the mill for four weeks, and that it then be left to my service for one week, and so on throughout the year. As to this also it is unnecessary to give any answer since no nullitatis querela [complaint as to the decree being null] is here brought forward, but in this Point also the judgment has won legal force, I for my part being unable to see any better or easier way to divide the revenue of the mill than to take a miller accustomed to work at other mills who shall have oversight of it and divide proportionately to the shareholders the fees that come in.
As to the Sywalt Mill which the District Court decides shall be torn down if we could not otherwise come to agreement, in this matter the District Court has followed the law and the ordinances; and since this is a means designed for evening up and dividing, I see no error committed thereby; for management and renting out is proposed as with the other mill, but as an alternative in order to separate us from each other, that it he pulled down.
10. The lady claims expenses which I also do on my side, and that I am justified in this shall be satisfactorily shown at the proper place.
Lastly, the lady alleges that since this judgment is not confirmed by law and ordinances, but gives opportunity for long delay, so that thereby the lady may wholly succumb if no help and justice intervenes, she requesting therefore that your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court will void the District Court's decree and hold the Court to the making of a judgment, and to separating us without hindrances and restraint. Here it seems that, under the appearance of longing for a division, the lady will adorn her matter as though it were her desire to make the division and to move out of the way all hindrances which may be shown on the occasion. I assented to the division, both orally and in writing, long before I was sued, and now every division that goes against her proposition is disapproved, so that all that is here aimed at is to trouble her shareholder with disputations and to take delight in the circumstance that one says that some advantageous consequence will follow in time.
For the rest, I remain, with deepest respect,
Your Excellency's and the
most worsh. Roy. High Court's
most humble servant,
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm,
July 5, 1726
List of Expenses
The Setting Forth and Copying of the Bill of Complaint 120:
Stamp thereto .30
Obtaining the Resolution with stamp 12
Total, dal. K.mt. 132:30
Emanuel Swedenborg
In accordance with the instructions of the Diet of 1723, with regard to the charcoal shortage in the copper mining district, the King had ordered the College of Mines to send a commission of inquiry to Fahlun and Avesta. Bergenstierna and Swedenborg were appointed as the Commission, and they were to leave Stockholm on July 12th. This led Swedenborg to address the Court of Appeals in the following letter dated JULY 9TH, 1726:
High well-born, etc.,1
Since, on the 12th instant, in accordance with the most gracious command of his Roy. Majesty, I shall go up to Fahlun, and there, together with the Herr local Mining Judge and Herr Assessor Bergenstierna, conduct an investigation over the iron works situated in the parishes which the Fahlun copper mining works and the Avesta crown works have in supervision, therefore I wish herewith most humbly to make this known to your Excellency and the most worsh. Court of Appeal, awaiting an answer, which also in humility, I ask for, that the guerula [complaint] against the Ugglebo and Hambronge District Court, handed in by Fru Professorska Brita Behm, will not so quickly be brought to a conclusion, especially in view of the fact that the holidays are at hand, and I think I will be back again for the next court in September. I remain, with the deepest respect,
Your Excellency's, etc.,
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm
July 9, 1726
1 In future the formal titles at the beginnings of letters, and the formal inscriptions at the end, will be omitted. Enough of them have been printed to acquaint the reader with the custom of the period in this respect.
Swedenborg came back to Stockholm on August 31st, and at once took up his work in the Bergscollegium. It was not long, however before the Behm lawsuit again engaged his attention.
On September 16th, Judge Stiernmark of the Ugglebo Court sent to the Stockholm Court of Appeal his counter-memorial presenting the reasons for his judgment; and later, Fru Behm presented to the Court her answer to Swedenborg--this time it was a very short one. Its nature will appear from Swedenborg's rebuttal, which was presented in the form of a Memorial dated
OCTOBER 4, 1726
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
The following serves as a humble answer to Professorska Fru Brita Behm's humble Memorial which was handed in loco conferentiae [in place of a conference],
1. At the dividing of the estate, it is not asserted that each separate farm should be divided into five equal parts, but that as many parts as the Fru could take upon herself may be separated from my one-fifth part.
On this point the answer has previously been given in humility that such partition cannot be instituted, for the reasons given in the judgment and in my answer. The Hchels Tuga, which is a modest farm in a village, cannot, according to law, be split up into five parts; neither can even the farm in Wi which is under mortgage. Nor is it thought that any partition can be made, unless the woods be also divided.
In the first place, they belong to a private Works or to the owner of the Works; they are situated in villages, like those stationed in Haeckels Tuga, Axmar and Gran; but all these tracts with all the villages in which the said estate is situated have been under the disposition of the Bergscollegium now for twenty-six years past, and, together with their charcoaling, have been subject to the Axmar Works; so that if the said estate owns nothing more, still the peasant has no freedom to carry his charcoal wheresoever he will, but, likewise in accordance with the aforesaid disposition, must send it to the Axmar Works. If then the Roy. Bergscollegium has already made disposition of the charcoaling by the villages, be it their own or not, how can their further disposition be taken away from the same forum? Should not the College have the right to divide between two conflicting shareholders the charcoal which the Roy. College has previously cut off from the next neighboring works and laid under the control of Axmar?
1 On Feb. 6, 1707, Charles XII issued an ordinance giving to the College of Mines jurisdiction in all disputes as to charcoal rights. A like decree was issued by King Frederick on Oct. 12, 1725 (Frordningar, 566, 662).
2. As regards the dividing of the Axmar woods which the District Court remitted to its proper place, to wit, the executor, as can be clearly seen from the words themselves and also from the paragraphs that follow, the lady desires to have even clearer light as to whether the meaning is either that it belongs to the one forum or to the other. The light is indeed clear enough in the letter and in the context, provided no other beams blind the sight. It is indeed a matter I consented to both orally and in writing long before I was summoned; it is a matter which the judge has not been able to take up as a disputed matter, and wherein no judgment seems to be needed; it is a matter which I now also declare to be uncontested. If it belongs to the one forum or the other, what need is there to carry it so high? The lady has indeed the power now as before to petition the executor to ask the surveyor to institute the dividing. To argue about foris [courts] in such a matter, and to make the uncontested contested, is to dispute de lana caprina [about goat's wool]. But it is the same in this case as in all else wherein I have been summoned. I have previously consented both orally and in writing to almost everything. But then since every materia litis [subject of litigation] seems to have disappeared and to be taken away from the lady, no reflection is given to any consent or approval, but I must follow along and he involved in unnecessary quarrels, that the opponent may thus have something in hand with which to amuse himself and pass the time, and likewise to disturb the fellow shareholder. And to make his case a favorable one, he is pleased to set upon it a fair appearance with fine colors, as, that it was the lady who requested and desired the division. But since a judge can well separate the unright colors and paintings from the right, therefore I do not doubt that they who temere litigera [rashly go to law] will, in the end, be regarded in accordance with the ordinances.
As regards Points 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, I have given sufficient explanation of these in my previous humble answer, and to me it is altogether the same whether the District Court or the Mining Court decides the matter and carries out the dividing, if only I may be freed from the discomforts in which the shareholder or her counsellor finds it well constantly to hold me.
As regards the custom mill, I have nothing further to bring forward, than what has been previously brought forward, but merely beg in humility, that since the prescribed time is now passed and no appeal is asked for, the decree may have the force which the law gives it. Stockholm, Oct. 4, 1726.
Em. Swedenborg
Meanwhile a storm was brewing which centered around the person of Count Mauritz Wellingk (1651-1726) who had long been a prominent figure in Sweden's political history. In 1719, the first year of the "time of freedom," he was an ardent member of the Holstein party, the party which wished to put upon the throne of Sweden, Duke Carl of Holstein, the son of Sophia, the Duchess of Holstein, Charles XII's oldest sister. When, however, Ulrica Eleonora and Frederick were established on the throne, Wellingk, knowing their extreme desire to enlarge the royal power which had been so greatly limited by the constitution to which the King and Queen had solemnly sworn, declared himself in sympathy with this desire, and so became a prince's favorite. But to enlarge the royal power, followers were needed, and for followers, money. In 1722, for the purpose of securing this, it was asserted that Wellingk negotiated for the King a secret loan in Prussia, offering as security certain Swedish lands. Finally the King, fearing discovery, gave up his design and returned the loan, minus a considerable part which he had already spent. Later Wellingk returned to his old Hulstein party. This, of course, estranged him from the King, and in 1726 the latter, urged by the haters of the Holstein party, gave the whole correspondence to the Secret Committee of the Diet, light-heartedly excusing himself for his part in the affair. The excuse was willingly received, for here was an opportunity of finally killing the Holstein claims.
* Since Ulrica and her husband were now established on the throne, the aim of the Holstein Party was to secure to the Duke of Holstein the succession to the throne.
On October 19th, the Secret Committee represented to the House of Nobles that, in order to secure Wellingk's papers they had set guards around his house and forbidden him all communication with the outer world. This caused an immense stir, for not only did he have many friends in the house, including his son-in-law Lt. Gen. Baner, but there was naturally some sympathy with the seventy-five year old man, who had filled so large and honorable a place in the history of Sweden.
A memorial by Wellingk was read before the Diet, asking to be relieved from an arrest which was unconstitutional. His son-in-law sought to have this granted, after which a commission could be appointed to examine into the whole matter.
It was finally decided that Wellingk should be tried, meanwhile being kept under arrest. But on OCTOBER 25TH, the question arose as to whether the trial should be conducted by the Secret Committee or by a special commission. On this day Swedenborg presented his vote in writing to the House of Nobles in full session:
My inoffensive thought is that since his Excellency Riksrd2 Herr Count Wellingk, in his Memorial presented this day to the most worsh. House of Nobles, requests that his papers and documents may be left in his hands and not be opened and reviewed by others, and this for reasons and motives which the Riksrd brings forward in his memorial; therefore, since this is a matter of no little weight and consequence, and concerns not only the person of a Riksrd but likewise his correspondence with ministers and high persons in foreign lands; and, moreover, one seldom finds that any kingdom proceeds to this extremity; therefore, for my part, I hold that it would be safest that a commission of the Estates of the Realm be appointed, under the same oath of silence as is enjoined on the Secret Committee; the commission to consist of twelve persons from the House of Nobles, but among them four members of the Secret Committee, who shall examine into the matter, and work it out and submit its opinion to the House of Nobles as to whether or not and to what extent the writings and documents of Riksrd and Count Herr Wellingk should be opened and looked through by men in the same commission appointed for the purpose.
Em. Swedenborg
2 The Riksrd was the supreme council of the kingdom which directed the government of Sweden when the Diet was not in session, for which reason it was called Riksrd (council of the kingdom) and not Royal Council. Each of its members was appointed by the King from three nominations made by the Diet.
The House of Nobles' commission, finally appointed on November 15 and 18 consisted of twelve (Malmstrm 2:9). These, together with the members appointed by the other Houses, recommended to the Diet on April 27th, 1727, the infliction of the death penalty. On May 2, the Diet modified this to life imprisonment, but Count Wellingk died on July 10th while being conducted to prison.
In October or November, Swedenborg appears to have heard from his father, that his stepbrother Anton Swab had written asking for money--it was not the first time that Anton had made this request of the Bishop. Swab, an apprentice in the Bergscollegium, was at this time (1723-27) on a foreign journey studying mining and mineralogy, and needed the money, presumably to continue the journey. Apparently the Bishop asked Emanuel whether he could find the money, or part of it, or could lend it, or could draw it from some funds owned by the Bishop, or in some other way, to satisfy the young man's request. At any rate, Swedenborg sent his father a draft for 700 daler for this purpose, and he received a letter from Jonas Unge, his brother-in-law, dated September 20th, acknowledging receipt of this sum.
Unge did not at all approve of the Bishop's giving away the family money to his stepson. This is seen from a letter which he addressed to Swedenborg, dated Wnga,3 NOVEMBER 25TH, 1726:
3 A village a few miles south of Skara where Unge was the local pastor.
My highly hon'd d. Brother:
Last Tuesday I had the honor of writing to d. Brother and telling him therein that the Bishop has accepted brother's draft for 700 daler for Br. Anton Swab's needs. It would be fine if he is thereby assisted. The Biskopinna1 was very thankful to d. Brother for looking after this matter.2
1 The Bishop's wife. The Swedish custom, and it is still observed, was to give a wife the feminine form of the title held by her husband. Thus the wife of a doctor was called doktorinna so and so; the wife of a professor, professorska, etc. So in England with the terms Duchess, Countess, etc.
2 Anton Swab was the Biskopinna's own son. The following table explains the complicated relationships:
Helena Bergia....Sister of Bishop Swedberg's second wife (1697).
married
Anton Swab Sr.........(2d marriage) Christina Arrhusia, later (1720) Bishop Swedberg's third wife
/ /
Anders Swab Anton Swab
Anders was the Swab who disputed the precedency in the Bergscollegium spoken of on p. 376. He became Councillor in the Bergscollegium in 1730 and died in 1731. His stepbrother Anton obtained national reputation as mineralogist.
3This is one of the letters preserved only in the copy made by Bergius. Evidently he here omitted part of the letter. See p. 288.
As regards a deputed representative to the House of Nobles, and not the capita familiarum [heads of families]4 as heretofore, I have long heard talk about this down here; but I think that the House of Nobles will then lose much of its prestige which it has now maintenerat [maintained] tolerably well, so long as it could be minded to take strength from the phrasi Biblicae, Plures sumus [we are many].5
4 This refers to a question which on November 9th had been a subject of considerable discussion in the House of Nobles. The ancient practice hall been that each noble family chose one of its number to attend the Diet. Later it became the custom for the oldest son to be the representative. The noble families were now so numerous that not only was the hall of the House of Nobles unable to accommodate them, but the meetings were frequently the scenes of confusion, shouting and even brawls. In the 1726 Diet, it was therefore proposed that all the noble families in a single district should come together and elect a deputed representative, and that he alone be entitled to a seat in the House of Nobles. The matter came up for a full dress discussion on November 9, when it was finally decided that the oldest son of each family, and only he, shall be entitled to a seat (R. o. Ad. Prot. 161 seq.; Valentine, Frihetshetens Riddarhus, 113 seq.).
5 See Roms. 12:5: "We, being many, are one body in Christ, and every one members one of another." See also I Cor. 10:17, 20.
I hope the Diet may come to a happy close, and this at Christmas,6 I remaining, for the rest, with hearty greeting and high respect,
my highly honored d. Brother's
obedient servant,
J. Unge
Wnga, November
25, 1726
6 It actually ended in August 1727.
On November 8th, both Swedenborg and Rosenadler representing Brita Behm were called before the Court of Appeal for questioning. In answer to the Court, Swedenborg stated that the farms could not be divided but only the income thereof, and Rosenadler, that this would lead to endless quarrels, and that the farms could be divided. Finally the Court asked the parties whether they could not be united in agreeing that the farms themselves should be allocated by lot, so that each party would receive as many as he was entitled to. Swedenborg agreed to this and said he would seek a reconciliation; but Rosenadler protested against it on the ground that Swedenborg, by his unfounded objections, had caused Fru Behm such great expense.
After the parties had left, the Court decided by a vote of 8 to 2, that the Ugglebo Court had erred, and that Fru Behm had the right to appeal; but the two who supported the Ugglebo Court's decision were the highest officials of the Court of Appeal, namely, the Vice-President Jns Noordenhjelm and the President Baron Scheffer. These supported the Ugglebo Court in every respect except as to the dividing of the house and as to the destruction of one of the mills. They adjudged that the dividing of the house should not have been remitted to the Mining Court; and that the question of destroying one of the mills should not have been raised since neither party had brought it up.
In accordance with his promise to the Court, Swedenborg addressed to his Aunt a letter dated NOVEMBER 10, 1726:
Highly honored Fru Moster:
Because at the last Conference, in the presence of the Roy. Court of Appeal, I promised that I would sound Fru Moster, as to whether the dispute we have between us concerning the dividing at Axmar that still remains, may be settled in a friendly way, especially since in itself it is of little value and Fru Moster knows in her conscience that no blame attaches to me that the dispute was commenced; and besides this, it is uncertain whether it will end according to Fru Moster's pleasure;
Stockholm, 10, November 1726.
Em. Swedenborg
But Fru Behm, determined not to enter into ally private arrangement with her nephew, answered that lie must address himself to her son-in-law, Herr Rosenadler, who had complete charge of the case. Therefore Swedenborg, being unaware of the Court's decision of November 10 which had not yet become official, felt he had no other recourse than again to address the Court. This he did in a memorial dated NOVEMBER 14, 1726:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
According to my promise, I sounded Fru Professorska Brita Behm last week, by a letter of the 10th inst., as seen in Let. A, as to whether the Fru Professorska desired that the disputes which have arisen between us might be settled peacefully, but have obtained no other answer thereto save that I must speak thereon with her authorized agent, Herr Counsellor of Chancery Rosenadler, the Fru not concerning herself with the matter. I received the same answer from the Fru on a previous occasion, to wit, that the matter no longer belongs to the Fru but to the Herr Counsellor of Chancery; and since, in the same way, the Herr Counsellor of Chancery seems likewise to have adopted the same manner of procedure, and since he has expressed himself before his Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court as not being willing to condescend to any settlement, therefore, in case the Herr Counsellor of Chancery should still further reject my offer which I made only at the bidding of his Excellency and the Roy. Court, the matter ought to be concluded without any further conference.
1 In consideration of the destruction of the Axmar Works wrought by the Russians in 1719, the government relieved it of all taxation for a period of eight years. See p. 446.
Meanwhile, it will not, I trust, be taken as unnecessary that I venture to add something which, because of the haste, I could not well bring to mind in the hearing at the Conference, namely: Since the dividing of the real properties has been decided by the Judge with reason, and the dispute now is only as to how far the dividing of the uses of the estate rightly belongs to the jurisdiction of the District Court or of the Mining Court, therefore the first reason on my side, which also was previously brought out, is that the farm belongs to a private Works and so is a Works' farm, the division whereof or the right of disposing of its usables, devolves on the Bergscollegium by reason of the instruction graciously given it at the last Diet; and the more so, since here the peasant is not under the obligation of paying a yearly rent to the owner, but uses the estate's woods and land as if they were his own, provided only he delivers the charcoal which he makes, to the Works, at a price somewhat lower than others pay. Not so the other farms in the same villages, which do not belong to a private Works. As regards their charcoal work and the present partition thereof, this comes so much the more under the jurisdiction of the Bergscollegium since they are already disposed of, and in case they come to be further divided or disposed of as between the Fru Professorska and myself--I mean the farms which are not our own--first the oeconomicum must be settled, as to whether I am to enjoy one-fifth part in their charcoaling, or whether more or less; for the one farm forges yearly 900 skeppunds2 and the other only 600, according to the forging tax,3
2 A little over 1800 tons.
3 A tax on forged iron of one per cent, payable to the crown in iron. Each forge was allowed to produce only a certain amount of iron. What it produced above this was confiscated.
His Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court will please allow this to be entered on the protocol loco conferentiae [in the place of a conference], and since I have nothing further to remark, I hope that his Excellency and the Roy. Court will hear Herr Chancery Counsellor Rosenadler on this matter, as to whether he desires this, I being well content that this take place in my absence, and this as the Herr Chancery Counsellor pleases. In any case, I am assured that his Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court will do nought else than what is just and righteous, whether I sisterer [present] myself at the conference or not.
Stockholm, 14 November 1726.
Em. Swedenborg
This Memorial was accompanied by a copy, marked A, of the letter of November 10th to Fru Behm (p. 410).
On Friday, November 17th, two days after Swedenborg's Memorial, the Court called the two parties to a conference. In answer to questions, both Rosenadler and Swedenborg affirmed that the Mining Master--an official of the Bergscollegium--had not made any division of the house at Axmar. The Court then asked them whether they could not come to an agreement with respect to the grain mills, either by having them rented out, or by letting some one manage them. Rosenadler stated that the income was not enough for any one to subsist on it, and that it was impossible to find any outlet whereby quarrels could he avoided if there were a common use of the mills. Swedenborg, on the other hand, entirely submitted himself to the judgment of the Court.
On December 6th, the Court's decree was handed down, and, as previously, it sustained Brita Behm's every claim. The decree was silent as to costs. There appears to have been an exchange of letters on the subject, between Fru Behm and her nephew, for it was not until December 12th that the former addressed a supplique to the Court, inquiring as to this phase of the case.
The Court took up the matter on the following day, and after "the letters exchanged between ... Fru Brita Behm and Assessor ... Emanuel Swedenborg, concerning Fru Behm's petition" had been read, Rosenadler and Swedenborg were called in and asked whether they had anything to add.
Rosenadler answered that, since the Court's finding had changed the decree of the District Court in many respects, "should not his mother-in-law have reasonable cause of complaint against the District Court's judgment, and be now entitled to demand expenses from Assessor Swedenborg?"
Swedenborg gave his answer in the form of a written memorial dated DECEMBER 13, 1726:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
I have reason to thank his Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court, for the receipt of the Resolution between Fru Professorska Brita Behm and myself, inasmuch as by this I attain my end, in that the differences which have come up between us will now be adjusted so much the more speedily, and the division will approach its completion. But that the Fru Professorska claims expenses, to this the following serves for an humble answer:
1. That I do not find that the judgment is against me on any point, since, in the humble memorial which I last handed in, I expressed myself thus: And it would be wholly the same to me whether the District Court or the Mining Court decides the matter and carries out the dividing, and the words that there follow. And now more closely to show the same, I have asserted both at the District Court and in the most. worsh. Roy. Court, that only the right of the use and disposition of the charcoal by the estate belongs to the Mining Court's jurisdiction; and as regards this, I have not offered any answer, but it can be said that I previously provided for this. As concerns the dividing of the house, I have neither requested at the District Court nor later defended in the Roy. Court, that the dwelling house shall he divided by the Mining Master, but have used only the one iron storehouse situated hard by the Works, and in this matter, the Resolution is not against me.
2. Besides this, it is I who, to a still greater extent, can with more just cause claim expenses; for reason and documents could be produced, showing that I have been unnecessarily brought into a lawsuit when I previously yielded to everything that the lady call with reason claim.
3. His Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court have already found the case to be of such nature that no expenses shall be paid on the one side or the other, and therefore this matter is touched on in not a single word; therefore it seems vain that at the end my opponent shall raise the question, especially since, had the matter merited expenses, then, according to general custom, it would not have been omitted from the Resolution. My opponent should therefore be content with the grace she has already received.
Stockholm, December 13, 1726
Em. Swedenborg
After dismissing the parties, the Court then found that since it had not passed on the main matter of contention, but had referred the matter back to the District Court, it could not concern itself with the matter of expenses, but these might be sued for at law. Swedenborg and Rosenadler were again called in, and this decision was communicated to them.
Fru Behm was not satisfied to have the case come again under the jurisdiction of Judge Stiernmark, and therefore on February 13, 1727, she filed a supplique with the Court of Appeal, stating that, in view of the question as to Judge Stiernmark's competence to serve, she hesitated to trust the case to him, and requested that it he tried in an extra court under Judge Grefesml.
A copy of this supplique was communicated to Swedenborg on February 23, and he answered it in a letter to the Court dated MARCH 9, 1727:
I am humbly thankful for the communication of the supplique which Professorska Fru Brita Behm, in humility, handed in to your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court on the 13th of February last, and which was delivered to me on the 23d of the same month, wherein the Fru Professorska, on the ground that the District Judge, well-born Herr Lars Stiernmark, issued some interlocutory decrees unnecessarily, requests that District Judge, the highly esteemed Herr Johan Engelbrecht Gravesml be appointed in his place in the case disputed between us, as to the dividing of the Axmar Works.
As concerns the interlocutory decrees themselves:
1. In regard to the first decree of June 10th, 1725, that, in accordance with law and procedure, the Fru Professorska must make specifications in her summons, the Fru acquiesced with the Judge's decision therein without in any way setting it in question. Therefore no reason for giving up the judge can be drawn from this.
2. In regard to the second decree of October 26th, 1725, which recognized as valid my excuse that I could not make answer in the voluminously set forth suit at law, because I was at that time engaged on a Roy. business, the Fru Professorska entered her complaint with your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court, and then, at the representation of your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court, I consented to make answer at the next District Court; and since this was a complete admission, so neither could the Fru Professorska find this interlocutory decree to be a reason for giving up the judge.
3. As to the last Resolution pronounced by your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court, on the 6th December last, wherein the District Court's decree is voided in some matters because of errors, the Fru Professorska has herself requested that the same case might be referred back to the judge in the place, and this your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court also resolved on in the following words: For the rest, both this and the other above-mentioned matters which also the District Court remitted from itself to another forum, are herewith remitted to the District Court to be taken up and decided. And, therefore, since the Fru Professorska requested of your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court the very thing that was resolved, I hope and humbly request that no change may be made therein, especially since the Judge probably did not commit such errors.
4. Therefore he cannot with reason be replaced in his office, in that he remitted some matters to the Mining Court, since he had then no ordinance to follow. And
5. If an extraordinary District Court should be set up, which as yet has had no knowledge of the matter, it would not only increase the labor and care of both parties in repeating all that has previously been brought forward and of which the regular judge has already good knowledge, but also, for Point
6. The expenses at such an extraordinary Court would amount to more than the merita themselves are worth, and would run to more than the total of all that is disputed.
Therefore, because of the reasons set forth, I live in the humble and sure hope that your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court will permit no change in what your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court has already resolved, I remaining, with the deepest respect,
Your Excellency's, etc.,
Stockholm, March 9, 1727.
Emanuel Swedenborg
During the preceding months from early in 1726, a great political battle had been waging between Count Hem, the head of the government, who favored an alliance with England and France, and his opponents who wished Sweden to ally herself with Austria and Russia against Germany whereby they hoped to recover some of the lost provinces. So nice was the balance between the two parties that in the Privy Council Horn won merely by the casting vote of the King. Realizing, however, the importance of the matter, for an alliance with Russia meant perhaps the success of the Holstein claim to the throne,1 and would likely lead to war, while an alliance with England and France meant that peace which was so sorely needed by impoverished Sweden, Horn brought the matter before the whole Diet. This was done on March 15, 1727 by a report from the Secret Committee, announcing the formation of an alliance with Hanover (i.e., with England) and France. The terms of the alliance were not divulged, and there was sharp protest against this secrecy by many of the members. The matter was hotly debated in a long session of the House of Nobles, as to the right of the Secret Committee to make an alliance.
1 In 1726, the Duke of Holstein, the son of Charles XII's older sister, who claimed succession to the Swedish throne, had married Anna, the daughter of Peter the Great of Russia.
Since the Secret Committee of the Estates of the Realm has been pleased to communicate to the House of Nobles part and notification of the accessionem [entrance into the Hanover alliance, and in this notification has given the assurance that all that prudence has been observed which the great importance of the matter demands, therefore it will not be taken in disfavor if I, for my part, offer the humble suggestion, which, however, is submitted to the riper judgment of the most worsh. House of Nobles, as to whether the Alliance treaty with all the points thereof should not be read at the next plenum [joint meeting of the four houses]* that a better understanding may be had as to the caution which has been observed therewith, the Estates of the Realm being so much the more entitled to hear that read to them which concerns the whole kingdom, both private individuals and the public, and, in any case, within a short time, this treaty will be made public.
Em. Swedenborg
* This is an error. The plenum was a full meeting of the House, as distinguished from the meetings of Deputations; the meeting of the four Houses together, called the plenum plenorum, was purely ceremonious, being called to listen to the King or his representative, and the respectful response made by each of the presiding officers of the four Houses. There was no discussion (Convers. Lex., s.v. plenum plenorum).
As it turned out, however, Swedenborg's suggestion could not be followed, even had this been desired; for at the very commencement of the next session of the House on March 18th, a committee from the other Houses presented itself and reported entire approval of the alliance. This ended the matter, because if three Houses approved an action, that action became the action of the Diet.2
2 If two Houses approved and two opposed, no action was taken.
In addition to the trouble which Swedenborg experienced in the lawsuit with his aunt, he had troubles in connection with the forges in Gestrickland and Helsingfors which had already been allocated to him in the division of the Behm inheritance. These were caused by restrictive ordinances which subjected iron works to unnecessary expense. On this subject, he addressed a memorial to the College of Mises which is signed by himself and by his cousin Olof Rudbeck.3
3 Olof Rudbeck, Jr. (1660-1740) was professor of medicine at Upsala from 1691 to 1730 when he retired. Nine years later he was appointed royal physician, but he died in the following year. Why he was associated with Swedenborg in his memorial is not apparent. By purchase he had become half-owner with Swedenborg of the Skinnskatteberg forge in Westmanland, and it may be that he also had an interest in one or other of the Gestrickland or Helsingsfors forges. He became Swedenborg's cousin by marriage with Catharine Schnstrm (originally Swedberg) who died in 1720, and their daughter married Lt. Col. Pace Horleman who owned iron furnaces at Forsbacka in Gestrickland, thirteen miles southwest of Gefle.
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
1. Noblemen1 who own mining works are concerned over the fact that they are obliged to carry taxed charcoal from their own woods and forges to other forges whose owners have acquired them at auction; and likewise, that in many places charcoal in natura is taken from smelters to forgers, when the owner of the smeltery or forge can far better serve himself, and ought so to do, from the charcoal of his own woods on which they have privileges above their neighbors. The taking of taxed charcoal for a nobler work is another matter, and this is not here contravened, but only that it be not taken from smelters and from one forge to another. Therefore the noblemen ask that it may be permitted them to retain their taxed charcoal and to release it by paying the same amount which the other purchaser must pay, and may not be bound to give it in natura to another works of the same kind, and thus help another to the injury of themselves. Hereby no loss in income can come to the crown.
1 Adel properly signifies any mall of title as distinguished from peasants, burghers and priests.
2. Likewise, that when, by long dependence on them, these woods are so thinned out that he himself needs them for the maintenance of his works, the owner of a works, being a nobleman who of old has promised to settle church and other dues with charcoal in natura, might be permitted to satisfy the same dues in money in accordance with general law; yet in such way that the priest can have his surrogatum [assistant] and his enjoyment, and the owner the support and maintenance of his works by his own charcoal.
3. Since the House of Nobles would not deprive itself of the right to ship to foreign shores its own effects and its own products, such as iron and other like things, whether they be manufactured at free or taxed works, or to carry on business therewith, therefore it is the request of the nobility that in such business as is carried on with their own productions and their own products, they be not burdened with the laying on of taxes; but should any of the nobility wish, in accordance with their privileges, to carry on business, whether with foreign lands or at home, and if this is not done with their own effects, and there is then laid upon them a certain tax, the nobility think that this can be done by the magistrate; hut should a tax be imposed or asked which is larger than corresponds to their business, that the Roy. Commerce College should then have the authority to change and modify it in accordance with the state of the business.
4. The nobility which owns works in Gestrickland and Helsingland requests likewise that it may be wholly forbidden to export boards or sawn timber from places where works are established. At the last Diet, the exporting of boards was indeed permitted, but for the reason that it was previously given out that otherwise boards already sawn and also cut logs would lie in the woods and rot.1a Now since, at this place, woods belonging to a works are already so thinned out by excessive unlawful sawing and the carrying off of timber sawed at the place, that in many places it is hard to find any large timber for the repair of a smeltery or forge, and, in time, a still greater lack thereof will exist; both in this mining district,2 as in many others in the kingdom, one is likely in the end to be obliged to buy from foreign lands the supply of large timber which is necessary for the maintenance of Swedish forging and smelting works, it being so much the more urgent that the same woods on the shore and at lakes be conserved, that from them in time other mining districts may be taken care of. Therefore the nobility asks that all exporting of boards and sawn timber from the places in Gestrickland and Helsingland where works are situated, be forbidden.
1a See Frordningar, p. 635, ordinance of Sept., 1723, permitting the use of woods for boards, etc.
2Gestrickland and Helsingland were administered by the College of Mines as a single mining district.
5. The nobility of Gestrickland and Helsingland who own works are also concerned over the high rate they must pay for freightage from Utha3 to their works. Formerly it was customary to pay 3 marks k.m. per skeppund for freightage, but now the freight rate has so risen that for each skeppund of ore nine to ten marks must be paid, being three or four times the former customary price, and almost the same as the freightage to Holland and England, and double the price of the ore itself. Because of this, pig iron at one's own smeltery comes to from 24 to 25 daler for each skeppund, and should the price of iron now fall, the works must come to ruin merely because of the expense of freightage. All, therefore, which thus seems to bring the Helsingland Gestrickland works to inevitable ruin if a remedy be not procured in respect to the wrongful increase of freight rates, which supposedly in some measure is thought to have its origin in the privileges granted to burghers at the last Diet, that they alone shall have the business of freighting--as to all this the nobility requests that an investigation be made as to the real cause of this, and then that measures be taken which will tend to the maintenance of the mining districts.
3 Uth or Ut (the island Ut) is a small island some fifty miles southeast of Stockholm, famous for its rich production of iron ore.
6. At the same time, the nobility which owns works, requests that it may not be forbidden them to export their manufactured iron bars from their own storehouses and forges to the staple cities, and that they be not obliged to carry their iron through Gefle or other cities merely for the sake of there paying the weighing charges, etc., which are demanded for such transport. This can the less be forbidden to the nobility, since it so well accords with their privileges, and also since all other works which are situated at a greater distance from the cities own this advantage.
Emanuel Swedenborg. Olof Rudbeck.
Fru Behm had of course received from the Court of Appeal a copy of Swedenborg's refutation of her argument for the replacement of Judge Stiernmark. She delayed some time before answering this refutation, but on April 10th "loco conferentiae," that is, in place of a conference with her opponent, she presented a further and more detailed argument in support of her request.
The Court of Appeal's decision on Fru Behm's request for an extra court to try her case, was handed down on April 15th, 1727. The Court resolved (presumably by a vote of 8 to 2 as previously) that Fru Behm's request be granted. The decision was communicated to both parties, and three days later, Swedenborg handed in to the Court a letter dated APRIL 18, 1727
High well-born Herr Baron, etc.,
Since on receiving and reading through the Resolution which your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court of Appeal pronounced between Professorska Brita Behm and myself, I find that your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court, contrary to my expectation, have been pleased to appoint District Judge Herr Grevesmhl as extraordinary judge, on the ground that the Ugglebo District Court, in its decision between us pronounced on June 14th, 1726, brought forward a reason for his judgment which concerns the principal matter itself which now comes to be adjudicated; and since your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court does not touch on any of the reasons which my opponent brought forward; therefore, considering these reasons to be matters on which no reflection has been made, or that I should no longer refute them after the Resolution of your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court has been pronounced, I will pass this by.
This only do I complain of, that since Fru Professorska entered her humble Memorial loco conferentiae on the 10th inst., and this was first delivered to me on the 13th inst., in the shortness of the time I did not have the opportunity humbly to come in with a humble answer and contra-memorial thereon, which yet I intended to do. Nor did I have the good fortune to be called to a hearing when, in the matter concerning the dividing of the estate, I had thought wholly to devote myself, in the presence of your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court, to the point that the reason for the judgment in this case, brought forward by the District Court, should not lie as a hindrance in my path, and I, for this reason, be injured and be subject to a costly extraordinary district court.
[1] And since this occasion did not come to me, therefore, in order to express my humble thoughts thereon, I will now explain that I will agree to the dividing of the estate in accordance with the Fru Professorska's assertions, but with the reservation that the ordinary court take up and decide the other matters.
2. Likewise, since your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court, in the Resolution of December 6, 1726, remitted these complicated matters to the District Court for settlement, but they are now committed to an extraordinary court, at which many times greater costs are demanded than at an ordinary court; and since the principal matter itself is not of as great value as the costs at an extraordinary court are likely to amount to, but my opponent seeks thereby to lead me into a costly and long drawn suit; therefore it is my humble request, in case an extraordinary court comes to be set up in this matter, that it please your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court most justly to express itself as to whether all the extra costs may then be laid on my opponent, and this so much the more, since I could trot consent to the same court. On this point I have the honor to await a favorable Resolution and explanation by your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court; remaining, meanwhile, with deep respect, etc.
Stockholm, April 18, 1727.
Emanuel Swedenborg*
* This letter was read by the Court on April 19, and was transmitted to Brita Behm on April 20.
The Court answered this letter on the 22nd, in a Resolution. As to the conference, Swedenborg had not asked for one, nor had the Court thought one necessary. The Court could not express itself on the merits of the case since the main matter of contention was not before it; and as to costs, this would be decided in due form by the Extraordinary Court.
Swedenborg had had little hope that his request would be granted, and on the very day that the above Resolution was decreed, APRIL 22ND, he handed ill to the Court notice of an appeal to the King.
Because I find myself constrained to come before his Majesty supplicando in humility against the Resolution pronounced by your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court of Appeal, on the 15th inst., between Fru Professorska Brita Behm and myself, therefore I have the honor in humility herewith to announce the same to your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court of Appeal; remaining with deepest respect, etc.
Emanuel Swedenborg
Unfortunately this notice of appeal was filed just a few minutes, as it seems, after the expiration of the legal time during which appeal could be made. This the Court pointed out in its Resolution of April 24th, in response to the above notice. The Resolution stated that since Swedenborg sought the Royal beneficium revisionis, "neither in the proper may, nor within the time which the Roy. Ordinances prescribe," the Court cannot receive his notice of appeal. Rosenadler and Swedenborg were then called in and notified to the above effect.
But though Aunt Brita had won on every point thus far, she was not content; for on April 24th, she handed into the Court a "humble explanation" in which she comments on Swedenborg's letter of April 18th. While wondering at the Assessor's "obstinacy," she yet derived satisfaction from the hope that the Judges who, like others, had found it hard "to penetrate" into the Assessor's "secret intention," would now see his "singular interest" in the many unnecessary interlocutories made against her by Judge Stiernmark, whom he wishes to retain. He now betrays himself, for delay would be a means whereby he, meanwhile, would continue to profit at her expense. She would "like to see how he would find himself at the end before the highest judgment seat." As to his appeal to the King, he had come in with this "after the clock had struck twelve, when the fixed time had already passed, and the Resolution had gained legal force." As to costs, she intended to see to it that she would be reimbursed for the expenses she had incurred "owing to the conduct" of Swedenborg and the District Judge. The Assessor's own conscience convicted him that he had done her wrong, and he need never entertain the thought that the main matter of contention would come under his judgment.
Whether or not the extraordinary court was held is not known. From documents3 to which I had access during my last visit to Sweden (1947), I find that the case was heard by Judge Grevesmhl in the summer of 1727. Swedenborg accepted all the finding of Judge Grevesmhl except the heavy costs which were imposed on him. Against these he appealed to another Court, which put most of the costs on Brita Behm; but it charged Swedenborg with 484 d. Kmt for the extra house room used by Lindbohm over the 2 1/5 to which Swedenborg was entitled, plus 2 the cost of some of the Court proceedings, making a total of 940 d. Kmt. Swedenborg's salary as Assessor was 36,000 dalers Kmt.It is probable, however, that it was not held or that the case was postponed; for as late as October, the parties appear to be exchanging proposals for a settlement.
3 Vster Norrderads Lagsaga Lagmansrtts Dombocker, 1727, pp. 529, 530, 559-67a.
4 Abraham Daniel Schnstrm (1692-1759) was the youngest son of Bishop Swedberg's older brother Fetter Swedberg (ennobled Schnstrm) by his second wife; his first wife was the sister of Swedenborg's mother, Jesper and Fetter having married two sisters. Thus Abraham Daniel Schnstrm was the stepbrother of the Peter Schnstrm who had furnished Swedenborg with genealogical data concerning their family. From 1722-21, Abraham Daniel was an auscultant in the College of Mines. In 1724 he went on a foreign journey of investigation into mining matters. On his return to Sweden in 1727--the year of the present letter--he decided to give up a career in the College of Mines and became a court chamberlain, an office which he filled to the day of his death. By inheritance from his father, he was the owner of iron works at Jnsarbo (now Walbricka) in Wermland some twenty miles south of Skinnskatteberg where were Swedenborg's iron works.
Highly honored d. Brother:
I thank my brother for his kind letter. As concerns the meadows at Oslatfors, a Resolution was made concerning them last week. Brother Horleman likely took out the Resolution; the Governor's was simpliciter confirmed.1
1 The reference is probably to some court Resolution or decree concerning meadows belonging to some iron works at Oslttfors, some eighteen miles northwest of Cede, which perhaps belonged to A. D. Schnstrm. "Brother Horleman" is Captain Pace Horleman (1681-1763). In 1721 he married Anna Margareta Rudbeck, the daughter of Swedenborg's cousin Anna Catharine Schnstrm. He was the owner of iron works at Forsback, eighteen miles southwest of Gefle, and was the older brother of the famous architect Carl Horleman, ennobled Harleman. His relationship with Swedenborg and with A. S. Schnstrm is shown thus:
Daniel Isaacson
/ /
Petter Swedberg (Schnstrm) Jesper Swedberg
m. (1) Anna Margaretha Behm m. Sarah Rehm
/ /
Peter Schnstrm Anna Catharine Em. Swedenborg
m. Olof Rudbeck
/
Anna Marg.
m. Pace Horleman
m. (2) Catharine Johansdotter*
/
Abraham Daniel Schnstrm
2 I.e., Brita Behm, Swedenborg's aunt.
* Petter Schonstrm's second wife was Anna Maria Reenstierna, not Catharine Johansdotter. The latter was the mother of Schonstrm's first wife Anna Margaretha Behm, Swedenborg's maternal aunt. By his second wife Schonstrm had two daughters and one son, Abraham David. Of the daughters, one married H. J. Voltemat, and the other J. E. rnskild, both of whom resided in Jonsarbo.
As concerns my brother's design, we can better reason concerning this orally. For the rest, on my brother's order, I have hidden brother's letter away among transactions which neither rust nor moth can consume; for after I had read it, I let Vulcan have it. If he wishes to read it and make any use of it, that is in his power.
To Fru Moster3 and the other syskon4 now in Jnsarbo are sent my most dutiful greetings.
Highly honored d. Brother's
most obedient servant
Stockholm, Oct. 23, 1727 Emanuel Swedenborg
Monsieur
Mon. Abraham Daniel Schnstrm.
gentilhomme du Roy.
Kping,5 Jnsarbo
3 Mother's sister. "Moster" is a doubtful reading. Abraham Daniel's mother had long been dead.
4 Literally, brothers and sisters; but the word is used also to signify relatives.
5 Kping, some twenty-five miles south of Jnsarbo, was the commercial and postal center of the whole mining district to the north.
It would seem that the matter concerning which Schnstrm was writing to Swedenborg was an endeavor on his part to obtain an increase in his production of iron. Each smithy and forge had its own "privilege," which entitled it to produce so much iron, and on this a forge tax of one per cent was levied. If the ironworker produced iron in excess of his privilege, the iron was confiscated. The privilege granted depended probably on the extent of the woods available, and on whether the ironworker was allowed to buy charcoal--this was not allowed in the neighborhood of copper or silver mines. Moreover, by a Roy. Ordinance given out July 26, 1726, the amount of iron that could be forged was reduced, in order to spare the woods; nor was any forger allowed to buy pig iron beyond his privileges (Frordningar, pp. 842-43).
Schnstrm appears also to have inquired as to the exporting of his pig iron to Holland and selling it through the Swedish consul there, Pierre Balguerie.
The above may throw some light on the following letter which Swedenborg sent to A. D. Schnstrm, dated NOVEMBER 21, 1727: Previous to this, however, the latter seems to have received another letter from Swedenborg, which he returned.
Highly honored d. Brother:
I thank my Brother for his friendly letter, and also that my Brother was pleased to send my letter back again. As regards what my Brother is pleased to inquire about in confidence, and that I suggest the manner to obtinera that which my Brother thinks to seek for himself, I see no better ways and means thereto than that my Brother first sound them orally, in order that it may the better be tested whether those concerned in the matter can be flexile [pliable] or not. No one would wish it better than I, and if there were any apparance [likelihood] I for my small part would help thereto in every way. But that this same thing shall pressera [be pressing]--from this nothing else can omineras [be surmised] than that what is aimed at thereby is something pressant. Should there be a pretty girl in the offing, I wish as great luck thereto as to the other matter.
As regards a letter to Herr Balgerie,1 I have clot written any letter to him for three years, and it may be I have been completely forgotten by him. At any rate, it is now more difficult for me to set up a letter in a French of which my Brother would be able to approve. To this end, and to please my Brother in this matter, I yesterday made the request of Commerce Councillor Cameen,2 that he would do Brother this service, and he promised to do it in amplissima forma [in the most complete form] and send it to my Brother, especially if my Brother write also to him thereon; and I can give assurance that a word from him is of more avail than a thousand from me who have never done any business with him [Balguerie].
1 Pierre Balguerie, Swedish commercial agent or consul in Amsterdam. See p. 279.
2 Erland v. Cameen (1670-1729), a prominent member of the College of Commerce, of which he was appointed assessor in 1714 and Councillor in 1720. In 1725 he became a director of the Alingds works established by Peter Alstrm. See p. 85, note 2.
In regard to the forge tax at Beckhammar and around Karmansbo and Tollfors,3 I cannot express myself at large in antecessum [in advance]. This I do know, that a forge tax imposed on a works not possessing woods is of no avail as a reason to obtain [more iron];4 and no other merit is considered in such case than the woods by the works where the increase is sought. That Harmansbo owns perfectly good woods is probably known in the College, but as regards Tollfors, in such case a regular investigation should first be made. Therefore it would not at all hurt if this be asked for as soon as the Resolutions in respect to limitation of the forging work have come out. Meanwhile I remain, with respect,
Highly hon. d. Brother's
most obedient servant
Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1727. Emanuel Swedenborg
3 Beckhammar or Bockhammar, and Karmansbo were iron smelteries and forges in the neighborhood of Skinnskatteberg; the former was probably owned by A. D. Schnstrm. Tollfors or Tolfvors was an iron works in Gestrickland near Gefle, which was part of the Behm inheritance.
4 The words in brackets are supplied in place of a word which is frayed away in the manuscript.
P. S. I think that some farms have been bought for Karmansbo which were not reported to the Commission. This would be a strong reason for obtaining an increase, if the College had not given consideration to the high price of pig iron, which still obtains.5
5 In 1728, A. D. Schnstrm's iron was sold at 52-53 dalers a skeppund (Bergscol. Protocol for Oct. 11, 1731).
Schnstrm evidently misunderstood the import of Swedenborg's letter, for the latter again writes him on NOVEMBER 27TH, 1727.
Highly honored d. Brother:
My Brother seems not to have understood my meaning, to wit, as regards the increase of the forge tax; for if any increase is requested, an investigation of the woods must be made, though this is done in accordance with the limitation, which, moreover, is in accordance with his Majesty's letter on this subject.1
1 Namely, the Royal Ordinance of July 26th, 1726, which, in order to save the woods, limited the amount of iron that could be forged (Frordningar, p. 842).
2 See p. 85.
Brother Benzelstierna is in Sahlberg,3 so that I cannot confer with him on the subject of which my Brother is pleased to write, until he comes back.
3 The name of a silver mine near Sala in Wermland.
If some girl is in mind, and I have hit upon it, I wish good luck therein.
It would be well if the pig iron could be improved by the project my Brother is pleased to give in respect to the Grensgiesberg's pit;4 but I hardly think the said mines are likely to be able to furnish as much ore as is required, and I think it must rely upon the Grengies ore for a portion, if it come to he established at the smelters or if the proper measures are observed.
4 Grngesberg, an iron mine some twenty-five miles southwest of Starbo, in which latter place Swedenborg owned a forge.
His Majesty has commanded that the Colleges shall meet together on the matter of the business of foreign agents,5 which I desired in my memorial to the Diet.6 I remain, with all respect.
Highly honor'd d. Brother's
most obedient servant
Stockholm, Nov. 27, 1727. Em. Swedenborg
5 This meeting, or at any rate one of these meetings, was held on April 28, 1728, and another on December 9, 1730. See p. 314.
6 Namely, the Memorial of April 13, 1723; see p. 310.
P. S. A strong rumor is going about that the young Czar died on the 11th inst.7
Mons.
Gentilhomme Abraham Daniel Schnstrm de la Cour, Kping och Jnsarbo
7 The "young Czar," Petter II, grandson of Peter the Great, died in January 1730, aged fifteen years.
Not a single letter to or from Swedenborg during the next sixteen months has come to light. From what has preceded, it does appear, however, that one or more notes had been exchanged between Swedenborg and his Aunt Brita with regard to their lawsuit. Whether or not these continued later, is not known. According to Mr. F. D. Lindh, writing on Swedenborg's Ekonomie in N. K. Tidning (Sept-Okt., 1927, p. 100), Bishop Swedberg intervened between his son and his sister-in-law Brita Behm, whom he greatly respected, and induced them to announce their reconciliation to the Court of Appeal in January, 1728. Mr. Lindh gives no authority, but he is supported by the fact that on February 8th, 1728, the Court of Appeal entered on its Minutes "a Supplique" signed by Brita Behm and Emanuel Swedenborg, wherein they notify the Court that the partition at Axmar had been "laid aside by a reconciliation" The record then adds: "Since the parties are thus in friendly agreement with each other," the Court "lets it remain at that."
What the settlement was, is not known. Perhaps, where there could be no division, Fru Behm bought from her nephew his one-fifth part and so succeeded in what she had longed for all the time--the separation from any joint dealing with Swedenborg--or with Swedenborg's agent.
The next letter in this series was written in March 1729 by Swedenborg's brother-in-law, Jonas Unge (1681-1755). After completing his studies at Upsala in 1712, Unge had traveled in England and Holland, where doubtless he had met his future brother-in-law. He returned to Sweden in 1714. In 1715 he was ordained by Bishop Swedberg, and the same year he married the Bishop's daughter Catharine (1693-1770). Four years later, by the special favor of Queen U1rica Eleonora, he received the pastorate of Wnga. He was a man of considerable learning, and at the time of the letter that follows, he had the promise of the Deanship in Lidkping when that post became vacant. The last dean, L. W. Rydbeck, had died in June 1728 According to the "privileges" granted to priests by law, after the death of a priest, the salary which he had been receiving went to his widow and his minor and unprovided for children for what was called the "year of grace"--a law which led many priests to marry the widow of their immediate predecessors.
8 Application for the grace year was first submitted to the Consistory of the Diocese (in the present case, Skara) for examination, and then to the King for determination (Sv. Convers. Lex., s.v. ndr).
His letter to Swedenborg is dated MARCH 18, 1729. We owe the preservation of the letter to Sven Bergius who included it in his voluminous collection of letters from all manner of men. Bergius, however, omits some parts of the letter.
My highly honored d. Brother:
... And when I finished my reckoning with him [Zelon], I also finished with my money. The little real estate which I bought cannot yield more than 300 daler s.mt., and on it I must incur considerable expense in building. But yet I am glad and happy that with God's help I have to some extent provided for my wife and children, in case this should be necessary, so that they might have something to rely on for their soutien [support]. If God wills that I should live, I can always get something for current cash.
Brother Jesper Swedenborg has also bought a small property so that he can look out for himself.1 It is the best thing for him. He is sober and economical,2 indulges in no expenses, and has got a good and pious wife and owns no other property than a rusthol3 which carries with it its cares, both in times of peace, and still more in times of war.
1 Jesper had married in 1727 and now had one daughter.
2 As a young man, Jesper had led rather a wild life, and it was because of this that his father sent him to America. Returning early to Sweden in 1724, he became extremely pious and, "to wake the world from sin," translated and published a German work then Sidsta Basun ofwer Tyskland (The Last Trump over Germany), to which he supplied a preface giving some account of his own life.
3 A rusthll is crown land, the owner of which is obligated in times of war to support a cavalryman and his horse.
Brother Lundstedt4 seems hardly to be getting on.
4 Capt. Lundstedt, who married Margareta, Bishop Swedberg's youngest daughter. See p. 202, note 3.
One trouble I beg leave to burden d. Brother with. Vice Judge Rydbeck, the son of the late priest in Lidkping, has requested of his Majesty that he get the grace year, in which case I must remain here in Wnga still another year--something which I have no desire to do, and this for several reasons. But the Consistory has set itself in opposition and has represented to his Majesty in writing, that as an only son come to adult years and to honor, he ought not to have it. His Majesty has, therefore, referred this case to the Stats Contor and the Cammar Collegium5 for them to give him their thoughts as to what is meant by the words in the priests' Privileges, "minor and unprovided for children." Up to this day the right understanding of the words "unprovided for" has been that it concerns the priest's daughters who are unmarried; and of the word "minor," that it concerns sons who either are studying in schools or academies, or who need support in order to fit themselves for the service of the kingdom. After they have become over thirty years old, have quitted their studies, and have devoted themselves to some other vitae genus [kind of life] they have never been included under the words "minor and unprovided for children." Therefore, since Brother has his acquaintanceship with both presidents, speak a word with them, that, in the meaning of the privileges, the said Rydbeck does not seem to be justified in applying for the grace year; and then speak with State Secretary Cederstrm,6 that he be so favorably disposed as to have the matter come to such an end that each and every one may learn where he stands; for the time is now fast approaching to May first ...
5 The Stats Kontor and the Cammar Collegium were two bodies established by Charles XI under a single presidency. The Stats Kontor had charge of incomes from all crown lands, and the Cammar Collegium, of the taxes on farm lands, business, etc. In and after 1720 each of these bodies had a separate president (Sv. Conv. Lex sub verbis).
6 Olof Cederstrm (1679-1745) was Secretary to one of the chancery departments. In 1720, the Chancery Office, with a single president, was divided into three departments, foreign affairs, war, and civil matters. Each of these departments had a "State Secretary." Nominally he was merely the keeper of the minutes, but since he was called into the Supreme Council, where all decisions by the king were made, to give information regarding his department, he was a man of considerable influence.
Rydbeck is now said to have gone to Stockholm, in order to obtain a Resolution favorable to himself, and he has Cederbjelke7 as his maternal uncle.
7 Johan Cederbjelke (1677-1747) was the Chancellor of Justice, an official appointed by the King as his legal adviser. His sister Margareta was the mother of the claimant W. Rydbeck.
Lastly I will especially leave with Brother this one thing to think over: Why, in mariage [the matter of a marriage] does d. Brother let all good opportunities go by. Major Otter is engaged to Tham's oldest daughter. For the rest, his younger is the best and prettiest.8 Will not Brother take his messurer [measures] accordingly? I think no other, than that Tham would think well of it. I think the dowry for each of his children will be considerable, so that there is no better partie [match] for Brother in the whole kingdom. In God's name, come to a good decision, and for the outcome trust in His gracious Providence. Lenta remedia et longas deliberationes non patitur Tempus, et periculum in mora.9
my highly learned d. Brother's
obedient servant
J. Unge.
Wnga, March 18, 1729
8 The reference is to Tham's children by his third wife. Sebastian Vollrathsson Tham (1666-1729) was a rich Gothenburg merchant who had a right to a seat and vote as assessor in the Commerce College whenever he was in Stockholm, and Swedenborg, as a member of the joint meeting of the Mines and Commerce Colleges, must have been well acquainted with him. By each of his first and second wives he had a son and a daughter; by his third wife he had three sons and three daughters. The oldest of the latter, Catharine (1711-1478), married a widower, Major Carl v. Otter (1696-1763) on May 29, 1729; the second, Johanna (1712-47), married Major v. Otter's older brother on November 29, 1730, Salomon (1693-1745) in 1730. The third, Elizabeth, was at this time only eleven years old. Tham was a friend and supporter of Bishop Swedberg, for when the latter, in 1705, pleaded for a cheap edition of the Swedish Bible, he was supported by Sebastian Tham who offered to pay for the whole cost of such edition, and presumably actually did so when the work finally came out in 1728 (Tothie, Jesper Swedberg, II, 159; Swedberg, Am. Ill., 60).
9 Time does not permit of slow remedies and long deliberations, and there is danger in delay.
What step Swedenborg took in this matter is not known; but it appears that Rydbeck, despite his thirty years and his lucrative office, succeeded in his claim of the grace year for "miners and unprovided for children"; for Jonas Unge did not become Dean of Lidkping until May 1730.
In February 1727, Swedenborg and Benzelstierna and Rudbecli [see p. 177], as joint owners, gave the management of one of the forges at Skinnskatteberg to a Madam Ahlgren for three years (January 1, 1728-31). But on March 29, 1729, they sold this forge together with certain adjacent woods and other properties to Count Frederick Gyllenborg for 90,000 dal. k.m. Count Gyllenborg was to take possession at Michaelmas (September 29th), and since the contract with Madam Ahlgren did not expire until Jan. 1, 1731, it became necessary to make some arrangement with that lady. This Swedenborg did in a letter to Madam Ahlgren dated MAY 27TH, 1729, of which the following extract is preserved in the Bergius Collection of Letters:
...For the rest, the accord between Count Gyllenborg and us1 is that we deliver the works to him at Michaelmas, but that we cannot give Madam notice to quit before she has had the enjoyment of her full time, which extends to the new year, and therefore he enters upon his rights at new year. Meanwhile, since he does not make use of any other service, it falls upon Madam to arrange concerning charcoal and the like, so that the works should not stop at new year for lack thereof. For this store, he will render account to us, and we will then settle between us. This can be understood in greater detail from the purchase-contract concluded between us.
1 That is, Swedenborg and Lars Benzelstierna.
The contract referred to obligated Swedenborg to purchase the iron forged by Madam Ahlgren at the rate of 16 dal. k.mt. per Skeppund, together with the cost of transporting the same; to supply all necessary pig iron; to pay for any new buildings which may be mutually agreed on as necessary for the works; and to allow Madam Ahlgren the use of the adjacent woods for all necessary charcoal. Apparently the contract could he terminated on any New Year's day.
In connection with this same business, Swedenborg again wrote to Madam Ahlgren on Nov. 28, 1729:
The balance which I own, deposited with Mdme. Ahlgren. According to her account rendered Nov. 6 last, which amounts to 608 dal. 6 re k. mt., I hereby transfer to Courtier, the well-born Count Herr Fredric Gyllenborg; all of which is certified.
Stockholm, [Eman. Swedenborg]
28 November, 1729.
In November 1719 the modest Collegium Curiosorum, informally commenced in Upsala in 1710, had become the Bokwetts Gille with its quarterly publication in Latin, Acta Literaria Sueciae. Swedenborg became a member of this body in February 1720, but attended only one of its meetings, Aug. 14, 1724, when he happened to be in Upsala (p. 340). In August 1727, the Bokwetts Gille considered changing its name to Societas Literaria et Scientiarum (Literary and Scientific Society), and obtaining a royal charter (Minutes, 144); and although the Minutes of the Gille and also the payments from its treasury and the issuing of its quarterly journal continued as before, yet from that date the Gille seems to have considered itself a new society with the above name. In March 1728, the illustrious Count Arvid Horn2 became the first President of the Society (ibid. 153). In April, Polhem was invited to become a member, and in his letter of acceptance, he recommended Assessor Swedenborg for membership (ibid. 154)--yet both Polhem and Swedenborg were already members of the Bokwetts Gille.
2 Arvid Horn (1664-1742), Born in Finland, he early distinguished himself in Charles XII's European war, during which he rose to the rank of lieutenant general and was made a count. After Charles XII's death, he became leader of the party of freedom which worked for peace and the return of prosperity. He was the spontaneously recognized leader of Sweden during the first half of the "time of freedom," and was undoubtedly one of the greatest statesmen Sweden has ever produced.
Highly learned Herr Secretary:
I had the honor of receiving by the last post a kind invitation to become a member of the Societas Literaria et Scientiarum, for which I ought to send my humble thanks to the Roy. Society separately. But since I suppose that this same can be done by the Herr Secretary, it is therefore my most dutiful request that it may please the Herr Secretary to report this expression of thanks on my behalf, with the assurance that I on my side, will not neglect to supply the Roy. Society with such contributions as can be produced from my little experience. This call then he submitted to the riper judgment of the Roy. Society as to how far it deserves to go into the Acta or not.
For the rest, I have now for ten years been collecting all the material that can serve for enlightenment in metallicis et regno minerali; and I think now that in a few weeks I will put this Collection and excerpta in order and then have it printed abroad. But before sending it off, I will first have the honor of making communication of it, in order that what may be of service to be put in actis [in the Acta] colligeas [may be gathered] therefrom. This work will be a tolerably large one, as may be seen from a specimen which I will now have the honor of sending on during the winter, which deals with iron and its workings, and also with all other observata in respect to the same metal, which have been made by different authors.
If life permits, I am thinking also of making use of such a collection, and of showing on the ground thereof ex priori et posteriori, principia naturae [the Principles of Nature], on which occasion I hope to have hit upon one or two things which concern the working of the magnet, etc.1
1 This is the first intimation of Swedenborg's intention to send his mineralogical works abroad to be printed. It would appear that the work on Iron was completed by this time, but it was not sent to the Continent to be printed until the Spring of 1732 Meanwhile Swedenborg was now contemplating Using the excerpts on the magnet which he had previously collected as part of a Principia or Theory of Creation, to be published in connection with his mineralogical work. What he is thinking of writing is probably the work now called The Lesser Principia.
As soon as I have some leisure, I wish to write up what I have collected on native copper, and also on the praecipitationes whereby copper is obtained in various Swedish mines, together with one or two things concerning it which the learned world has no knowledge of as yet; accompanied with observations which have been made with the praecipiter [precipitating] water in Fahlun, by which iron in the same mine is turned into copper.2
I remain, with all esteem,
Highly learned Herr Secretary's
most obedient servant,
Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Nov. 27, 1729
2 This is described in Swedenborg's De Cupro, p. 49.
The above letter was read in a meeting of the Bokwetts Gille, or rather the Literary and Scientific Society, on December 12th. This is the last time that Swedenborg's name appears in the Minutes of the Society; nor does he appear to have contributed any article to the Society's Acta--at any rate, none was printed. See p. 226, note 7.
In February 1728, as previously noted, Swedenborg and his Aunt Brita had agreed to settle between themselves their dispute regarding the division of the Axmar property and, as it appears, wholly to separate from each other in all financial matters. The carrying out of this settlement was either a very complicated process, or it was pursued with long delays; for nearly two years later, not only had no financial settlement of accounts been reached, but there was again the danger of a lawsuit.
In December 1729, Fru Behm wrote to Swedenborg, apparently enclosing in her letter a statement of the account standing between them. In her letter, she complained about some copper and iron which he had sold for his own account. She also hinted that he ought to pay certain drafts, and her letter conveyed to Swedenborg the thought that she again intended to sue him.
He answered her in a letter dated DECEMBER 23, 1729. Now, however, it is no longer "Dear Fru Moster," but
As regards the transport which I gave to Chamberlain Count Gyllenborg, it by no means devolves on me to take it back, and I neither can nor ought to do so. And since it consists chiefly of 608 large kop. mt. in money, and 144 skeppund 18 sklpd pig iron which I sent from my own smelters, I have never doubted that in the end Madam would not rightly give them up and without any objection. And should Madam have had in mind such pretentions as her letter proclaims, when she requested that these drafts should be accepted and paid, it is well that on this occasion I used all necessary precaution. For this reason, as soon as I am sued at law in this connection, an answer will follow. Meanwhile, it is unnecessary to argue about it. Thus much I can say beforehand, that in a case of this sort, Madam will lose more in court than she will gain.
For the rest, it should be necessary that settlement be made in the matter of the considerable cost of the building of the works1 and of the large outstanding debts which are charged up between us; for I cannot acquiesce in one or two items that are charged in the account, the whole of which should be lawfully examined in case we do not come to some amicable agreement. Meanwhile, I remain with estim.
Madam's dutiful servant,
Stockholm, Dec. 23, 1729. Em. Swedenborg
1 That is, the building of a new furnace, after the destruction wrought by the Russians in 1722. Swedenborg claimed he had contributed to this rebuilding more than his one-fifth share (p. 347, cf p. 348 note).
This ends the long drawn out Behm versus Swedenborg case so far as available documents are concerned. There does not appear to have been any further lawsuit, and doubtless the final outcome was that Swedenborg sold his entire property in Gestrickland and Helsingland, just as he had sold his Skinnskatteberg forge.
In the Spring of the new year, Swedenborg received some commissions from his father Bishop Swedberg in a letter dated APRIL 10, 1730:
1. I have written to Assessor Benzelstierna and you, that one of you go over to Upsala and look after my large stone house, that it may be repaired in summer; otherwise it will be altogether ruined, and then be beyond repair.2
1 This letter is preserved only in the copy made by Sven Bergius. According to this copy, it commenced "My d. Son Eman. Swedenborg," but the last two words are evidently added by Bergius in order to identify the recipient of the letter.
2 The reference is to the house on Stortorget which Bishop Swedberg built when his old house was destroyed by the fire of 1702.
2. Also that you make request with the authorities, to be allowed to take some of my Hymnbooks* from Skepsholm.3 Of this I have written to both their Majesties, and the Queen has graciously answered me that it shall be done. Speak about it to Frken Diiben.4
* See above at p. 44.
3 Bishop Swedberg, Urban Hjarne and Israel Kolmodin, were a commission to revise the Swedish Hymnbook. The work, which included not only revision but also many new hymns by the members of the commission, was printed in 1694 in several forms. Immediately a storm of protest arose from many unfriendly clergymen, and charges of heresy, etc., were made against many of the new songs. The King then appointed a Commission of bishops and superintendents to examine the work, and in consequence of its report, a new and much changed edition was published in 1695. Ten thousand copies of the former work had already been sold, but all remaining copies to the number of 20,259, were withdrawn and stored in a building on Skepppshom. This was a bitter blow to Bishop Swedberg, who had put into the work not only his whole love but also 50,000 dal. K.mt. Over 18,000 of this sum he had borrowed, the rest being from his father-in-law's estate which he held in trust for his children. Charles XI, who was much attached to the Bishop, reimbursed him the sum he had borrowed plus interest, but even so, the withdrawal of his Hymnbook cost him over 30,000 dal. (Tottie. Jesper Swedberg's Lif, I, p. 133; J. Swedbergs Lefw. Beskrif. 179, 211). In 1696, the King allowed one hundred of the Hymnbooks to be taken from Skeppsholm for the use of the Swedish congregations in America which were under the Bishop's charge, besides several of the 1,000 copies which the Bishop had originally received from the printer (Tottie, II, 261; Acrelius 422; J. Swedbergs Lefw. Beskrif. 212); another 500 in 1708, and 360 in 1712 (J. S. Lefw. Beskrif. 212; Records of H. Tr. Ch. 159). By 1724, despite the Bishop's appeals, the supply was stopped (see Nordberg 24 note and 1 Doc. conc. Swedenborg, 190). Five hundred, however, were sent in 1721 (Records, etc., 172, 276; Acrelius 424 note), and 600 in 1729 (Lefw. Beskrif. 274)
4 I.e. Miss Diiben. The reference is to Emerentia Diiben (1669-1743). She was on terms of the greatest intimacy with Queen Ulrica Eleonora, sharing both her joys and her sorrows, and this intimacy was not lessened by the fact that both were born on the same day and had been brought up together from their second year (Fryxell 30:5, 6; 31:54). Emerentia and her brother Joachim (1671-1730) were ennobled in 1707, taking the name von Diiben, and were made countess and count in 1719 Emerentia was never married.
3. I am having my Catechismi andeliga fning5 printed. As you are a good Latin poet, write some verses for it.6 It is the book which was not burned in the year 1712, but two copies were found in the ashes, a little singed on the outside, but not as to the materia.
5 Spiritual Exercises in the Catechism.
6 This work was first printed in Skara in 1709. The second edition, here referred to, is dated 1729, though it was actually published in September 1730. It does not contain any Latin poem by Swedenborg.
4. Send me some hundred copies of my portrait or picture which also was not consumed in the same conflagration; and as you wrote some fine verses concerning it, I will have them printed and join them with the picture.7 You can send them by Consul Ahlstrom who is in Stockholm on account of his manufacturing work at Ahlinhs.8
7 These verses, or rather lines, were printed by Swedenborg on the last page of his Ludus Heliconius (Griefs. 1715), as follows:
"In burning ashes lay this face unhurt.
When through long night fierce fire consumed thy home;
So, Father, when the fires supreme have burned
And low has flamed the sad funereal pyre,
Shall live the love of thee and of thy fame."
8 Alingss.
5. Also Scriver's Gotthold9 which has been translated into Swedish.
9 Christian Scriver (1629-93), a German Lutheran pietist. He was called to be court preacher to Charles XI who offered him many inducements to make his home in Sweden--but in vain. His Gotthold's Zufllige Andachten consisted of four hundred fables based on commonplace objects. It was translated into Swedish under the title Gottholds sjukBoch Seger Bdd (Gotthold's Bed of Sickness and Victory).
6. I have written an account of my life*--one copy for each child. Write some verses on this also; I think much of your verses.
Brunsbo, April 10, 1730.
J. Swedberg
* This autograph, edited by Gunnar Wetterberg, was published by the Vetenskaps Societaten in Lund in 1941, under the title Jesper Swedbergs Lefwernes Beskrifning, reviewed in New Philosophy, Aug, 1946, p. 316 seq.
It may here be noted that two months later, on June 4th--in consequence of the death of Anders Strmmer, Adam Leijel, the senior assessor in the College of Mines, was appointed to succeed him as a Councillor in the College. This left an assessor's salary vacant, and this was awarded to Swedenborg whose salary was thus raised from 800 dal. s.m. to 1,200.
In his letter to his son, quoted just above, Bishop Swedberg had referred to the fire that burned down his episcopal residence in Brunsbo in 1712--a disastrous fire whereby the Bishop lost all his valuable library. When he wrote to his son Emanuel, he little suspected that within four months his house would again be consumed by fire. This second fire occurred on the night between August 18th and 19th. A few days later his son-in-law Unge, who was now Dean in Lidkping, informed Swedenborg of this sad event in a letter dated AUGUST 24TH, 1730:
My highly honored d. Brother:
It is likely known to my Brother how that between August 18th and 19th, Brunsbo has again been laid is ashes by a violent fire, and the Bishop himself was very nearly hurtled in it. The huge wooden buildings together with the stone house and all its contents went up in flames. The silver in the chest, as much as there was, was got out, but ail that had been taken out for daily use is lost. All d. Father's printed writings, the just reprinted Catechism, all his manuscripts except a copy of Epistel Postilla1 and the account of his life, together with all the rest of his library, lies in ashes.* This last damage is far greater than that at the former fire.
1 Epistel Postilla is the general title of any book of sermons on the Epistles, designed for Sundays and Holy Days. In a later letter, Unge intimates that there was a second copy of the work here referred to, and that this copy escaped the flames. It was published in 1730 under the title Sanctificatio Sabbathi.
*From 1711 on, Swedberg wrote several accounts of his life, either adding or rewriting (Lifw. Beskvif., 254, 258, 412). In 1729 he made a clean copy in six volumes, one for each child then living (ibid. 449) and one for Upsala. Only two copies and part of a third have been found.
2 I.e., riksdaler in silver coins.
Before Brother Swab3 left, the Bishop, by a written note, gave him forgiveness of all that he had cost him, which was considerable.
3 Namely, Anton Antonsson Swab, Bishop Swedberg's step-nephew. See Unge's letter of September 25, 1726. He started on a new foreign journey in 1730 (Almqvist, Bergskol. 284). See p. 450.
Against all my advice and consent, the book printer,4 the rogue, has talked the Bishop over into printing the Catechism, for which he has received considerable money, so that the Bishop now stands in debt to the priestly salary fund in the Cathedral, and the book lies in ashes.5 With a hearty greeting, I remain,
Lidkping, August 24th my Brother's obedient servant,
1730 J. Unge
4 One of the first thoughts of Bishop Swedberg on assuming his Episcopate at Skara in 1703 was the establishment of a book printing shop. Outside Stockholm, there were then only five printing shops in the whole of Sweden. Bishop Swedberg early bought a large supply of paper for which he secured free entry, and in 1707 he secured from Upsala a Swedish printer named Kjelberg. It was Kjelberg who printed Emanuel Swedberg's Ludus Heliconius in 1716, and it was his widow who published the same author's Jordens och Planeternas gng (The Motion of the Earth and Planets) in 1718. Fru Kjelberg was succeeded in 1717 by a German, named Mller, who is the printer referred to in the text (Hist. Om. Sv. Boktryckeri, 129-30).
5 This is not correct, for the printed work came out. It is dated 1729, though it appeared in September 1730 (p. 440, note 6). It constitutes parts 2 and 3 of Sabbats Ro. Parts 1 and 2 were published in 1710 and 1711.
Bishop Swedberg lost little time in applying to their Majesties for aid in rebuilding his house, and doubtless he received it.
The Bishop's eagerness to print his writings worries his son-in-law Dean Unge, who persists in his belief that the printer Mller is urging the Bishop on in order to profit by the printing, though of a truth the Bishop needed little urging.
Dean Unge writes on this subject in a letter to his brother-in-law, Emanuel. Like some previous letters, this is preserved only in a copy made by Sven Bergius, who omits parts of the letter, including the date. It must have been written in January 1731:
My highly learned d. Brother:
... All is well at Brunsbo. Mller is now commencing again to cheat the Bishop in a new account, to wit: he wants to print the Epistel Postilla which escaped the fire. The Bishop has no money, but is indebted to the Cathedral for five to six hundred daler, which Mller received for the printing of the Catechism last year. What will happen if he now commences to print in his present poverty? I think that Mller has bewitched the Bishop, for no human being can dissuade him. No one ever gets to see their accounts, but only what d. Father writes in his book. One day or another we made up an account, but what it consists in, or how much Mller has got, no one can find out. A certain person told me that last year he received 1500 dal s.mt. for the Catechism alone. What will this lead to? The Bishop sinks himself more and more into debt. Every day, and with great diligence, he is now writing up the two other parts of the Postilla which were burned up; but one can imagine what they can be, he being in his old age and without subsidier [the supporting aids] of a library.
With most hearty greetings from my wife, I remain
My highly learned d. Brother's
obedient servant
J. Unge
Swedenborg does not appear to have succeeded in getting any of the Psalmbooks out of Skeppsholm, for his father again wrote him about the matter in a letter dated MARCH 1ST, 1731:
My d. Son:
I have written to their Majesties to get some of my Hymnbooks from Skepsholm. Look after it; if you get leave for ten, then take fifty.
Thy d. Father
Brunsbo, March 1, 1731. J. Swedberg
1 I.e., Presiding Officer of the House of Nobles.
2 The reference is to a memorial sent in by Bishop Swedberg, asking that a chancery be attached to each Bishop's see. The memorial was sent by Count Horn to the Justice Deputation, which reported to the House of Nobles on May 18th against the proposal as unnecessary. R. o A. Riks. Prot. 324.
My Epistel Postilla is now ready and censored. If you will pay for it, you will thereby make a nice profit3--or some others in Stockholm. Also inquire whether their Majesties have got my America.4 Mine was burned. The Queen must certainly have received it.
3 Swedenborg was now a man of some wealth. In October of this year, he added to the many favors he had shown to his first nephew Eric Benzelius (1705-67), by defraying the entire cost of a year's visit to German mining districts. Eric was then a minor official of the Bergscollegium stationed at Fahlun. He worked for the College in several offices, and in 1760 received the title of Assessor. In 1763 he resigned with the title of Councillor.
4 The reference is to a MS. copy of Bishop Swedberg's America Illuminata wherein he gives an account of the Swedish churches in Delaware and Pennsylvania which were under his episcopal charge. The MS. is bound and the back and front of the binding are adorned with Queen Ulrica Eleonora's initials and the Swedish Crown. On the front page, the Queen has written Lssits (has been read). The volume was transferred from the Royal Library at Gripsholm to the Stockholm Royal Library where it is now preserved. The work was printed in 1732.
In February of 1725, the College of Mines had granted Swedenborg's request to repair the models preserved in the College's Machinery room, and had given him the sum of 150 dal. for this purpose. From then on, Swedenborg took entire charge of the room.
5 32 re = 1 daler.
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
From the accompanying account, the High well-born Herr Baron and President and the most worsh. Roy. Collegium will please kindly gather that for the repairing of the models, and windows, etc., in the machine room, there has been expended during the past seven years, the sum of 252 dal. 27 re k.mt, which includes 100 dal. K. mt. lately paid out for repairing and putting in good condition the large machines and other smaller ones which would have become rotted and almost destroyed because of a leaky roof, unless remedial measures had been taken in time. On the 17th of February 1725, the High well-born Herr Baron and President* and the most worsh. Roy. Collegium allowed me the grant of 150 dal. kop. mt., which sum, as shown by the accompanying account, has now been expended, and in addition, there has been paid out 102 dal. 27 re kop. mt. The question is therefore humbly submitted, as to whether the High well-born Herr Baron and President and the most worsh. Roy. Collegium will be pleased to allow me to receive the 102 dal. 27 re paid out by me, and, at the same time, to put in my hands, now as before, from 100 to 150 dal. k. mt. for small repairs of further damages and for other necessities, so that in case one need or another arise in the machine room, I might not, for every little outlay, be required to approach the High well-born Baron and President, etc., Stockholm, Feb. 26th, 1732.
Em. Swedenborg.
* The President was Conrad Ribbing, the brother of Per Ribbing. See p. 482n.
Enclosure
dal.k.mt.
1725 March 2. To repair of broken windows in the machine room 31.15
[To repairing of models 121.12]
1731 Oct. 25 To repair of the large machines which, through leakage from the roof, had become rotted in several places; also to the repair of other machines 100.00
252.27
The request was granted on March 3d, when Swedenborg was allowed 102 dal. 27 re for money paid, and 150 dal. to continue the work of keeping the machine room and the machines in good condition. This money, like the preceding, was paid from the funds of the Mechanical Laboratory.
In 1719, the Russian fleet had brought great destruction to the Roslag district, where Axmar was situated. The Diet of 1720 therefore decreed that all furnaces and forges that had been destroyed should, when rebuilt, be free from taxation for eight years. But many iron works had suffered damage though their furnaces and forges had not been destroyed, and they were therefore not entitled to the eight years' freedom from taxation. To relieve such persons, the Diet of 1731 decreed that they should receive monetary compensation. The wars and means for carrying out this decree were referred to a Royal Finance Commission of which Swedenborg was appointed a member, and the Commission decided that the money should be taken from a reserve fund accumulated by the College of Mines for various contingencies. Swedenborg objected to this decision. Yet, although in the meetings of the Commission no one raised a voice against his objection, the Commission handed in its report as though no objection had been made. Swedenborg therefore felt constrained to make what may be called a minority report. This he did in a letter to the King dated FEBRUARY 15, 1732:
Your Roy. Majesty's Finance Commission has humbly recommended that a portion of the funds which have been gathered together time after time in your Roy. Majesty's Bergscollegium and which hitherto have been saved for highly important usus [uses] may be used for payments to sundry iron works in private hands in Roslag, which your Roy. Majesty, on the humble representation of the Estates of the Realm at the last Diet, graciously granted as compensation for the freedom-years which they did not come to enjoy as did the others in Roslag.
Now since I also am a member of your Majesty's Finance Commission, and on this same occasion when the aforesaid matter came up, I made one or two comments on it, and among them, that before these funds be disposed of and be appropriated to the above mentioned requirement, your Roy. Majesty would first be pleased to give the Bergscollegium a hearing--against which comment none of the members had anything to remark; and now I do not find that this comment is included in this same humble remonstrance; therefore, because of the importance of the matter, and for the avoiding in the long run of any responsibility on my own part, I am constrained herewith to submit before your Roy. Majesty whether or not such funds ought to be appropriated to this end, because
1. For some years, in accordance with your Roy. Majesty's most gracious command, they have come to he used in large part as a reserve for the cost of machines, and for the sinking of King Frederick's shaft. This mounts to a large yearly sum, and thus a large part of the money is already disposed of.
2. At the present time the College uses these same funds for investigations at Sahlberg1 and other places whereby much stands to be uncovered for the very real service of your Roy. Majesty.
1 Sahlberg or Salberg in Westmanland was the seat of extensive silver mining.
3. The College has also thought of having such funds in readiness in case some great collapse should occur in King Charles XI's shaft in the Fahlun mine, for which prompt and considerable sums would be required, in order that the whole mining work may not easily stop all at once, and that, at such an unfortunate occasion your Roy. Majesty should not come to lose his considerable copper revenue. Against this it could indeed be objected that for such unforeseeable and highly urgent need, a saving fund of 40,000 dal. K. mt. from the income in Fahlun was ordered to be a reserve for such misfortunes.
I bring this forward with due reverence, etc.
Em. Swedenborg
Swedenborg wrote the above letter, not as a member of the College of Mines, nor as a representative of the College, but solely as a member of the Finance Commission. Whether his letter had the effect he desired, is not known, but, judging from the bureaucratic spirit which then prevailed, and from the fact that the Commission omitted all reference to Swedenborg's very reasonable comment, it seems probable that his letter was ignored.
When Swedenborg left the continent in 1722, he published a prospectus of a projected work on metals, and invited advance subscriptions. Though it is probable that no subscriptions were made, Swedenborg was not deterred from his undertaking, and he occupied the years from 1722 to 1732 in assembling material for the work. By 1732 he had completed his volume on Iron and
Copper, and sent the manuscript, together with a multitude of drawings which were to he engraved and then incorporated in the work, to a Dresden printer named Hekel, with whom he had made a contract.
But Swedenborg had more in mind than merely a work on metals.
2 Usually called The Lesser or Minor Principia.
It is probably very soon after this that he wrote the Principia. But while, in 1732, he sent his manuscript on Iron and Copper to Dresden to be printed, he did not send his Principia. He had indeed written it for the most part as it was printed, but later he made many changes, and the first chapter, On the means which lead to True Philosophy, was written while he was in Germany superintending the printing of his Iron and Copper.
When Swedenborg elected to have his mineralogical work printed in Saxony, he contemplated a tour of the Saxon and Bohemian mines, but why he chose the firm of Frederick Hekel of Leipzig and Dresden as his publishers, is not evident. Probably he had heard of Hekel as a reliable printer who was in a position to undertake large works. At any rate, he entered into correspondence with him, and Hekel undertook to print his book and have the necessary drawings engraved within a certain time. Swedenborg accordingly sent him his manuscript on Iron and Copper.
At the same time, Swedenborg came into correspondence with the Saxon mineralogist and chemist Johan Frederick Henkel.3
3 Johan Henkel (1679-1744), a medical man, chemist and mineralogist famous in his native Saxony, gained also European fame by his mineralogical works, the most famous of which was his Pyritologia, a work owned by Swedenborg and from which he frequently quoted passages in his works on Iron and Copper. Swedenborg owned also two other works by Henkel. Henkel was one of the foremost research chemists of his age, and students from many countries came to Saxony to study under him.
At any rate, in the summer of 1732, Swedenborg wrote to Henkel. The letter is now lost, hut it is clear that in it Swedenborg referred to the MSS. he had sent to the publisher Hekel for printing, as containing the information desired, and offering also to give ally help that he could when he should arrive in Saxony to superintend the printing of his work. Perhaps also he made some inquiry as to Hekel's ability to print the work in the time contracted.
Henkel answered in a letter written in French, dated NOVEMBER 21, 1732.*
* According to the Swedish calendar which still observed the Old Style, this would be Nov. 10th.
Monsieur:
I rejoice in having the honor of your acquaintance, and the more so because for a long time past I had wished for it on account of your great merits which your compatriots, who have honored my home, will be able to attest. And you will oblige me infinitely if, as it has pleased you to offer me, you will have the kindness to help me in regard to some observations and matters concerning Mineralogy in your country; because I will have great need of such help in the project I have, concerning a practical mineralogical dictionary--an undertaking as difficult as it is important. M. Hekel, an honest man, is skilled in his trade, and therefore, Monsieur, please have patience with him in case he does not accomplish his duty in the time desired. I can assure you that, in these times, printers are rarely to be found in our vicinity who would risk such a contract.
Your very humble and
obedient servant,
J. F. Henkel
Freyburg,
Nov. 21, 1732.
P.S. I have changed my residence, being, in the future, Freyborg where his Majesty the King has stationed me Councillor of Mines.
While Swedenborg had sent his manuscripts on to Hekel to be printed, he yet felt the necessity of supervising the work, especially the proof reading. There were so many Swedish terms that the chances of printer's errors were very great; and to see the work appear with many typographical errors. would reflect little credit on its author, who was very ambitious of making a name for himself in the learned world. Moreover, he desired to make further mineralogical observations in the mines of Bohemia. He had therefore resolved to go to Dresden, and for this purpose applied for leave of absence from the College of Mines. This he did in a letter to the King dated APRIL 13, 1733:
Mighty ever Gracious King:
Of your Roy. Majesty I feel called upon to request, in the deepest humility, that permission be graciously given to make a journey to Dresden to be present there on the occasion of a work which I have written, and which is now being printed there. This I find to be so much the more urgent, since otherwise it would come out vitieust [with errors], incomplete, and with little honor to myself; and I have expended on it both time and cost. And, as the above mentioned work treats of the methods of breaking ores and smelting them, as used in all parts of Europe, together with other things pertaining to the working of different kinds of ores and metals, besides something else which I think will likely be generally useful; and since, for the completion of this work, nine months will probably be needed inasmuch as it will be somewhat extensive and will come to consist of some volumes in folio; I therefore humbly give myself the hope of gaining your Roy. Majesty's most gracious permission and consent.
Your Roy. Majesty's, etc., Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm, April 13, 1733
The above letter was doubtless submitted to the King through the College of Mines, for on the next day the College wrote to the King, stating that they had no comment to make with regard to Swedenborg's application, "except that it is not unknown to the College that he has, with commendable diligence, tirelessness, and care, written many useful things in mining matters, and one would gladly see that such writings be committed to print." The College therefore recommended the granting of Swedenborg's request, and added that it could easily make arrangements for the carrying on of his work during his short absence. The matter was considered by the King in Council, and on the recommendation of this Council, the King granted Swedenborg nine months leave of absence with full payment of his salary, and furnished him with the following passport, written in Latin and dated APRIL 17, 1733:
We, Frederick, etc., have made note and testimony that since the bearer of this document, our subject, sincerely faithful to us, and an assessor in the College of Mines, the noble Emanuel Swedenborg, has elected to go to foreign lands, and for the greater security of his journey, has humbly petitioned to be furnished with our Letter which men call safe pass; we therefore, graciously assenting to his desire, in friendship, good will and kindness, request the high powers of those regions and the governors and magistrates of all those places to which he will go; and seriously enjoin on our ministers and officials by land and sea; that they will grant the aforesaid Emanuel Swedenborg and his man servant, not only free passage, secure stay and return, but also will show him all other kind offices customary to the civilized nations of humanity. And as we in no way doubt but that those bound to our service will do this from duty, so whatever favor and kind offices foreigners show him, we will not omit to balance with equal benevolence, when occasion arises.
In witness whereof, etc. Friedericus
Stockholm, April 17, 1733.
Armed with this passport, Swedenborg, accompanied by his man servant Jean Brandell, left Stockholm on May 10th, 1733. They first went to Linkping for a short stay with Bishop Eric Benzelius, and then proceeded to Dresden via Hlsingborg, Copenhagen and Berlin.
Swedenborg arrived in Dresden on June 7, and remained there for sic weeks, after which he inspected the mines of Bohemia. He returned to Dresden on August 25th, 1733, and a few days later, namely, on Sunday, August 30th, he and his friend, Councillor of Mines Henkel, with whom he had by now become personally acquainted, paid a call on the Aulic Councillor1 and Councillor of Mines Trier,2 with a view to inspecting his remarkable collection of ores and minerals (Resebeskr. 57). To Swedenborg, the most interesting thing in this collection was a large black slate-like stone which had been lately dug out of a copper mine belonging to the Trier family and on which was impressed with great clearness the almost complete skeleton of an animal. Since Swedenborg intended to devote a chapter of his work on copper to fossil remains, he asked Councillor Trier if he could procure for him a drawing of this fossilized creature. This the Councillor promised to do, and he fulfilled his promise before the end of the year when he sent the drawing to Swedenborg in Leipzig. The latter acknowledged its receipt in a letter written in Latin and dated Leipzig, JANUARY 5, 1734*
1 The Aulic Council was the highest Court of Appeal in the Holy Roman Empire, and was of equal authority with the Imperial Council. It was the supreme authority without appeal in all questions arising between the states composing the Empire. It consisted of a President, vice-president and eighteen councillors, all appointed by the Emperor. Of the councillors, half were nobles and half were men of learning. Both classes possessed equal rights, but the latter were more highly paid.
2 Johann Wolfgang Trier (1686-1750), a native of Saxony. He received his degree of Doctor of Law at Leiden in 1709, and was appointed Aulic Councillor in 1724 when he was also appointed professor of law.
* In O.S., Dec. 25, 1733.
Most Illustrious Lord Councillor:
I thank you greatly that you have deigned to send me the figure of the marine cat which is so very vividly represented in a stone, and nicely copied therefrom in drawing. With your consent, Illustrious Councillor, I wish to insert it in my work, as a new specimen, and the dearest and most complete of all fossils of this kind I have ever happened to see, which, as I foresee, will take the prize over all other animal figures impressed on stone.
Most Illustrious Lord Councillor,
Your most dutiful and humble servant,
Leipzig, Jan. 5, 1734 Em. Swedenborg
Councillor Trier duly gave the information desired, and Swedenborg had an engraving made which included this information, and which he published in his work on Copper as Plate 39 following two other engravings of fossil remains. There he describes it as representing "a sort of marine, amphibious or other animal. From its tail, it may be conjectured to have been a kind of sea cat." Swedenborg had been given leave of absence for nine months, that is, up to the end of February 1734; but, as the time of his leave drew to an end, he realized that nine months was too short a time to see through the press so extensive a work as his Opera Mineralia, with its many engravings. Therefore, in a letter dated JANUARY 19/8,* 1734, he applied to the College of Mines for an extension of his leave:
* That is, Jan. 8, O.S.
High well-born Herr Baron, etc.,
Because at the end of the coming February, the permission graciously granted me by his Roy. Majesty expires, I am impelled, in the greatest humility, to make request of the well-born Herr President and the most worsh. Roy. Collegium, for some months prolongation, the matter of this time being most important to me, since I have at last come to the printing,1 and it is now in full swing, and I have been given the assurance, which, from the arrangements that have been made, I also find good, that all will be ready by next Easter.2 In connection with this work, it is imperatively necessary that I be at hand if the work is to be brought to an end and in worthy form.
1 The printing of the Principia began at the end of September 1733 (Resebeskrif. 57). Probably the volumes on Iron and Cooper had already been set up.
2 April 25 (O.S. 14).
If, in this matter, I gain the most gracious consent of the high well-born Herr Baron and President and the most worsh. Roy. Collegium, it might also be permitted me--and this I request in like humility--for the sake of some business that is of importance to me, that from here I be permitted to make a tour to Luneberg and Cassel; and as no more than four or five weeks will be required for this, I hope to be hack again in good time in the coming summer with all tasks finished, and, in humility, to wait on the high well-born Herr baron and the most worsh. Roy. Collegium. I remain, with the deepest respect, etc.,
Leipzig, Jan. 19/8, 1734 Eman. Swedenborg.
This letter was read in the College of Mines on January 26th O.S., and the desired prolongation of leave was readily granted. After the printing of his work was finished in April at the time promised, he made the "tour" he had written of, and returned to Stockholm on July 4th.
The appearance of the Opera Mineralia firmly established Swedenborg as one of the leading mineralogists of Europe. The first volume, the Principia, was indeed adversely criticized, or rather, the critics confessed their inability to understand it, but the volumes on Iron and Copper were regarded as the most authoritative and comprehensive works on the subject theretofore published. It is not surprising, therefore, that, after his return, Swedenborg received from a stranger in Finland the following letter, written in Latin, dated AUGUST 27TH, 1734:
Most Noble Sir Assessor,
to be honored as supreme promoter:
My needs drive me beyond the bounds of temerity to direct to the most noble lord Assessor this barbarous rather than Latin letter. I pray, most noble Sir, that you grant pardon. I, who have not yet quite laid aside the rudiments of Latinity implanted in the elementary school, and who, with grievous troubles at home, and the tempestuous times of the past, have not dared to look to the university, have indeed set myself a captive in an uncertain triumphal procession, where none will doubt that a man of many sciences would be annoyed by these lines, unless, as I have said, the necessity itself should afford me some protection.
Meanwhile, from my heart I give sincere thanks to God thrice blessed, who, by His blessing, has made our land deserving of so great a genius, so that from your labor, most noble and illustrious master of many sciences, I also, sweating in the dust, may bring to my darkness a light that is supremely necessary; for my intention is ardent to possess clear views of all that pertains to things metallurgical.
Most noble Sir, favor him who calls upon you, with a single copy of your work, for which I will pay.
To continue even to death, the most humble servant in lowly offices of the
Most noble lord Assessor,
is the vow of
Jacob Forskll
Koskis Manufactory
Aug. 27, 1734.
Whether Swedenborg answered the above letter, is not known; but, judging from his uniform liberality in giving away his works, it is very probable that he sent Forskll the three volumes of his Opera Mineralia.
To this time must also be ascribed an undated letter which Swedenborg sent in answer to a correspondent, presumably personally unknown to him, who had written inquiring for his opinion as to the causes of the changes of colors in metals, and as to the processes whereby to turn gold to a white color. It appears that this correspondent had previously written him on some other phase of metallurgy, and that he had sent an answer to his question. His second and undated answer, which is now extant only in a copy made by Sven Bergius, was probably written in 1734 or 1735, after Swedenborg had published his Opera Mineralia, and had secured European recognition as an authority on metallurgy:
My highly honored Sir:
I had the honor again to receive M. H's [Min Herr's] letter from which I can gather that M. H. is pleased to consider more closely the causes of the change of colors in metals.
Changes of color give me no data, especially since they can be produced in a hundred ways, and, in respect to their form, situm pelluciditatem, etc., the particles might be wholly different in the one case than in the other. For the rest, I will pass by the experiments which are found in books and can be learned therefrom, and will speak of two which are known to myself, and which can serve for further reflection.
In Fahlun thirty years ago, Councillor of Commerce Polhem made an experiment with sulphur and quicksilver, which he mingled together and placed in a strong globular vessel of iron. This, probably after encasing it in clay, he laid in a smelting furnace, and exposed it to heat for a tolerably long time. When it was taken out, the mixture was of a golden color but in the form of powder which could not be brought to a solidam massam. The late Councillor of Mines Lybecker was present at this experiment.1
1 The experiment here spoken of, which was made "30 years ago" affords the only due to the date of this letter. Polhem worked at Fahlun prior to 1694, but his work then was purely mechanical (Bring, Ch. Polhem 25). From 1700 to 1716, he was machine master there, but after 1702, he neglected this work and spent most of his time at Stiernsund (ibid. 36). In 1700, the War College asked him to examine gunpowder works to see whether they could be improved (ibid. 41). The experiment spoken of in the text was probably made in connection with this examination. Harold Lybecker Sr. (1649-1714) was stationed in Fahlun as mining master from 1691 to the day of his death in 1714. Adding thirty years to 1700 makes 1730; but the "30 years" spoken of by Swedenborg must not be taken too literally. Swedenborg's letter has the appearance of having been written to a stranger, and the probability is that this stranger addressed his inquiry to him in 1734, after his return from the publishing of his great work in Leipzig, whereby he became widely known as an authority on metallurgy. Roughly speaking, thirty years prior to 1734 might be 1700.
As regards the second case--making gold white--I will say that when the Brunsbo homestead burned down in 1712, there was an iron chest in the fire wherein lay some ducats.2 There were then found among them coins, one quarter or one fifth of whose surface on one side was turned to complete whiteness like silver. I had them in my hands, and the true gold color could not be restored by red hot heating.3 But since I little bothered myself about chemistry at that time, I made no further investigation into the matter.
2 The Swedish ducat was a golden coin.
3 Swedenborg was on the continent from 1712-15, and did not return to Brunsbo until the summer of 1715. It was probably then that he examined the gold coins that had been exposed to the fire at Brunsbo in 1712.
I will leave the above to M. H's closer consideration, for they are things such as are still unknown chymicis [to chemists].
I remain, with all esteem, M. H's
most dutiful servant,
Em. Swedenborg
To this period, that is to say, to some time in the Autumn of 1734, may perhaps be ascribed the letter which Swedenborg wrote to Dr. Gran Andersson Nordberg, describing conversations which he had with Charles XII in 1716. Dr. Nordberg printed this letter in the second volume of his History of Charles XII (pp. 599-602), but gives no indication as to its date.4 The letter now follows:
4 Dr. Nordberg received his commission in 1731. Therefore, presuming that Swedenborg wrote the letter while in Sweden, it could have been written only between (1) 1731 and May 1933; or (2) July 1734 and July 1736; or (3) Oct. 25 and Dec., 1740, in which latter month Dr. Nordberg's second volume was published. The letter might have been written at any of these dates. It seems most likely that it was written in 1734.
Since a description of the life of King Charles XII is now being written by the Herr Doctor, I find myself impelled to contribute something which may not be known to the Herr Doctor, and which may deserve of being made known to the after world through the Herr Doctor. I have given an account of it elsewhere, as it occurs in my Miscellaneis [Miscellaneous Observations], Part 4, chap. I, which treats de calculo novo sexagenario qui a Beatae Memoriae Rege sueciae Carolo XII adinventus est.1
1 Of a new Sexagenary Numeration [i.e., a numeration with its turning point at 64 instead of 10] invented by the King of Sweden, Charles XII, of blessed memory.
2 The reference is to Wolff's Elementa Matheseos where, on p. 257 of volume I, he says: "And, as told by Emanuel Swedenborg, Charles XII, King of Sweden, has thought out a sexagenarian numeration, with the use of new characters and numbers and new denominations."
At the end of 1716, at the King's command, Councillor of Commerce Herr Christopher Polhem betook himself to Lund, and I was invited by the Herr Councillor of Commerce to accompany him. On our arrival, it now and again happened that, in the King's presence, discourser were carried on which concerned nothing but mechanics and that branch thereof which has to do with its rules and potentias [powers] and the reckoning thereof; and also concerning geometry and arithmetic with other miscellaneous subjects in mathesi. The great Man showed that he had a special pleasure and delight in questioning us as to one thing and another, as though, all unnoticed, he would thus acquire some knowledge. Now and again, however, he let us observe that he was not so ignorant therein as he let on, and this made us give more attention to being on our guard not to bring anything forward that was common and of less value, and not to adduce anything with uncertainty wherein he could show otherwise.
There came also the mention of analyticum et algebraicum and likewise of the regulum falsi3 and other like matters, and we were commanded to give some examples--examples such as did not seem capable of being solved, abiding by the regulam itself, save by means of the noter, letters and aequationes that are commonly brought into use. But to each and every example that was brought forward, his Majesty gave such deep thought and speculation, that shortly thereafter, without the help and application of a single mathematical rule, he traced out the connection, and at once said that the example we had brought up could and should be resolved in such or such a way; and this was in such agreement with the calculation itself, that nothing could be said.
3 The rule of false position.
To this Lundum Literarium was given a singular occasion and a subject, which is what I shall now have the honor of circumstantially communicating to the Herr Doctor, as being a matter of which no other person can give so accurate an account.4
4 Since Polhem was still living and in good health, it would seem from this that some of these mathematical discussions were held between the King and Swedenborg without the presence of any other person.
When, among other matters in mathesi, there was discours concerning our arithmetic and the way of counting, it was said that the usual and now universally received method has its proper period at every tenth number, so that up to 10, one always continues with 9 simple numbers; use is then made of two numbers up to the ten turning, when three numbers are used. The origin of this, we said, was the circumstance that in the beginning, when no written numbers were available, the common and simple people did all their counting on their fingers, which was probably the first method of counting, and is like that still in use with the vulgar and unlearned. And when, from its experiences, the world acquired more and more knowledge, and began to formulate sciences therefrom, this common way of counting was introduced by pen and on paper, and figures were invented which should designate 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. etc. But the old custom was retained, and the counting conformed to that system which was first set up on the fingers, and which thus went first with single numbers up to 10, and from there with two figures to 100, every turn being taken at each multiplied 10.
Because of this, his Majesty was of the opinion that if such had not been the origin of our counting, one could have set up another method which would be far better constructed, and would have been established on a geometrical foundation; and in such case one would rather have chosen some other turning number than 10, and this would have been more serviceable and more convenient for general use.
5 In Swedenborg's day, eight was a unit in many Swedish weights and measures. Thus: 8 jungfruar (gills) = 1 quart; 8 quarts = 1 kan; 8 kans = 1 fierding; 8 fierdings = 1 tunna. 8re s.m. = 1 mark; 8 marks = 1 riksdaler. 32 re k.m. = 1 daler k.m., etc.
This that is now brought forward in detail, was firmly held to by the King, and he desired that a trial be instituted with a number other than 10; and when, at this, it was said that such trial could not be made unless new numbers and new names should be invented and used, which must be wholly unlike those in common use, since, were the least likeness retained it would at once result in bewilderment and confusion, this likewise was included in the trial.
By command the experiment was made with 8, which is a cube of 2, and which by halving stops exactly at 1, its first number. And to this end new figures were invented and for each figure a new name. With these, the sequences were made according to the usual method, and it was applied to coins and measures and also to the cubic reckoning.5a
5a See Swedenborg's letter to Benzelius of Jan. 7, 1718, p. 165.
But the greater the difficulter [difficulties] occasioned therewith, the more brightly glowed the desire to make the trial and to show the possibility of a thing which we represented as requiring too much reflection to be brought into order and completion in a hurry. His Majesty then took it upon himself to work out and plan this method of counting. The next day he sent us his project, worked out on a whole sheet, with new numbers and new names. There he divided the aforesaid 64 figures into eight classes, and distinguished each class from the other by certain signs. On closer examination, these distinguishing signs were all found to be the initial and final letters and signs of the names that he used therein, but all in so pleasing and comprehensive a way that, after knowing the first 8 numbers, one had no difficulty in learning the rest in the suite [sequence] to 64. By the side of each and every number were set new names, and, on the 8 numbers, in the first class, names such as could at once be remembered, while the remaining numbers were marked with a differentiation such that, without difficultet [the difficulty] of burdening the memory, one could easily recite all the numbers in order, and the counting could be done according to rule.
6 Judging from Emanuel Swedberg's octonary system, this should be two.
7 This is the last known mention of the manuscript. Its present whereabouts is unknown.
On this same project it was also shown how both multiplication and division should be done, the intention therewith being to meet the great difficulties.
When by such high command, the said project was to be further expanded, and the opportunity was given me for closer reflection as to whether this reckoning could be set up in a better and more convenient way, then, however much I worked on it, I could yet find nothing that could be improved on, nor, in my humble opinion, could any other man have found anything, even though he used his time on mathesis alone. His Majesty's comprehensive way of hitting upon the numbers and names; their easy changes, and his method, whereby by certain uniform differentiations between them, they could vary at every new number; and also his project for multiplication, and likewise the short time which he used to amuse himself therewith; could do no other than set me in wonder, and make me acknowledge him as a Hero of greater depth of mind and penetration than any one can or could imagine; and that in this matter he was willing and able, to be or to remain the foremost among his subjects; at least, that he could gain the laurum [laurel] which the learned strive after, as quickly as any other man.
It gave me also occasion to think and believe that in all else, he of whom the Herr Doctor is giving the world a complete story, must have had a greater intelligence than he allowed to appear outwardly; especially since in all his social intercourse, he showed that he held it to be vulgar to give oneself air [airs] and to display a mine [countenance] of haughtiness and learning before those who considered and still see the superficielle and external as wisdom and the reela and inward as unwisdom. I call to mind his Royal and intelligent utterance, that he considered one who had no insight in mathematical scienter [sciences] to be only half a man. He has also evidenced all grace and kindly consideration for all whom he found to have the purpose of bringing themselves to some perfection in a useful science. And if the gracious Providence of the Most High God had been that he should have ruled his kingdom in peace and tranquillity, he would probably have brought studies and the scienter to a higher grad and a greater flor [flower] than had ever before been in the kingdom of Sweden, since he, in his own person, seems to have had the desire to set himself in the van of the learned trouppe and with his own insight to encourage each and every one to carry himself to such height as to be acknowledged by the Master himself as having laid up some merit and learned some renown.
At the same time and on the same occasion, there was also laid down the plan for various mechanical undertakings in the kingdom, in connection with which I was commanded to be with Councillor of Commerce Polhem as assistant; such as the dock at Carlscrona, which, in view of its being a place where there is no rise and flow of the tide to assist in the setting up of the work, should be treasured as a work without its equal in Europe; also the building of locks between Lake Venner and Gothenborg in the mighty stream and fall at Trolhtten, which, had it reached completion, would have been counted as one of the greatest mechanical enterpriser which have ever been undertaken in the world; and also various other undertakings which I will here pass by.
I deem that I ought in humility to communicate this to the Herr Doctor, remaining, with all respect,
Em. Swedenborg
When Swedenborg returned to Sweden after publishing his Opera Mineralia, he sent copies of that work to many learned bodies, including the Royal Philosophical Society of London and the Royal Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. The latter body, which received the work in March 1734, appointed a committee of three professors to examine it, with a view to seeing what use it could serve in the development of Russian mining,8 and the Secretary of the Society sent a letter of thanks to Swedenborg, written in Latin. No copy of this letter has been found, but a draft of a portion of it is still preserved in the Archives of the Society of Sciences at Leningrad.9 It is headed "To Swedenborg, sent DECEMBER 28, 1734."
8 An English translation of their report is published in the NEW PHILOSOPHY, Oct. 1934, p. 361 seq.
9 The omitted parts probably contained the complimentary introduction and ending.
Meantime, while some of our Academicians are running through your work, wherein with happy genius and praiseworthy diligence, you investigate the hidden secrets of nature, to the end that they may at some time communicate to you their sentiments concerning so signal a writing, there can surely be no delay on my part in expressing to you in the name of the whole Society, profound thanks for the fine gift which you have presented to us, and in inviting you to enter into a literary correspondence with it. And, while most willingly performing this office, I pray that you will kindly accept some books printed in St. Petersburg, which I will send on the first occasion that offers, and that you will continue as you have begun to show favor to our Academy.
This letter was written by Herr Goldback, the Secretary of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences; for in the Proceedings of the Society for December 2, 1734, it is reported that "Herr Goldback read the following letters whereof he had made a rough draft: To Messrs. Sloan, Polenius and Michelotti, informing them that they had been received by the Academy as honorary members; and to Messrs. Swedenborg and Teubner, thanking them for books sent to the Academy."
It is evident from the above, that Swedenborg was not invited to become an honorary member of the St. Petersburg Society;
The Diet which opened in May, 1734, is notable for the rise of distinct parties in the government. About the year 1700, Augustus the Strong, Duke of Saxony, had seized the Polish throne, but in 1702, Charles XII, being distantly related to the legitimate Polish King, met and defeated Augustus and set Stanislaus on the throne. Later, however, Charles XII was himself defeated, and Augustus again seized the Polish throne, Stanislaus meanwhile escaping to France. There, in 1725, his daughter became the wife of Louis XV. When Augustus the Strong died in 1733 Stanislaus, aided by France, made another attempt to occupy the Polish throne. Arriving in Warsaw, he was there elected King by an overwhelming majority of the Polish nobles. Meanwhile, Russia had made an alliance with the Kaiser of Austria (elected by all the German princes). Being opposed to Stanislaus, Russia and Austria drove him from Poland, and in October 1733, a small minority of Polish nobles, under the protection of Russia, elected Augustus the Strong's son to the throne. Stanislaus then fled to Danzig which was at once besieged by Russian and German troops. France then proclaimed her intention of restoring Stanislaus to his throne and of sending her fleet to the relief of Danzig. The fleet, however, did not sail because it feared an attack by the English who were opposed to French policy. France did, however, send soldiers to defend Danzig. But her policy at this time was mainly directed to bringing Sweden into the war. She desired that country to declare war against Russia, and as an inducement, she offered large subsidies of money--sorely needed by Sweden. In Stockholm, the French and the Russian Ambassadors were roused to the greatest activity, each endeavoring to induce Sweden to favor his side, and bribery and corruption were rampant. Among the Swedes themselves there developed a sharp difference of opinion. Horn, who headed the government, was all for peace as absolutely necessary for the restoration of Swedish prosperity. Feeling that the question of the Polish succession was outside the sphere of Swedish interests, he opposed an alliance with France and favored rather friendship with England and Russia.
But opposed to Horn was a powerful leader, Karl Gyllenborg, who was supported by a party which vociferously clamored for an alliance with France, an attack on Russia, and the restoration of Stanislaus to the Polish throne. They had high chauvinistic dreams of thereby once more becoming a first class power in Europe and of again gaining possession of the many provinces which had been lost owing to the disastrous course pursued by Charles XII. Assisted by France, they would send troops to help Stanislaus; they would induce Turkey to attack Russia; and so would easily obtain their desired end.
Horn and his followers they called old men, impotent and afraid, who sought their night caps that they might rest comfortably in slothful slumber. And themselves they styled as warriors, wearing high hats and ready with courage undaunted to go forth to restore the ancient glory of Sweden. Hence arose the two parties, the Caps and the Hats. The great mass of Swedes was undoubtedly on the side of peace and against the French alliance, but the Hats were the more vociferous.
The battle between the two parties never came to discussion in any of the Estates of the Diet, but was waged in the Secret Committee--a Committee of one hundred, consisting of fifty members of the House of Nobles and twenty-five each from the House of the Clergy and the House of the Burghers--which had exclusive charge of foreign affairs and which was sworn to secrecy.
In the Secret Committee there was hesitation even among the Hats, conscious as they were of the great risks involved. In November 1734, the Committee declared that "friendship with France, the annihilation of Russia, and the support of King Stanislaus" was the central aim of Swedish policy.
Swedenborg was well aware of the heated discussions that were going on in the Secret Committee and, probably in the in the end of June 1734, he wrote a memorial in support of Count Horn's policy.
PROJECT
1. When declaring war, one should have in view, not a single year, or the avantage which one thinks he can derive from a conjuncture of circumstances, but ten to twenty years, that is to say, all the consequences. Should we meet misfortune, one may surely expect that Prussia will lie in wait for the remaining portion of Pomerania, Denmark for Skne, Russia for the whole of Finland; and to this, the puissancer [the Powers] lying nearest to us will give their assistance.
On the occurrence of such a misfortune, or on the declaration of war, Russia will likely not neglect to suppress our freedom and to speculate concerning our right of succession,l and thereby make greater disturbance in Sweden than one can imagine beforehand. It may be that many will then think that they can fish in muddy water and thereby strengthen their hidden intention to make war.
1 The older sister of Charles XII had married the Duke of Holstein, and thereby, according to Swedish law, had given up all right to the Swedish throne. Her son Karl Frederick was nevertheless looked on by many Swedes as the legitimate successor to King Frederick, and when that son married Anna, a daughter of Peter the Great, the Russians eagerly took up his claim, with the hope of eventually uniting Sweden and Russia. For many years, therefore, the Russians took an active and entirely improper part in Swedish politics, and patriotic Swedes were in constant fear that Russia would dictate the successor to the Swedish throne after the death of King Frederick.
2. That Sweden is not at present so formidable as before; and also that we have fewer people to set in the field and they know that one has not the means soutenera [to sustain] a long drawn out war.
If the sedes belli [seat of war] be in a foreign land, as in Poland, it is such that it involves that we must still provide for ourselves with our own means; nor can one claim anything of Poland, inasmuch as one goes there as a friend.
Nor in the long run can one reckon on anything from France since she has need of her own means, even if she should have success, and still more if she suffer failure. Of promises, there would likely be no lack, but when it concerns the carrying on of war, more depends on performances.
3. Russia is indeed more formidable now than before; and by the avantage she has won over Sweden, she will become more powerful, being provided from the conquerade provinces with more and better manpower. Moreover, Russia herself is better drilled, and in her milice [militia] has become more like the Europeans and provided with other than native Russian officers. As a result of all this, one can now no longer assure oneself of an avantage as before.
4. For her success, both in Poland and against the Russians, Sweden has most to thank the fact that our own kings were at the head of the army, and by their example encouragerad the Swedish men, and this from King Gustav's time on, as one sees from all his successors, up to Charles XII. But that the Swedish soldiers, when they are not led by the King himself, are no better than any other soldiers, was seen after the late King's death in Norway; and later, from many examples; so that one cannot flatera oneself because of the success which one formerly had.
5. Nor is it consistent that one should indirectly act against himself--that, on the one hand, he send auxiliary troupar and a contingent against the French, and, on the other, act indirectly with France; so that, with the one hand, one seeks her ruin, and with the other, seeks to help her up; on the one hand, to wish that France might suffer, and, on the other, that she had the avantage since her avantage is so knit in with our own, because of Russia's alliance with the Kaiser, that in Sweden one would rather see her avantage whereon would depend our own.1a
1a Swedenborg, who advocates neutrality, shows here that were Sweden to support Russia against France, or France against Russia, it would be equally inconsistent with her own welfare.
6. That one desired to have Livland returned to us, is indeed a great avantage, but I hold it to be a still greater avantage that Sweden does not possess it, if one will use foresight.
The reason is, that so long as Sweden occupied Livland, she was always in fear of being involved in war by its neighbors, and of being attacked, so that one must be ever on his guarde as regards Russia, Poland, etc., whereas now Sweden has no fear that any one will attack us offensively, since we have already given away everything that can provoke our neighbors to war.2
2 Swedenborg is here referring to the cession of part of Finland, of Bremen, Weimar and other places which Sweden had been compelled to make, though sometimes with monetary compensation. Of all her former possessions she now retained only the northern part of Pomerania, and the western part of Finland.
A war, or the outfitting of warlike power and a fleet, will draw more money out of Sweden's cassa [treasury] than Lifland has brought to Sweden for many years.
If Sweden be neutral, then all this harm can most surely be offset by good internal administration, by the encouragement of mining and commerce, by the profit which Swedish trade will bring in when the other puissancer are involved in war. This is definite and assured, and under such circumstances, the country could have greater profit than from Lifland in many years; and meanwhile, under a continuing peace could set her economy and commerce in such condition that by their means she could be compensated every year for what has been lost through her provinces. For the wealth of a land depends not on its having a great etendue [extense] and many provinces, but on its having a flourishing commerce.
And since at the present time, one can have no fear that we will be offensively attacked, therefore we can increase our business, cultivate the land, and thereby make ourselves formidable, and in this have principles in common with Holland.
7. To declare war now, or so to involve ourselves therein that it can be considered as being indirectly a declaration, or as acting offensively, is in the first place [to do] that for which Sweden does not seem to have a sufficient cause. A pretended cause, one can always find, but if one thus flatterar himself with justifia causae [the justice of the cause], many are likely to see that it is not such but is rather a breach of the peace against Russia, made under a pretext.
Moreover, it is not the custom in Sweden to break alliances and peace treatises, or to commence a war offensively; and one will hardly find a case in Sweden when war has been commenced offensively, but, for the most part, it has been done defensively.
8. As regards our honneur to maintenera the Polish election, this is a matter in which one should take no part, since Sweden is not the guarant [guarantor] of their election in Poland, and, furthermore, we are not bound by any treaty to soutinere [sustain] her.
9. As concerns alliances, this is a matter which the Secret Committee will examine into, as to how far one can avoid the furnishing of assistant trouper [troops]; or, if Sweden finds herself bound to do this,3 as to how far it can be done without indirectly involving oneself in the general war, and that nothing is done that arises from any laesion [breaking] of alliances or treaties within the kingdoms concerned. Into this I cannot go, and, in any case, it can be discussed better by those who are familiar with the circumstances, or who know how, by proposals with the Russian Court, effectively to reconcile the one course with the other.
3 That is, if there should be a treaty by which Sweden is bound to send troops for the assistance of France.
10. For my part, I do not see that the present conjuncture of circumstances is such that one could hope to obtain an avantage, and this for the reasons adduced above. Something might indeed be imagined that could induce us to venture into the play, but if, in the supposed progresser [forward movements] one should find some reverse, such a conjuncture of circumstances would exist that Sweden may become more unfortunate than she has ever been.
And since all depends on the providence of the Most High, it may well be that in some years a still better conjuncture of circumstances may arise, so that Russia may be attacked on another side, or that disturbance arises;4 in which case one could find a much better avantage, if only one now made to the Russian Court, such proposals that at such existing conjuncture of circumstances, Sweden, by reason of the Court's adverse answer and rejection, had become a pars laesa [injured party], and for this, measures could be taken.
4 That is, civil disturbances in Russia; this was expected at the time.
11. The thought that other nations have judged Sweden to be so impoverished and in such a condition that for this reason, and because of some apprehension, she dared not put herself in the play--this in itself is no reason for commencing a war which, peradventure, might set the kingdom in such a condition that what men now argue about, they would find to be actually so.
If one makes a balance between the great avantage one might derive from a war, and the avantage from neutrality, I for my small part see far greater advantage from the latter, if one will extend his thoughts beyond presentia [the present].
Our neighbors are always afraid of us when they see our prosperity and our well being within the kingdom; when they see that we are without debts, our milices [soldiers] in good condition, our magazines and the casa of every regiment well filled, and unity within the kingdom and between the Estates of the Realm. In this way, therefore, the kingdom is better fortified than any other. All this cannot be concealed, and it will result in no one thinking that we are out of condition, or are afraid to have to deal with one or two puissancer if this be necessary.
12. At the present conjuncture of circumstances, when Russia allies herself with the Kaiser, and France together with Spain allies herself in opposition, it might well seem that Sweden's interest demands that she come much nearer to the French kingdom, and stand by her with support, since one sees that by this alliance, and also if another comes to the Polish throne than one of whom we might hope that he would hold the balance with Russia, Russia makes herself more formidable against Sweden.
5 If these words are interpreted as meaning that Danzig had not yet fallen, then the date of the present document must be set as the early summer of 1734. Danzig was besieged by the Russians because Stanislaus the dethroned King of Poland had taken refuge there. But Stanislaus escaped from the city one midsummer night, and soon afterwards Danzig fell to the Russians. Swedenborg returned to Stockholm from the Continent in July 1734 (1 Doc. 216) when the Diet had been in session for over two months. Danzig had already fallen (June 30), Stanislaus having escaped to Prussia on June 28 disguised as a peasant. The Diet closed on December 14. Swedenborg's memorial must therefore have been written between July and December, probably in August or September, for on September 24, a treaty with Denmark was signed which abolished any danger of an attack on Skne; see the commetlcement of Swedenborg's memorial.
1. That one cannot destroy the alliances5a but rather they will uniera [unite] ever to hold Sweden in such a position that she will not be able to give assistance to France. With all the avantage one might gain [by giving such assistance], I cannot but see that it would set us in eternal unrest, especially since, by the alliance with Russia, the whole German Kingdom5b finds itself in better condition, and thereby we possess less strength. They, and especially the German Kingdom, would rather see Russia powerful than Sweden; and they are then always likely to conspire together, and to do this the more, according as we made progresser. This would also cause in them a desire to reduce us to a condition in which they could use the alliances with Russia and Poland. And should they wish still more offensively to disturb Sweden, one would always he ill a condition to defend oneself and thereby balance Russian power in the Baltic.
5a i.e., the Holy Roman empire, of which Austria and the German states were members, the Emperor of Austria being the head.
5b i.e., the alliances between Russia, the Holy Roman Empire and Poland.
[2.] As regards Poland, neither here does one have any hope of soutien [support] during King Stanislaus' lifetime. Quite the contrary; for so long as the war is being carried on, there is none, and Poland will become even more impoverished. Nor if peace should come, would one have long to profit by it, for during his lifetime he would look to rest and peace rather than war, and it would be uncertain whether his lifetime would extend so far that one could derive any advantage therefrom; and then all would go back to its former condition.
[3.] As regards Danzig, the sea powers and others will in time so arrange that Russia will not have perpetual possession thereof.
And should Russia, in case of a success, be enabled to become still more formidable, and Sweden still less in a position to defend herself, we being now ever in a position to do this even though Russian power should extend and increase, then, by the avantage of neutrality, one sets oneself most surely in a position to balance Russia; and less so, if contraire [the opposite] is the case.
17.* As regards the conjuncture of circumstances in Russia,6 if this should seem to favor us, they will yet be held in such check that one cannot as yet expect a continual internal disturbance there, even if it should come; for the principal chefs in the provinces and in the army are such as can and are likely to crush it. Yet this is a matter which should again be taken up in a different way by correspondence, and this with wisdom; on which matter someone in the Secret Committee, or those who have insight into affairs, can express themselves.
* Swedenborg, by error, numbers this and the remaining paragraphs "17-21" respectively.
6 At this time it was generally expected that there would be some sort of uprising in Russia.
18. As to how the Alliance with France can be of more avail than a treaty of peace with Russia, or as to how maintaining Stanislaus on the throne can be a righteous cause [of war], each and every one can judge for himself. There would be no one in the Swedish nation who would not wish it, both because he has been twice unfortunate, having been lawfully voted on,7 and because he is a gentleman who has always won favor in Sweden; but with such great risk, politics does not suffer the doing of this.
7 At the election in Sept. 1733, Stanislaus had received an overwhelming majority. In the following October, the Polish nobles voted for Augustus of Saxony, but the vote was held in the presence of the Russian army, and was influenced by Russian gold.
19. When one sees to it that he has a cause, and as yet bides his time, more favorable conjunctures ought to come up more and more during the war itself. At the least, one could the better see how fortune is going, from which we alone have some profit; and also whether Russia will not have something to do on another side.8
8 There was at this time an expectation that Turkey would declare war on Russia.
20. France is now so much more likely to give promises and to keep them, because she holds Sweden to be so much more needed, since Russia holds alliance with the Kaiser; yet it depends on how she can keep her promises and is in a position to do so.
Moreover, if Poland becomes allied with France, the great need for Sweden which under certain circumstances France may have, will likely disappear.
21. That Russia thinks to make herself more formidable and more secure when they get a man of the German Kingdom on the Polish throne, so that in all circumstances they can at least be safe on the Polish side; or, by means of the Kaiser, to make herself obligated, when the occasion arises, to make a common resistence to Turkey--this cannot eviteras [be avoided]; for though King Stanislaus may peradventure be maintained on the throne for some years, one can nevertheless not imagine this for long, since he is already advanced in years,9 and is not in strong health, and, in consequence thereof, being likely rather to love peace and a quiet reign, will not carry on a government which will restore Poland to its former condition. Thus the avantage thereby expected is not de longue halcine.
9 At this time Stanislaus was fifty-seven years old. He was 89 when he died.
To conclude from the present conjuncture of circumstances, as to what will happen in ten to twenty years, is like as with a lottery; when one has once won, one thinks that it will always go the same way, or that he will also be lucky at the next lottery.
The above document is found only in the Swedenborg papers preserved in the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in Codex 56. There it is a "project" or first draft. Whether it was ever presented to the Secret Committee is not known. The probability is that it was not. The style of the "project" shows that it was merely a draft, and no such memorial has thus far been found among the documents preserved in the Swedish archives. For the time, however, the policy advocated by Swedenborg prevailed, and it was not until some years later, when the Hats came into unlimited power, that this policy was changed and Sweden entered into war with Russia, with the disastrous results here foretold by Swedenborg.
On July 26, 1735, Bishop Swedberg died, and, according to the current custom, his formal burial was fixed for some months later, namely January 29, 1736. The burial was to be at Varnhem, a few miles east of Brunsbo After learning of the date, Swedenborg wrote to his brother-in-law, Dean Unge, stating that he hoped to attend. Soon afterwards, on Jan. 10th, he wrote to the King, applying for leave of absence for three or four weeks. The request was granted, both to Swedenborg and to his brother-in-law and fellow Assessor Lars Benzelstierna. Before leaving Stockholm, he received an answer to his letter to the Dean, dated JANUARY 17, 1736. It is preserved only in the Bergius Collection, and the copyist has omitted a portion:
My highly honored d. Brother:
My Brother's last letter reads somewhat doubtfully as to your coming to the burial...
The old atheist and court chamberlain, Erik Sparre, who stopped at Ryholm, has lately departed by death. Fuit ille vere Lucianus,1 et si quis alius Luciano pejor. Praeter multos atheismi discupulos unum habet Upsaliae religionis confratrem, decrepito jam fere aetate.2 It is said that on his death bed, he found that the light he had followed in his principles was a seductive shut-in fire, and in itself a thick infernal darkness. He is said greatly to have regretted, condemned and abjured it. It is my wish that this may be true.
1 Lucianus, an ancient Greek writer, noted for the beauty and elegance of his style, and notorious for his atheism. His writings ridiculed, not only the religion of the Greeks, but that of all other nations. Tradition says that he was torn to pieces by dogs because of his ridicule of Christ.
2 He was truly a Lucian; and if anything worse than Lucian, if one can be that. In addition to many disciples of atheism, he had one fellow religionist in Upsala now almost decrepit in years.
With the most hearty greeting from my wife, I remain with pleasure, my highly learned d. Brother's
Lidkping most dutiful servant
Jan. 17, 1736 J. Unge
After returning home from the funeral of his father, Swedenborg was seriously contemplating a long journey to the Continent, with the object of continuing the studies which had been commenced in the Principia.
But he had no intention of resting his work with the Principia. It was his design, even when writing the Principia, to show the operation of the Divine Proceeding in the animal kingdom, even to the establishment of the Kingdom of God among men. For the carrying on of this design he desired a long release from his work as Assessor, in order that he might study anatomy; for he held that the soul must be searched for in her body where she operates her laws for the attainment of her end. He particularly desired to spend many months in Paris studying at the School of Dissection, which had been established there by Louis XIV.
He had probably spoken of his intention to Dean Unge and others of the family when they were assembled for the funeral ceremonies. After returning to Stockholm, however, something turned up which seemed to preclude the possibility of taking the contemplated continental journey; and Swedenborg wrote Dean Unge to this effect. Later, however, the obstacle, whatever its nature, was removed, and Swedenborg again wrote his brother-in-law, telling him that the journey to France was now decided on. In answer, he received a letter dated APRIL 24, 1736, preserved, with omissions, in the Bergius Collection:
My highly honored d. Brother:
Just as I was pleased with my Brother's former letter, wherein he told me that the foreign journey was called off, so do I become displeased over my Brother's last, which again confirmed the French journey.
Greet Brother Benzelstierna. I will not be able to answer him this time either. He wants information about the earthquake which happened here. Besides this, there was an occurrence here with a man some years ago when he was young. In the time of half an hour, he grew a beard so long that it reached to his waist and he would without doubt have kept it had he not been too young to run around with so long a beard. The man is still living; he is now over seventy years. This happened through witchery, or rather, through the Evil One himself.
My highly learned d. Brother's
Lidkping most dutiful servant
April 24, 1736. J. Unge
Despite the fact that Swedenborg contemplated a foreign journey this year, he was able to extend to his cousin Peter Schnstrm a loan of 2,000 dal. kp. mt., on a mortgage, receiving in return the following document:
From my cousin, the Assessor in his Majesty's and the Kingdom's Bergscollegium, the well-born Herr Emanuel Swedenborg, I the undersigned have received, as a loan, two thousand dal. kop. mt, which sum, God willing, I shall repay justly and with all thankfulness, on May 1st, 1738. Meanwhile, for the same sum, I undertake to pay six per cent every year on May 1st. That all this may be rightly observed, I confirm it by the under-writing and under-setting of my name and seal.
Berens Forges, April 30, 1736
It says 2,000 dal. K. mt. P. Schnstrm
Seal.
Swedenborg planned to leave for France in July, but as he contemplated an absence of two or three years, it behooved him to make the necessary arrangements with the State. Accordingly, on MAY 24TH, 1736, he addressed the following letter to the King
Most Mighty all-gracious King,
I most humbly thank your Roy. Majesty for the great grace shown me some years ago, in that permission was given me to travel abroad for about a year, and to give to the press a work I then had in hand. On my return, I had the gracious favor of humbly presenting the same to your Roy. Majesty, which consisted in some necessary instructions and relations in metallurgy, and in some new principles in philosophy. Now, since that work was only a beginning, and part of what I had thought further to work out, and which in the aforementioned work I announced and promised to bring out;1
1 So far as I know, no such promise is made or implied in the Principia; but in the Forerunner concerning the Infnite, which was published in the same year and place, there is repeated reference to "the work itself."
Meanwhile, I live in the hope that this same work map be of profit to the public, and may at least have the effect among the learned in general, that they find that in re literaria, in which other nations pride themselves above us, there are also some in our dear Fatherland who likewise elaborate something for the general good, and have it printed.
Of your Roy. Majesty's most gracious assent, I make myself, in all humility, the more assured, because, at your Roy. Majesty's most gracious command, the Bergscollegium of your Roy. Majesty and the Kingdom, will likely humbly submit a plan as to how my work may be carried out equally well without any injury resulting to your Roy. Majesty's service.
All gracious King
Your Roy. Majesty's
most humbly plighted subject
Eman. Swedenborg.
This letter was referred by the King to the College of Mines for an expression of opinion. The College considered the matter at its meeting on May 26th. After the letter to the King had been read, Swedenborg explained that, if his request were granted, he proposed giving up half his salary, to wit, 600 dal. s.m., to be disposed of by the College to provide for the carrying on of his work; and he promised not again to claim this half salary until there was a vacant assessorship. Then the man substituted for him (or some other appointee) would receive the vacated salary, and Swedenborg would have his half salary restored. (This did not occur until October 1744, when Assessor Valerius died.)
After this explanation, Swedenborg retired from the meeting, and the College agreed to recommend his request, and also to recommend that, if the request were granted, 300 daler of Swedenborg's remitted salary go to Nils Porath, the Secretary of the College, as extra pay, for which he would take up Swedenborg's duties as Assessor, Porath's place to be filled by the advocate, and the advocate's place by the Notary, each to receive 150 dalers extra pay. See p. 491, note 1.
On the same day, the above recommendation was sent to the King; and also on the same day, MAY 26TH, Swedenborg addressed to the College a letter of thanks:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
With the greatest humility, I thank the most worsh. Roy. Collegium which has been pleased to consider the reasons and motives adduced in my Supplique humbly presented to his Roy. Majesty, which brought me in humility to request permission to absent myself for three or four years from official duties in the Roy. Collegium, and to use that time for a useful work which is a continuation of the former work I had printed three years ago. I presume that the Roy. Collegium understands that in this intenderar and aim at nothing else than merely to elaborate the above mentioned work; and of this the Roy. Collegium is less likely to doubt, inasmuch as I have had the good fortune now for so many years to be known in the Roy. Collegium, and the former work can serve as proof of what I carried out on that journey, when I had nothing but mere trouble and expense, and had enjoyment only in bringing the work to an end.
And now, in order that the business of the Roy. Collegium may not in any way be put back during the time of my absence, or any inconvenience be experienced thereby, I give up, for this purpose, one-half of my salary, to be paid to the one who carries on the work. As to the other half, I hope the Roy. Collegium will be pleased to have me retain it in consideration of the well intended and useful dessein I have in mind, and also in consideration of the fact that I have been an assessor in the Roy. Collegium now for twenty years;1 it would also be an encouragement to me and some support in what I am now intending to undertake, for which considerable outlay will be required. Stockholm, May 26, 1736.
Em. Swedenborg
1 It may be noted that Swedenborg dates his assessorship from the time when he was appointed by Charles XII in 1716.
On June 1st, the King accepted the recommendation of the College of Mines and granted Swedenborg the leave of absence asked for. In addition to the disposal of Swedenborg's half salary, the King also appointed an extra clerk, who had been serving without pay, to be clerk at a salary of 300 dal.
On June 20, Swedenborg both expressed his thanks and applied for a pass:
Most Powerful, All-gracious King:
I thank your Roy. Majesty, with the greatest humility, for the three to four years graciously granted permission to go abroad, and, as I am now thinking of soon betaking myself on the journey, may it therefore please your Roy. Majesty, in grace, to grant me a pass therefor, for which grace, I, with humblest reverence, ever remain, etc.
Emanuel Swedenborg.
Swedenborg left Stockholm on Saturday, July 10th, traveling via Copenhagen, Flensburg, Hamburg, Dortrecht and Antwerp to Paris, where he arrived on Friday, September 3rd. Soon he was busily engaged in anatomical studies, which he pursued until the spring of 1738, when he left for a long tour through Italy, during which he wrote, in Venice, his first work on the Cerebrum. He returned to Paris in May 1739, and on May 14th, wrote, apparently to his brother-in-law, Lars Benzelstierna, announcing this return. Lars answered him in a letter dated JUNE 26TH, 1739:
Not only I, but all my brother's friends and relatives, rejoice from all their heart at my brother's health and at his safe return to Paris, of which my Brother's welcome letter of the 14th of May last assures us. My Brother can have good reason to think that there has been some change here at home since his departure. In our sphaera in the Roy. Bergscollegium, we are in statu quo, after Herr President Ribbing's1 death brought us Herr President Baron Rlamb.2 Only Councillor of Mines Leiell3 has, for a long time, and indeed for from seventeen to eighteen months, not been able to attend the sessions because of severe suffering from the stone and other ailments.
1 Baron Conrad Ribbing (1671-1736) was President of the College of Mines from 1729 to the day of his death, October 17, 1736.
2 Baron Gustaf Rlamb (1675-1750) had been Governor of the Skara district from 1723-1727, and presumably was a friend of the Swedenborg family. He remained President of the College of Mines until the day of his death, thus during the whole of Swedenborg's remaining time as an Assessor of the College.
3 Adam Leijel (1669-1744) was the senior of the two Councillors in the College of Mines, having been appointed in 1730. He resigned in March 1744, and died in October of the same year.
In the Roy. Senate4 and the Roy. Chancery, there is a conversio simplex [complete change]. First, his Excellency Count Horn, at his own request, was granted retirement with full salary and tractamentz [entertainment] money. Then their Excellencies Bonde, Bielke, Bark, Hrd and Creutz were granted retirement with a yearly pension of 4,000 dal. s.m. Even Court Chancellor von Kocken, and Chancery Councillor Neres received retirement. The cause of all this I do not know, for I was a member of the Secret Committee, and can therefore know nothing about it.5 By these and the previous vacancies in the Council, Herrar Lwen, kerhjelm, Adlerfeld, Nordenstrle, Cederstrm, Rosen,6 Wrangel, Sparre, Posse and Ehrenpreus were called to the Privy Council.
I remain,
my highly honored Brother's
dutiful servant
Lars Benzelstierna
Stockholm, June 26
1739.
4 that is, the Privy Council.
5 Benzelstierna means that as a member of the Secret Committee he was sworn by an oath to secrecy and could therefore say nothing of what transpired in the Committee. He knew well enough the cause of all these changes, and what they meant.
6 The typescript from which the translation is made has Roos. This is probably the copyist's error.
7 Arvid Horn (1664-1742), the great Swedish statesman who directed Sweden's policy during the first nineteen years of the "Time of Freedom," steadily pursued a policy of peace with other nations in order that Sweden might recover from the frightful position of poverty into which Charles XII had brought her. His bitter enemy was Carl Gyllenborg, an ambitious and unscrupulous man, who ridiculed Horn's policies as the policies of old men--of night caps. Gyllenborg strove for an alliance with France, with the Chauvinistic dream of recovering the provinces lost by the rash deeds of Charles XII. Horn resigned in December 1738 when it became apparent that the Chauvinistic party--the hats--were in the ascendancy. As to the five Councillors who had supported him, some of the dominant Hats in the Secret Committee, which had the supervision over foreign affairs, would have had them punished with greater or less severity, while others demanded only their deposition. The Secret Committee, however, could take no action since the four houses of the Diet were evenly divided on the matter. But such was the hatred against these five Councillors, a hatred centered in the House of Nobles, and such was the influence of that House, that in March 1739 the Councillors themselves found it best to resign. Whereupon, far from receiving punishment, the Diet granted them a life pension of two-thirds of their salary (Malmstrm ii, 307-8) Chancellor von Kochan, however, and his Councillor, Nares, who was accused of receiving gold from Russia and England, were refused a pension and were forbidden to have any communication with foreign powers (ibid. 247, 310). The "Hat" majority in the Diet soon replaced all these men with members of their own party. With this accomplished, the Hats were then all-dominant, and soon led Sweden into the war with Russia (1741-42) which produced such disastrous results for Sweden.
8 Bishop Swedberg's third wife.
9 The reference is to Lars Benzelstierna, Jr., the son of Swedenborg's brother-in-law. He was born at Starbo in 1719. After receiving the degree of Master in Philosophy, Lund, 1738, he served as teacher in theology at Lund, and, in 1746, as professor of Greek in Upsala. In 1759 he became Bishop in Westers, where he died in 1809.
When he received this letter, Swedenborg was in Amsterdam, busily engaged in writing volume I of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom. While there he was greatly interested in the work of an Italian skilled in the inlaying of marble. Swedenborg watched this man for several weeks, during which the man carved out patterns of a comb, a pack of cards, a rose, and other objects, and then filled in the carvings with a plaster made of fine ground limestone: and not only filled in the figures, but also, by an ingenious device, reproduced the suitable colors and shades of color.
This art was new to Swedenborg and was entirely unknown in Sweden, and as Swedenborg witnessed the Italian at his work, he thought of the usefulness of such an art in the decoration of the Royal Palace then in course of construction in Stockholm. The rebuilding of the castle had been commenced by the famous architect Nikodemus Tessin, and at his death in 1727, was continued by his pupil Carl Hrleman, assisted by the rising young architect Count Carl Johan Cronstedt. It was with the castle-building in mind that, at the end of October 1739, Swedenborg purchased the table above described and shipped it to Stockholm. At the same time, he wrote his brother-in-law Lars, informing him of the shipment, and authorizing him to receive delivery, and to deposit the table in the Bergscollegium pending his return to Sweden. At the same time, he asked Lars to call the attention of the castle building committee to the work, that they might consider whether, for the working of Swedish marbles, it would not be advisable to import foreign workmen who were skilled in such work, and adding that if Hrleman and the Committee thought this advisable, he would take on himself to see that such workmen should be procured (Nils Zenzen in Sv. Linne-Sllsk. rskrift 14, 1931, p. 350 seq.).
The table arrived in Stockholm early in November, but the Customs Society10 refused to deliver it to Benzelstierna, on the ground of a Royal Ordinance of November 8, 1731, which laid it down that "foreign furniture, carpets, cupboards, cabinets, bureaux, tables, beds, chairs, etc... which are made in foreign lands of wood or iron ... shall hereinafter not be imported under penalty of confiscation of the wares and a fine of 100 dal. s.m."
10 That is, the Society which had leased the right of collecting the customs dues for a certain yearly rental. See p. 321.
Therefore, on November 8th, Benzelstierna addressed a "humble Supplique" to the Commerce Collegium, which had general supervision over the Customs Society, reciting the above facts and praying that the table be released to him inasmuch as it was sent "as a model."
On the following day the Commerce Collegium then instructed the Customs Society to release the table after payment of dues and other charges, inasmuch as it "was sent only as a model for marble work here in the kingdom" (ibid.).
Whether Benzelstierna had any further trouble in securing the table, is not known, but in any case, he allowed many weeks to elapse before informing Swedenborg of its receipt; so that on February 16/5, Swedenborg felt impelled again to write him on the subject.
He then answered in a letter dated FEBRUARY 22, 1740:
My highly honored d. Brother:
My highly honored d. Brother's former honored letter was received by me last November, and some time later the table in question arrived. In order to get it out of the customs warehouse, I had to use different roundabout ways in the Roy. Commerce Collegium and in the Customs Society; for it was considered as contraband and subject to confiscation. But it went through the purgatory all right.
Many of my Brother's friends of both sexes have visited the Bergscollegium (where the table is) and have viewed the fine work with admiration and pleasure. Herr Court Intendant Hrleman is the cause of my being so late in answering my Brother's letter, and I do so only after I received my Brother's later letter of the 16th instant, N.S.; for the said Herr Court Intendant has been so occupied that I had to wait for his definite answer.
He finds the work very well done, and both he and the young Herr Count Cronstedt recognize that they have seen such work abroad, which they assert is a composition. The said Herr Court Intendant himself sees no likelihood of employing a master of this science here in the Kingdom, because the building fund for the Royal Castle is not sufficient for that,1 and although one or two might be minded for a curious work such as this, still a revenue of the year 1696 will not permit of many buyers.
1 Until 1810, the castle building fund was voted at each of the triennial Diets.
My highly honored d. Brother's
Stockholm, Feb. 22, faithful servant,
1740. Lars Benzelstierna
While the first volume of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom was being printed, Swedenborg wrote the second volume which dealt with the human brain and the soul. While the printing of this was in progress, he paid a visit to The Hague where he stayed with his old friend Preis, the Swedish Envoy at the Dutch Court, to whom he presented the printed volume I. Returning to Amsterdam, he met the French physicist Desaguiliers,2 the author of Experimental Philosophy. It seems that Preis who was interested in scientific matters, knowing of this meeting, wrote to Desaguiliers asking for certain information about his works, and suggesting that the answer could be transmitted through Swedenborg who, he expected, would make him a second visit when his work in Amsterdam was finished.
2 John Theophilus Desaguiliers (1683-1744). When he was an infant, his parents fled from France on the occasion of the revocation of the edict of Nantes, and Desaguiliers lived the whole remainder of his life in England where he not only acquired great fame as an experimenter in physics, but enjoyed several benefices as a clergyman of the Church of England. The work here referred to is a French translation of his last work, A Course of Experimental Philosophy, London 1734, 2 vols. Desaguiliers visited Holland in 1730 when he gave French lectures on physics. He was now there superintending the printing of the French translation of his work, and perhaps was again giving lectures.
Swedenborg waited in Amsterdam until the second volume of his Economy was published; for he wanted to present copies of the two volumes to his King, and also to the King of Denmark. But the work was not published until September 1730, and as Swedenborg had then been absent from his post in the College of Mines for, not "three to four years" but nearly four and a half years, he felt under the necessity of returning to Sweden as soon as possible. He therefore gave up his projected second visit to Envoy Preis in The Hague and wrote him a letter to that effect, dated SEPTEMBER 10, 1740:
High well-born Herr Envoy:
Since I cannot have the honor of waiting on the high well born Herr Envoy in The Hague, my duty demands that I give answer on the matter which was committed to me in a letter to Herr Desaguilliers.
This letter is accompanied with the second transaction of my Oeconomia Regni Animalis, treating of the Anima Humana. The Herr Envoy's approval would encourage me to continue further on the subject.
With humble thanks for kindly cheer in The Hague, I remain, with all respect,
the High well-born Herr Envoy's
humblest servant
Em. Swedenborg
Amsterdam, Sept. 10,
1740.
Swedenborg arrived in Stockholm on October 25th, 1740, after an absence of nearly four and a half years. A few weeks later, namely, on December 10th, he was unanimously elected a member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences--a body which had been established on June 2, 1739, and of which Swedenborg would undoubtedly have been a charter member had he been in Sweden at the time. He and another member elected at the same time were the fifty-second and fifty-third members. When notified of his election, he addressed the following letter to the Society, probably on JAN. 8, 1741:
I have the honor to offer dutiful thanks for the kindness and unanimous favor mina Herrar have been pleased to show me in selecting me as a member in their learned Scientific Society. On my side I give the assurance that as regards everything which can serve for the advancement of the sciences, I will ever unsparingly use all diligence and care, such as each and every one is in duty bound to do, in view of and in reverence for that end which is the true object of the sciences, namely, the furthering of the public good and the honor of the Most High. For the attainment of this end, I must not neglect to contribute according to my poor ability whatever may yield service to the Society.
Mina Herrar's
most dutiful servant
Em. Swedenborg
As now preserved in the Archives of the Royal Academy of Sciences, this letter is undated and the closing words "Mina ... Swedenborg" are crossed off. What is probably indicated by this is, that Swedenborg wrote it as a letter to the Society, but on January 8th, at the meeting when he was received as a member, he read it as his speech. Consequently, it was filed among the archives as a speech, and the signature, etc., was therefore crossed off. In the Minutes of this meeting on January 8th--a meeting which was attended, among others, by Swedenborg's brothers-in-law Eric Benzelius and Lars Benzelstierna, and by his old friends* Alstrm and Brandt, as well as by his proposer Linnaeus**--it is said: "It was announced that Herr Assessor Swedenborg had arrived and would take his seat as a sitting member. Then, when he had been brought in, he gave his speech, which was answered orally by Herr Hpken the President."
* "old friends" applies only to Alstrm, not to Brandt.
** Linn's relation to S:
Bish. Swedberg Sister Barbara m. Joh. Moraeus
/ /
Emanuel Swedenborg John Moraeus
/ /
Sarah Elizabeth m. Linn
It will be recalled that in 1736, Swedenborg had lent his cousin, Lt. Col. Schnstrm 2,000 dal. k. mt. on a note due in two years (p. 475). At the same time he had sold him 7,050 dalers worth of pig iron, taking in payment another note payable in two years. Neither of these notes had been paid off by 1741, although the interest had been paid regularly. Therefore Swedenborg appealed to the Skinnskatteberg District Court. Schnstrm then consented to mortgage certain of his property, but Swedenborg now wished to have other property included in the mortgage. Therefore, on January 27th, 1741, he wrote to the Mining Court at Skinnskatteberg, enclosing copies of Schnstrm's two notes, and requesting that they be secured by some real property owned by Schnstrm.
The case came before the Court on February 3d, when the Court resolved that Schnstrm should appear at the next term. Schnstrm wrote on April 6th and acknowledged the notes, whereupon on September 16, 1741, the notes, with interest running from February 3rd, were secured by one of his properties.
Swedenborg, however, contemplating the possibility of discounting one or other of the notes, does not appear to have been satisfied with the amount of the security.
As I have learned that Lt. Col., the well-born Herr Fetter Schnstrm, has some taxed forges in Shedwi,1 and elsewhere within the jurisdiction of the Herr Judge's District Court, therefore, that I may watch over my right, I am sending two assignations, made some considerable time ago which are still unpaid, with the most dutiful request that it please the well-born Herr District Court Judge and the worsh. Court, legally to attest the same, and send me an extract of the protocol thereon. For which favor I remain, in all respect,
the well-born, etc.,
Stockholm, most dutiful servant,
May 31, 1742 Em Swedenborg.
1 In Vermland, some miles south of Skinnskatteherg.
[Enclosures]
[1] To my cousin, the Assessor in his Majesty's Bergscollegium the well-born Herr Emanuel Swedenborg, I owe the sum of seven thousand, six hundred and fifteen daler and twenty-nine re kopparmynt, for five hundred and seven skeppund, nineteen and a half lispund of Starbo and Presthytte pig iron. I therefore obligate myself to pay this sum of seven thousand six hundred and fifty daler and twenty-nine ore Kopp. mt. to the said my cousin or his order, in the middle of June 1738. And therefore meanwhile, from the middle of June of this year to that time, that is, to the middle of June 1738, to pay each year six per cent interest; which is hereby confirmed by the signing of my name. Berents forges, April 19, 1736
P. Schnstrm.
It says 7,615 daler and 29 re k. mt.
[2] From my Cousin, the Assessor in his Majesty's and the Kingdom's Bergscollegium, the well-born Herr Emanuel Swedenborg, I the undersigned have received, as a loan two thousand daler cop. mt, which sum, God willing, I will repay justly and in all thankfulness on May 1, 1738.
It says two thousand dal. km. P. Schnstrm
Seal
The above letter with its enclosures, came before the Skinnskatteberg Court on June 7th, and the Court then summoned Schnstrm to appear before the Court at its next term. Presumably he did this and accepted the mortgage on his Skedvi forge. Swedenborg's intention was of course to give the notes greater security, probably with a view to discounting them; for at this time, having written a large part of his Animal Kingdom which he intended as a continuation of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom, he was contemplating a journey to Holland and elsewhere, in order to pursue further studies and to publish his work when completed. At any rate, on June 14th, he discounted Schnstrm's note for two thousand daler kop. mt. Whether he also discounted the other note is not known. It may be noted that Swedenborg was still receiving only half his salary, namely, 600 dal. s.m.
On the same day, namely, JUNE 14TH, 1742, that Swedenborg discounted Schnstrm's note, he wrote to the King, asking for leave of absence in order to go abroad:
Mighty and all-gracious King:
Some years ago it pleased your Roy. Majesty to grant me gracious permission to make a journey abroad and bring to an end a work I had labored at. But as this same work must necessarily be continued, as also I have given promise to the public, and I already have the greater part of this continuation ready, all that remains being that for further enlightenment, I should gather more information from certain libraries, and also should consult with some learned men, I am therefore impelled in the deepest humility to request that, by reason of the necessity of the case, your Roy. Majesty will be pleased to give me freedom for another two years to journey abroad at my own expense, to places where I can properly complete the said work and publish it in print.
On the former occasion, your Roy. Majesty appointed Assessor Porath in my place,1 for which purpose I gave up half my salary; and inasmuch as the afore named assessor still fills the same position, and no change or displacement has occurred in the Collegium since then; therefore everything is in the same condition now as it was in 1736 when I received your Roy. Majesty's gracious permission. And, in case some vacance should occur in the Collegium during my absence, I will be content to have the same half of my salary paid to some other person who carries on the same service in like manner as was graciously decided on by your Roy. Majesty on the former occasion,2 so that there may be no disturbance of official duties in the Collegium.
1 Nils Porath (1690-1753), the Secretary of the College, had been appointed in 1736 as temporary assessor to take Swedenborg's place, with an addition of 300 dal. s.m. to his salary. Two years later he was given a warrant as assessor, which meant that he would receive full assessor's pay at the next vacancy. This came in October 1744, when Assessor Valerius died. Swedenborg would then have been entitled to receive his full salary of 1,200 dal. s.m., but this he renounced as will be seen presently. See p. 480.
2 If a vacancy occurred while Swedenborg was in active service, ordinarily he would then have his full salary restored. It is the half of this possible full salary that he now offers to give up.
Since my object hereby is to perform useful service in general, and at the same time to show proof that in Sweden also there are those who seek to contribute usefulness and pleasure to the Republicn literaria, for which I have been unsparing of trouble, work and expense, I therefore live in the humble hope that this will be most graciously granted me. I remain, in the deepest reverence, etc. Em. Swedenborg
A note made on this letter states that it was "laid among the transactions because it was later that Assessor Swedenborg received permission to journey abroad"--the meaning being that he received this permission a year later.
The actual result of his present application was that the Secretary of State, Boneanskjld, informed him orally that the application was viewed with favor, but that for the sake of order, it should first have been notified to the College of Mines. Subsequent events, however, led Swedenborg to postpone his journey abroad for another year.
At the Diet of 1734 to which Swedenborg wrote his Memorial against war with Russia, the chauvinistic party of the Hats had not been powerful enough to defeat the peace policy of Arvid Horn; but in the next Diet, 1738, they succeeded, and Horn was forced to retire. Now in complete control of the government, they pursued their policy of preparing for war with Russia (p. 483, note 7).
In November 1738, they concluded an alliance with France and at once commenced preparations for the Russian war. Thus, in 1739, in the interval between the Diets of 1738 and 1741, they began to assemble troops in Finland. They were fully confident of success for they counted on the support of Elizabeth, the daughter of Peter the Great, who was carrying on a plot to remove Peter II and herself to ascend the throne, when she would be expected as an act of gratitude to return some or all of the provinces lost to Russia.
At the Diet of 1741, the Hats were overwhelmingly in the ascendency, and on July 27th war was declared on Russia. After some preliminary setbacks, the Swedes succeeded against the Russians in Finland. A truce was then declared, the Swedes hoping that when Elizabeth mounted the throne all would go well. Elizabeth did succeed in her plot, but no sooner had she ascended the throne than the Russians attacked the Swedes, and this with such success that by June 28th 1742 the latter were in full and disordered retreat.
Owing to this disastrous outcome of the war, Karl Gyllenborg, the leader of the Hats, was forced to call an extraordinary meeting of the Diet for August 23, 1732, and the disorder with the defeated Swedish army was further increased by officers wilfully deserting their posts in Finland in order, as members of the House of Nobles, to exercise their right to attend the Diet. The consequence was utter loss of morale among the soldiers until on August 19, 1742, the Swedish army in Finland was forced to surrender.
It is probable that many patriotic reasons entered into Swedenborg's decision to remain in Sweden. The country was in a critical and perilous condition. Owing to the disastrous outcome of the war, it would be necessary to make peace with Russia, and this the Diet alone could do.
It is likely that Swedenborg's decision rested also on another reason. Queen Ulrica Eleonora died on May 21st, 1741. Her husband, King Frederick, was now sixty-six years old, with a mind weak and irresolute, and a body sickly from the continuous pursuit of pleasure; and it was universally realized that the Diet of 1742 would be faced with the question of appointing a successor to the throne--a momentous question, the settlement of which was bound to stir up bitter feeling and possible disturbance.
In addition to the question of a successor to the throne, the Diet was largely occupied with the trial of the generals responsible for the loss of the Russian war. As Gyllenborg had feared, the Caps were now in the saddle, and they were determined to make strict inquiry into the conduct of the war which had been prepared for by the Hats in 1739 without the consent of the Diet, and which had been so lightly entered into by the Diet of 1741.
It was therefore the importance of the Diet that most probably induced Swedenborg to postpone his foreign journey. Of the seventy-seven sessions which that body held prior to Swedenborg's departure, Swedenborg attended at least twenty-six--the largest number of sessions he ever attended in any Diet; and when the two main questions before the Diet were settled, he immediately left Sweden (July 25th), although the Diet continued until September 10th. Though there is no direct evidence, it is fair to assume that his sympathies were with the Caps; for by their rash conduct in rushing into war in the hope of glory and of the recovery of the lost provinces, the Hats had given full witness to the truth of Swedenborg's prophecy in 1734 as to the result of a war with Russia.
Meanwhile, some private matters engaged Swedenborg's attention. It seemed that in October 1740, John Wall, the Inspector of the crown stores in the Great Copper Mine, discovered that Peter Swedberg,3 a bookkeeper in the office at the mine, had fraudulently used for his own benefit some notes or note for 5 skeppunds of copper [symbol of circle with cross beneath it].
3 All that is known of this Peter Swedberg is that he was a bookkeeper in the office of the Great Copper Mine, and the Secretary of the Fahlun town council. He was also a relative of Emanuel Swedenborg; for when his case came before the College of Mines for consideration, the latter retired on the grounds of relationship. Jesper Swedberg had four brothers, Peter (ennobled Schnstrm), Daniel (1648-1733) a mining master, John, and Isaac who died unmarried. Probably the Peter Swedberg mentioned in the text was the son of John and is the same Peter Swedberg [of] Joh who copied a genealogical table of the Swedberg family (see 1 Doc. 75). Daniel retired from the College of Mines in 1722 with the title of Assessor. Isaac (circa 1644-1706) was bookkeeper at Stora Kopparberg (1676-1687). He then became manager of his brother Peter's Ironworks.
In April 1742 there was a vacancy in the Great Copper Mine for a Geschworner--that is, an official whose duty it was to see that all the pits were worked in accordance with the ordinances. Peter Swedberg was one of the applicants who were considered by the College of Mines, but he was considered too old and sickly and another was appointed to the office.
Later, on September 25th, at a meeting of the mining authorities in Fahlun, Samuel Troili, the mining master, made specific complaints against Swedberg, the result being that Swedberg lost his place as bookkeeper. And, pitying his cousin, Swedenborg about the 20th of September, wrote to Mining Master Troili asking if he could not show Peter Swedberg some favor. Troili answered in a letter dated OCTOBER 7TH, 1742:
Well-born-Assessor:
Fourteen days ago I had the honor of receiving Herr Assessor's friendly letter, wherein the Herr Assessor gives witness of his pleasure in case I could contribute anything to the restoration of Herr Peter Swedberg. Nothing is more pleasant for me than when I can do something to please Mina Herrar superiors, with whom I am stationed in such close connection. But truly if what is contained in the letter has in view the restoration of the Herr Bookkeeper to his office, and that I should influence the mining district authorities to this end--this is not moraliter possible for me.
I have indeed had occasion to regret that I so greatly laid myself out for this man, when he came into the service, though those who know the causes which drove me to this, should the more readily excuse me than do some others.
1 That is, notes requiring payment in copper mynt values.
He will not admit his deficit, despite the fact that now for three years it has been laid before his eyes as clearly as that 2 X 2 are 4. Indeed, he uses as a negotiorum gestor (negotiator), as surety, the man whom, according to what he admitted to me when the matter was discovered, he suspected for the falsely used [scanner unable to insert symbol] notes for the 5 skeppunds; and had he had his way, would willingly have had him instead of Inspector Wall2 as liquidator between himself and the mining district.3 He will pay neither this nor more; nor does he wish that any other persons shall be held liable for the 5 skeppunds. In the end, and when he had wearied me with his writing, he would be involving me and the mining district in a bankruptcy case, together with his children and other concreditorer, taking the part of the latter against the mining district.
2 John Wall (1682-1750) was Inspector of Stores at the Great Copper Mine. After his death it was discovered that he had embezzled a large sum of money.
3 That is, the elders or aldermen of the mining district, all of whom were under the jurisdiction of the College of Mines.
Some might think that at the meeting on September 25th, I might have refrained from telling the mining district so minutely of all Bookkeeper Swedberg's circumstances, and have left the authorities to do according as they found pleasing. But, my dear Herr Assessor, I was almost sure that much that was questionable would have been determined on; for a multitude is not very systematique. They do not search into every corner of a matter. Moreover, they are never responsible for any consequences. They never set up any explanation of their actions--this another must do in their place. Therefore he who makes proposals to them, cannot do otherwise than reasonably fear that he himself will stand for the whole burden in case it should go wrong.
Still, I would have kept silent at the meeting with respect to different things which would be very damaging to bookkeeper Swedberg, and this would have been a pleasure to me, since, for the sake of the Herr Assessor and of other kind favorers who think gently of him, I would have pursued this course not unwillingly, had Herr Swedberg been willing this time to depart from his advocatiska manner, to admit his debt and to request the permission of the mining district to accordera [come to some arrangement] with a faithful and competent person who could be his successor, and take on himself the whole debt.
So long as, according to my duty and inclination, I had not had regard to the Herr Assessor's kind letter above referred to, and many testifications of favor, then, at the meeting I would not readily have been able to avoid showing the mining district how risky it is for them to let themselves, one time after another, be talked into giving way to servants, which is something that the mining district should especially turn away from. I can find no other wise than that the one sins is the hope of mercy as well as the other. If the Herr Assessor will take the trouble to read through my humble deduction to the Roy. Collegium, which went off last Monday, I think the Herr Assessor will find occasion therefrom to approve of all that has been done and said. I am, with all reverence,
the well-born Herr Assessor's
humble servant,
Samuel Troili
The Great Pit
Oct. 7, 1742.
Subsequently, Peter Swedberg petitioned the College of Mines that he be retained as bookkeeper, but with what result is not known.
The Diet of 1742-1743, at which the Caps overmastered the Hats, was one of the most important of all the Diets of the Time of Freedom. Commencing in August 1742, by the middle of June 1743, after many stormy sessions, it had settled on the peace negotiations with Russia and on the punishment by death of the two generals responsible for the loss of Finland. On June 23d after long and heated discussions, Adolph Frederick, Duke of Holstein-Gottorp and great grandson of a sister of Charles X, was chosen as the successor to the Swedish throne, after the death of King Frederick.
By this time, Swedenborg had completed the manuscript of the first volume of his Animal Kingdom and he again applied for leave of absence. This he did in a letter which was presented to the College of Mines on JUNE 17TH 1743:
Highly well-born Herr President, etc.
Some months ago, I most humbly made request of his Majesty for gracious permission again, to make a journey abroad at my own expense, in order to have a work printed which is the continuation and conclusion of what I had commenced and promised. But on that occasion, the gracious answer was given me by word of mouth through the State Secretary Boneauschild, that this my object and what I had in view was viewed with grace, but, for the sake of order, it ought first to be notified to the Roy. Collegium. Since, then, ever since my return home, in addition to my official duties, I have diligently labored to complete this work, and it is now brought to such state that, as soon as I have acquired some necessary information from foreign libraries, I can at once let it appear in print and fulfill what I have promised and what, as I have observed, is desired by many persons abroad, therefore it is my humble request that it may please the most worsh. Roy. Collegium, most graciously to give their consent thereto. Were I to follow my uttermost desire and pleasure, I can give the assurance that I would a thousandfold wish to remain at home in the Fatherland where I have the opportunity to serve with pleasure in so illustrious a College, and, so far as my small part is concerned, to contribute to the general welfare, and, at the same time, to look after my own fortunes during coming events, and to nurse the little property I have acquired, and so to live at home in happy days, which, with God's permission, so long as there be health and means, are not likely to fail me; rather than to journey abroad, to subject myself to dangers and discomforts, especially in these unquiet times, to put myself to considerable expense, and to undergo a headache and indescribable labor, and yet, in the end, to expect therefrom harsh criticism by many men, rather than mild.
Everything, therefore, now depends on the most worsh. Roy. Collegium to advance my well meant intention with his Roy. Majesty by its consent and prescription in respect to the aforesaid journey. And of this I have less doubt since I know that the most worsh. Roy. Collegium is always pleased to forward useful deseiner, and especially since, for all the trouble and the great cost expended thereon, and yet to be expended, I have never requested of the public, or thought of requesting, anything whatever, but, for the furtherance of this my design, have with good will given up one half my salary, and thus an income which now amounts to 12,600 dal. k.m.1 and continue to give up the same in like manner as before, whereby on my side nothing will be neglected in the Roy. Collegium during my absence.
1 Swedenborg's salary was 1,200 dal. s.m. or 3,600 dal. k.m. From 1736 to the present time, 1743, that is to say, for seven years, he had given up half this salary, namely seven times 1,800 dal. k.m. or 12,600 dal. k.m.
As regards the time, this I cannot determine because the work which is to be printed will consist of about five hundred arks,2 and its speed will depend on the publisher and printer. On my side all tireless diligence will be used, and in such measure that, if it is desired, I would be ready to keep a journal and show that I have wasted no time; add to which, that my own supreme longing is to complete the work and come again to my Fatherland, my occupation and my property3 where, with peace and quiet, I can continue the larger work, namely, the Mineral Kingdom,4 and thereby perform actual use to society in general in that branch which belongs to the Roy. Collegium.
2 That is, 4,000 pages. Parts (or vols.) 1 and 2 of the Animal Kingdom which were published in Amsterdam, consist together of 728 pages, while Part 3, published in London, comprises 172 pages. This latter volume, however, was written by Swedenborg after he had left Sweden. His present estimate of five hundred arks indicates that it was his intention at this time to publish all seventeen of the Parts advertised in volume I of the Animal Kingdom. He had first drafts of them with him when he left Sweden, but in 1745, when he was commissioned as a Revelator, his plans were suddenly changed and he gave up the whole work.
3 In March 1743, Swedenborg had bought the large property on Hornsgatan which became his home when in Sweden, for the rest of his life.
4 This shows that Swedenborg intended to continue the work commenced in 1734 in his volumes on Iron and Copper. For this purpose, he had draft treatises on Silver, Vitriol, Sulphur and Salt which he had written many years earlier.
I remain and continue with deep respect, etc.
Em. Swedenborg.
On the same day that the College received this letter, its recommendation was sent to the King, and on June 30th, Swedenborg received a copy of the King's letter to the College, granting the desired leave of absence. Following this, on JULY 4TH, Swedenborg wrote to the King:
Most Powerful, all-gracious King:
Since your Roy. Majesty has graciously granted me permission to journey abroad, I humbly make request for a pass from your Roy. Majesty; I remain, etc.
Em. Swedenborg.
All his preparations having thus been made, Swedenborg left Stockholm on July 25th. He was destined to return twenty-five months later as a student of the Bible and of Hebrew, in preparation for his work as a Revelator.
He traveled via Stralsund and Hamburg. Here he waited on the young prince Adolph Frederick, the newly elected successor to the Swedish throne, and showed him the manuscript of the Animal Kingdom. Via Bremen and Grningen he went to Amsterdam where he arrived at the end of August. Here he published volumes 1 and 2 of his Animal Kingdom. He presented copies of these to his old friend, Envoy Preis, while staying at The Hague en route to London. In the latter city he published the third, though incomplete volume, of his Animal Kingdom, and also Parts 1 and 2 of his Worship and Love of God. These works were published in February 1745, and when sending four copies of them to Envoy Preis, he wrote him the following letter dated MARCH 11TH, 1745:
High well-born Herr Envoy:
Since at my last visit in The Hague, I had the honor of presenting to the high well-born Herr Envoy the first two parts of my Regnum Animale, duty demands that I now send the third part thereof, and together with it, the first part of a little piece De Cultu et Amore Dei, on which I beg the Herr Envoy kindly to cast his eye, especially at the end which treats de Amore Primogeniti;
Em. Swedenborg
In the middle of April, Swedenborg received his call as Revelator, and at once dropped all plans which he had contemplated with respect to continuing his anatomical and mineralogical works. Henceforth, he devoted himself entirely to the new work to which he had been called.
He returned to Stockholm on August 19th, 1745, taking with him copies of his recent publications which he freely distributed among his friends.
It was to one of these friends that he wrote on SEPTEMBER 16TH, 1745, soon after his return to Sweden.
Well-born Herr Councillor of Chancery1:
Dear Brother:
From Prof. Oelreich1a I have heard that Herr Brother has read the two small treatises De Cultu et Amore Dei and found pleasure in them.
1 The contemporaneous Councillors of Chancery were Count C. G. Tessin, L. Klinckowstrm, A. Skutenhjehn, O Estenberg, and Salomon v. Otter. Swedenborg's words "dear Brother," would suggest v. Otter as his addressee; see p. 433, note 8.
1a Niklas Oelreich (1690-1770) had served as professor of mathematics and afterwards of philosophy at Lund University. In 1732 he was appointed Librarian to the University, and he displayed such talent that a special professorship was created for him--a chair of literature in the history of libraries. Shortly before the present time, namely in 1744, he had returned from a foreign journey, and less than two years later he was appointed Censor of Books in succession to Gustaf Benzelstierna. He was an ardent Hat, and in 1755 gave out as the ostensible editor, a weekly paper, En rlig Svensk (an honorable Swede) which was the first political journal to be published in Sweden. It was written in the spirit of the then dominant Hat party, and, while it aroused the bitter hatred of the Caps, was a powerful weapon in the hands of the government. The party rewarded him with a salary of 12,000 dal. s.m., and elevated him to the nobility when he took the name von Oelrich. Later, however, he joined the party of the Caps. When the Office of Censor was abolished with the establishment of freedom of the press in 1766, von Oelrich was made President of the College of Commerce.
2 What Swedenborg sent was the two volumes of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom.
I remain, with all respect,
d. Brother's
most dutiful servant
Eman. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Sept. 16
1745.
Although his studies were now confined to theological and Biblical subjects, Swedenborg continued busily in his office of Assessor in the College of Mines. During his absence on the Continent, his brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna had been elevated to the rank of Councillor in the College. This made Swedenborg the senior assessor and thus eligible to the first councillorship that became vacant. But Swedenborg had no intention of remaining in the College of Mines. He realized that on the completion of his preliminary studies his whole time and attention must be devoted to the new work to which he had been called.
On February 7, 1747 he had finished writing The Word Explained, after which, he was busily engaged in writing down and indexing his spiritual experiences. And now he felt the time had arrived when he should retire from the College.
John Bergenstierna, the senior of the two Councillors in the College of Mines, had died on April 7th, and the College had nominated Swedenborg to the King for the office of councillor which carried with it a salary of 1,500 dal. s.m. But this did not alter Swedenborg's resolution, and on JUNE 2D, 1747, as the College year was drawing to its close, he made application to the King for retirement:
Most Powerful, all-gracious King:
By command your Roy. Majesty's Bergscollegium has submitted its nomination for the vacant office of Bergsrd [Councillor of the College], and in humility has put my name in the first place.1
1 The law required that all nominations submitted to the King must contain three names. The order of the names always expressed the preference of the recommending body.
As I have now been an assessor in your Roy. Majesty's Bergscollegium for thirty years2; and at the same time have made many journeys abroad at my own expense, both to mining districts and to other places, and on these occasions have had different works printed for the service and honor of the Fatherland, and for these I have not yet asked the least thing of the public, but, on the contrary, for the attainment of my well meant object, have yielded half my salary which, in eleven years, now amounts to about 20,000 dal. k.m.;3 therefore I live in the hope of obtaining the grace to retain the half salary which I now have. And of this I am the less doubtful since I have served as assessor for over thirty years, and besides this, so far as I know, such favor has never yet been refused.4
2 Swedenborg reckons his assessorship from December 1716 when Charles XII appointed him assessor extraordinary. He did not enter actively into the service of the College until April 1723. See pp. 297 seq.
3 The exact sum was 19,800 dal. k.mt., or 6,600 dal. s.m. The agreement made orally by Swedenborg in May 1736, when first he applied for a long leave of absence was that, in order that the position of the man who substituted for him might be assured, he "will give up half my salary or 600 dal. s.m., and will not ask for the return of same until some vacancy occurs." The vacancy occurred by the death of Vallerius in August 1736. Porath was then appointed in his place. But at this time Swedenborg was again abroad, and he had agreed not to claim his full salary if a vacancy occurred during his absence; for when Porath took the place of Vallerius, some one else must take Swedenborg's place; and that he also may be secure, Swedenborg agreed to wait for the next vacancy.
4 It was the uniform practice to grant retiring assessors and councillors half their salary for life. Had he not resigned, he would of course have received the full salary as a councillor.
It is therefore my humble request that this retirement may be graciously granted me without any advancement in rank5--for this I make earnest request; and that I may receive my half salary; and thus, that permission be graciously granted me to betake myself to a place abroad where I can complete the important work which I have now in hand.
5 The usual practice on the retirement of a senior assessor was to retire him with the rank of Councillor; or, in the case of a councillor, with the rank of a mining judge--and so with a pension accordingly.
Swedenborg's request was granted by the King on June 12th, in a letter to the College of Mines, wherein, among other things, he says: "Although we would indeed willingly see that he continues to perform the faithful service here in the Kingdom, which he has steadily given us and the fatherland," his request is the more willingly granted "since we are fully assured that the aforesaid work which he has in hand will in time benefit the public" no less than the other fine works which he has printed for the service and honor of the Fatherland. The King spoke truer words than he realized.
Although thus freed, on June 12th Swedenborg, at the earnest request of his colleagues, continued his work for another month, in order to clear up the cases in which he had been engaged.
On July 17th, 1747, he visited the College for the last time. He took affectionate leave of his colleagues, and received their good wishes for his prosperity in his work. On the 24th he left for Holland.
In January 1748, while in Amsterdam, he received a letter from Petter Hultman, a Stockholm merchant who acted as Swedenborg's financial agent, which was accompanied with a statement of his account from January 1st, 1747. His answer to Hultman is not extant, but on a blank page of an Index Biblicus which he was then engaged in making, he gives a draft of this answer, as also of letters which he wrote at the same time, namely, the end of January or the beginning of February 1748, to Carl Broman, to the bookkeeper at his Stockholm bank, and to his brothers-in-law Unge and Lars Benzelstierna. To Hultman he wrote:
By the last post I received the Herr Merchant's letter with the enclosed account for the year 1747 to [1748], and also the bill of exchange for cash, of 180 Riksdalers in Dutch currency. As regards the account, it is correct; likewise the bill of exchange, which was accepted at once. I thank Mons. for his promptitude. Enclosed herein is a letter which the Herr Merchant will please send to its addressee.
1 The Grills were the most powerful and wealthy merchants, shipowners and bankers in Sweden. They had a branch office in Amsterdam.
While I am delaying here, I beg that the Herr Merchant will not allow any fire to be made in the pleasure house,2 because the chimney in the attic is wide open below, whereby sparks might come and set fire to some papers which are there in the attic where I have stored my books and other things. Moreover, there will likely be no necessity to make any fire there.
2 Namely, the summer house in Swedenborg's lately acquired property on Hornsgatan. It is now preserved in Scansen, a pleasure park in Stockholm.
Herewith is enclosed a draft on the chief master of ceremony Brohman3 for 600 daler, which the Herr Merchant will please cash.
3 Carl Broman (1703-1784), the older brother of that Erland Broman who was the notorious favorite of King Frederick. He had been appointed chief master of ceremony at the Swedish Court in 1744, but later he became a Provincial Governor. Swedenborg had lent him 10,000 dal. at six per cent, payable annually.
Swedenborg also drafts a letter to be forwarded by Hultman to Carl Bromen himself, being a receipt for the interest paid:
The well-born Herr Chief Master of Ceremony has been pleased to deliver to Merchant Herr Fetter Hultman six hundred dal. kop. mt., being the interest from January 31, 1747 to January 31, 1748, on my capital lent to the Chief Master of Ceremony which interest is receipted herewith, and with thanks.
The draft letter to Lars Benzelstierna is not very informative:
I have not written to my Brother, for the reason that there has been nothing of importance. I write now only to-
This draft, however, is crossed off, so perhaps no letter was sent. But on another page of his Bible Index, Swedenborg has another draft to his brother-in-law, which reads:
Letter to Benzelstierna, with the account and a copy of his letter, the bank letter concerning the draft. Write likewise, whether he will not agree that it shall be paid from my funds with some friend. Equally obscure is Swedenborg's draft of a letter to Dean Unge:
"Letter to Unge, with a draft on Benzelstierna."
To the Bookkeeper in his Stockholm bank, Swedenborg drafted the following letter:
My account was indeed looked over on the occasion of my departure, and although I have not drawn any drafts on it since then, yet, for the sake of correctness, I should like to have it looked over anew. And when it has been looked over, Monsieur will kindly enclose it in a ([cr. off] blue) couverte, and securely seal it and deliver it to Merchant Peter Hultman who will send it to me. The couverte should be well sealed so that no one4 can see the account.5
4 Over no one, Swedenborg wrote Hultman.
5 My account is substituted for my worth which is crossed off.
Herein for his trouble is enclosed a draft which I hold for 18 dal. k.m.
All the above draft letters deal with money matters, and doubtless had in view the expenses which Swedenborg anticipated when he commenced the publication of the Heavenly Doctrines.
In the beginning of October (N. S.) 1748, Swedenborg sailed from Holland to England, and there, on November 23d, he took, for six months, those lodgings in which he wrote the first volume of the Arcana Coelestia, and so entered fully into his work as Revelator.
THE LETTERS AND MEMORIALS
Of
EMANUEL SWEDENBORG
Swedenborg left Holland on October 4 or 5 N.S., September 24 or 25 O.S., 1748, and arrived in London--where, as in Sweden, the Old Style Calendar was still in use--on October 1 O.S. Here he wrote the first volume of the Arcana Coelestia. It was published in September, the publisher, John Lewis, having received the strictest injunctions that the name of the author should not be revealed. In the middle of September 1749, Swedenborg left London for Amsterdam.1 Here he met Joachim Wretman, a Swedish business man resident in Amsterdam. He had made Wretman's acquaintance on some previous visit to Amsterdam, and the two men were close friends.2 Mr. Wretman was a dealer in seeds and bulbs, and in these Swedenborg was greatly interested at this time. In 1743 he had bought a large property on Hornsgatan (Horn Street) in the southern part of Stockholm, and had since spent considerable sums of money in making improvements. These included the planting of a garden, for Swedenborg was a lover of flowers, and in Wretman he had a fellow countryman who could advise him in matters horticultural, and could introduce him to new plants.
1 After Sept. 15, 1749, the Memorabilia are for the most part undated.
2 See Cuno, p. 12.
In order the more securely to preserve his anonymity, Swedenborg arranged with Wretman to use the latter's address in Amsterdam for the receipt of all his correspondence which would then be forwarded on to him. For the same reason he probably sent all his own letters to be posted by Mr. Wretman. He had previously asked his publisher, Mr. Lewis, to write to him in care of Mr. Wretman.
He himself then went to Aix-la-Chapelle (now Aachen). There, in quietness, and isolated from all friends, he wrote the second volume of the Arcana Coelestia. Perhaps from fear of loss, and perhaps for other reasons, he made a clean copy of this manuscript (and also of all the subsequent Arcana manuscripts),3 and sent it to John Lewis his publisher in London, in small installments as it was written.
3 This explains the fact that the manuscript of the Arcana Coelestia from no. 1886 on is preserved, while that of nos. 1-1885 (vol. I of the Latin) is lost. Swedenborg wrote the latter manuscript while in London, and handed it to the printer, when, after being printed, it was destroyed.
In Aix-la-Chapelle, the first letter, so far as now known, received by Swedenborg via Wretman was from John Lewis, written about the beginning of November--thus, two months after the publication of volume I of the Arcana. In this letter, Lewis informs Swedenborg that in the course of two months since its publication, only four copies of volume 1 had been sold--a fact on which Swedenborg comments in his Memorabilia no. 4422.
Swedenborg wrote to Wretman acknowledging the receipt of this letter, and in reply received a letter4 dated NOVEMBER 25, 1749:
4 Wretman's letters to Swedenborg are in the possession of the London Swedenborg Society.
Well-born Sir:
It was a pleasure for me to learn from the well-born Herr Assessor's honored letter of the 10/21 inst., that the letter forwarded from England was safely received; for now enclosed, for the service of the well-born Herr, comes another letter which is from Sweden. The post charge for the one and the other will be entered according to the well-born Assessor's orders;5 with this I have the honor to remain,
the well-born Herr's
most obedient servant,
Joachim Wretman
Amsterdam
Nov. 25, 1749
To Mons. Em. Swedenborg
L'Enseigne de St. Joseph, at Mons. Becker's in the rue de St. Pierre, Aix-la-Chapelle.
5 At that time, and for many years afterwards, postal regulations required that postage be paid not by the sender but by the receiver.
Another letter arrived from England early in January 1750. Whether or not this was from John Lewis is not known, but it is not unlikely. Lewis had written early in November that only four copies of the Arcana had been sold in two months. He himself thought so highly of the work that this was probably a great disappointment to him. It would appear then that, thinking of means by which the sale of the work could be encouraged, he wrote to Swedenborg suggesting that the second volume be sold in six parts, each part to contain the exposition of a single chapter of Genesis; and also that the work be translated into English, the English edition to be sold also in six parts.
The letter from England was forwarded to Swedenborg by Wretman in a letter dated JANUARY 9, 1750:
Well-born Sir:
On this occasion of forwarding the enclosed letter received from England, I beg the honor to express my good wishes for a very happy and good new year, with countless more to follow, with all sorts of good health and the blessing you yourself desire.
With this I have the pleasure to include myself in the well-born Herr's favor, giving assurance of how greatly I remain with due respect,
the well-born Herr's
most obedient servant,
Joachim Wretman
Amsterdam,
January 9, 1750
[Address as before]
Meanwhile Swedenborg was expecting from England parcels containing copies of the printed Arcana to be put on sale in Holland. Ordinarily these would be shipped to the Grills, his Amsterdam Bankers, but in case any should come by post, he wrote Wretman on January 2, asking him to hold them subject to his instructions.
In answer to this letter, which is now lost, Wretman wrote him on JANUARY 20, 1750:
Well-born Sir:
It was with pleasure I had the honor to receive the well-born Herr's agreeable letter of the 2d instant,6 and happily learned that the letter from England had been received.
6 It would seem from this and the following letter that Swedenborg was still using the Old Style Calendar. Holland had adopted the new Style. Thus Jan. 2, O.S. would be Jan. 13, N.S.
Should any packages arrive from England by post, they shall be paid for and held at the well-born Herr's disposition; but since the Grills of this city have let me know that two packages have been left with them by a captain come from England, and I saw that these were addressed, the one to Jansonius Wacsburg, and the other to Jacob VerlouwBwhich latter bookdealer in this city has failed--and one supposes that these packages concern the well-born Herr, therefore I would ask to be informed in what way the well-born Herr is pleased to deal with them.
the well-born Herr's
most obedient servant,
Joachim Wretman
Amsterdam
January 20, 1750
[Address as before]
Swedenborg answered Wretman on January 11, O.S. and, having in view his return to Sweden in the early summer, he wrote him a further letter on the 24th [O. S.] ordering seeds for his garden.7
7 Confer Mem. n. 4372-written in London.
These letters were answered by Wretman on FEBRUARY 10:
Well-born Sir:
In accordance with the well-born Herr's honored letters of the 11th and 24th ultimo, I have informed the Messrs. Grill that the packages of books that came to them must remain in their care until the well-born Herr himself disposes of them otherwise. But of packages from England by post, nothing has since been heard. The seed of mallium sana8 is not especially known here; at least none is kept for sale, but more particular information concerning it has been promised me. If I can get merely some small portion thereof, it shall be sent together with the melon seeds. Rut what the well-born Herr means exactly by cocomber, I cannot guess, unless Gurcke--or Caucombre9 seed is meant; as to this, before the order is dispatched, I would rather await the well-born Herr's more exact information.
the well-born Herr's
humble servant
Joachim Wretman
Amsterdam
Feb. 10, 1750
[Address as before]
8 Referring to this Mallium sana, Henrik Aim, in an article on Emanuel Swedenborg's Hus och Trdgrd, observes: "Possibly, according to a kind communication from Prof. Fries, Mala sana-- which, according to Miller, Gardener's Dictionary 7th edition, 1769, is another name for Solanum melongen--the eggplant" (St. Ercks Arsbok, 1938, p. 161). Prof. Fries' suggestion is the more likely inasmuch as had Swedenborg written mallium, he would have added sanum not sana. It seems probable that he actually asked for Mala sana, and Wretman misread this as mallium sana. Yet, on the other hand, when writing of his garden in his Almanack for 1752. Swedenborg uses the word mallium.
9 Gherkin or cucumber.
And now comes a letter to Count Tessin,l which is somewhat puzzling.2 The letter is undated, but the date can be approximately determined by the fact that it is addressed to Count Tessin as "Governor" [of the young prince, the future Gustaf III] and as "President" [of chancery]. The only period during which Tessin filled both these posts was from 1750 to March 14, 1752. In the beginning of 1750, Swedenborg was at Aix-la-Chapelle. He left for Stockholm probably in the summer of that year. If, therefore, the present letter was written in Holland, as might be inferred from the letter itself, it was written in 1750. Otherwise it was written in 1750 or early in 1752. The original letter is in the possession of the Academy of the New Church.
1 Karl Gustaf Tessin (1695-1770) was one of the most illustrious, most cultured, and wealthiest statesmen of his day. As leader of the Hats, he opposed the policy of Arvid Horn whom he succeeded as head of the State, and for fourteen years (1738-1752) was the dictator of Swedish policy. In 1754, falling into disfavor with the Court, he retired to his estate in Aker where he died in 1770. In March 1760, Tessin called on Swedenborg, and after the visit read some of his theological works. These, however, did not convince him. He thought them in places fanatical, though he recognized that they also contained some good things.
2 It is puzzling because its contents imply a previous acquaintanceship with Count Tessin. Yet, in his Diary for 1760, the Count speaks of Swedenborg as of one previously unknown to him: "From mere curiosity (he says) and for making the acquaintance of a singular man, I went to see Assessor Swedenborg on the afternoon of March 5, 1760" (2 Doc. 398).
From the letter itself, it appears that Count Tessin had asked Swedenborg to secure the services of an agent, named "Roessler."
Your Countship Excellency's gracious letter has been reverently received by me, and therewith a renewed testimony of the favor and gracious remembrance of which your Countship Excellency has ever given me so many unmerited proofs, and for which, till the hour of my death, I will carry a reverent and thankful heart.
As announced in the last letter which I dispatched, I have sought with all diligence to comply with your Countship Excellency's command, and have made such progress that, from the Agent Roessler I have received an answer, short indeed, but without doubt such that from it one can well discern that the offer will be accepted, as your Countship Excellency can best see from his letter which is enclosed herewith.
My second letter to Minh. Roessler went off on the 15th of this month. I can therefore have no right to expect an answer as yet; but since this letter, in a special way, was a decided request for a speedy answer, it is to be supposed that such answer will not long be wanting, indeed, perhaps it is already on the way, and when it arrives, it shall at once be sent to your Countship Excellency.
Including myself in your Countship Excellency's usual grace, I remain with unceasing deep reverence till my last hour,
Your Countship Excellency's
most humble servant,
Em. Swedenborg
To Count C. G. Tessin
In Stockholm, from the summer of 1750, Swedenborg continued writing the Arcana Coelestia and making a clean copy, two sheets (that is, four pages) of which he sent twice a week to John Lewis, the London publisher. In his Almanac for 1752, he notes what pages of his clean copy he sends to London. He notes also the letters sent in connection with the publication.
Up to April 1752 he had been sending payment for the printing to the publisher John Lewis, who in turn paid the printer John Hart. But in April he decided to pay John Hart directly, as most of the money would go to him, and he in turn could reimburse Lewis for the cost of postage which was paid not in Stockholm but in London.3 Accordingly, on April 14, 1752, he wrote to John
Hart to this effect, and enclosed in the letter a draft for fifty pounds sterling, dated April 11, drawn by the Stockholm Bankers, Jennings and Finlay, on the London Banker Mackey. On the same day he wrote to John Lewis as to receiving money from Hart instead of directly from himself.
3 See note 5 on page 510.
When in May he had finished the copying of no. 5190 of the Arcana, which concluded volume IV, he decided on making another change. Instead of sending the copy to Mr. Lewis, who after paying the postage would in turn hand it to the printer Mr. Hart, he resolved to send it direct to Mr. Hart, who could then pay both postage and his own printing hill from the money sent him direct. Accordingly, on May 12, he wrote to Mr. Lewis informing him that in future, copy would be sent to Mr. Hart. A draft of this letter, written in English, is contained in the draft manuscript of the Arcana at the end of no. 5190. Swedenborg's Almanac for 1752 gives its date as MAY 12. As first drafted, the letter reads:
Because I have send the money to Master Hart, now I am sending to him the copies for the Vth Part, there you can have to take them.
This was crossed off and a second draft was written as follows:
The copies of the Vth Part I am sending to Master Hart because he has my mony to pay the postage. Thence you can have them.4 You have not yet approved my account though it was exactly founded upon yours, and not yet answered upon to pay the 80 P. at the end of 3 years,5 though it was according to your promise; your promise was in 2 or 3 years.
4 [Crossed off:] "Yet with him is the account hereafter." Lewis would need money to carry out what appears to have been Swedenborg's instruction, namely, the sending of free copies of the Arcana to certain designated libraries; for the Bodleian Library has a copy of the work in eight volumes "sent by the author unknown" (Macray, Annals of the B. Lib., 2 ed., Oxford, 1890, p. 257).
5 Before leaving London, Swedenborg paid Mr. Lewis four hundred pounds sterling, to cover the expense of publishing volumes 1 and 2. In his Almanac for 1752 (last page), he notes: "According to the reckoning, the balance for the fourth Part is L55 : 9s. 6d."
6 Charles Lindegren (1686-1775) was a Finn long resident in London where he and his brother Anders acted as bankers and financial agents. Evidently they were to forward the 2 copies of volume IV in sheets to Swedenborg, who would have them bound in Stockholm.
There was some further correspondence between Swedenborg and Lewis, for Swedenborg again wrote the latter on June 23, and in response to a further letter from Lewis, Swedenborg wrote on
June 30 concerning "his [Lewis's] print"; but the words in the Almanac which speak of the contents of this letter are illegible; the same also applies to a letter he wrote Mr. Lewis on July 31.
On July 14, he sent five sheets or ten pages to Hart, together with a draft for thirty pounds sterling. The copy for volume V thus far sent to Mr. Hart fills eighty-nine out of the five hundred and thirty-five pages which constitute the printed volume.
As one result of this correspondence, Swedenborg wrote to Mr. Hart on August 14, informing him that Lewis wishes him to print three arks (24 printed pages) per week;7 and he wrote him again on November 3, telling him that Lewis would soon print on his own account, and also of the sickness.8
7 The two sheets sent by Swedenborg to Hart filled about five printed pages. The copy sent in August filled nearly twenty-nine printed pages; that sent in November filled over thirty-five pages; in December, nearly eighty-five.
8 Judging by the number of pages copied in August and September, it would seem that this sickness refers to Swedenborg himself. The number of printed pages copied each month is:
Jan.--58 March--73 May--55 July--42 Sept.--20 Nov.--35
Feb.--45 April--34 June--42 Aug.--29 Oct.--35 Dec. 85
To 1753 or 1754 may be referred an undated letter in the possession of Consul Kempe, Stockholm, where reference is made to Dr. Lars Benzelstjerna, the son of Lars Benzelstjerna, Swedenborg's brother-in-law. This nephew of Swedenborg became Doctor of Theology in 1752.
9 New Church Life, 1924, p. 407.
M. D. B. May 31
Together with my nephew's, Dr. L. Benzelstierna's Catalogue, I am sending Mons Ahlin's. The pleasure which M. D. B. will derive from it, I have discovered in advance.
There has come here a Doctor from Utrecht, by the name of Dillingk, who will betake himself to Upsala, and after that to Lund, and there, he says, he will at once wait upon M. D. B. whom he holds in high renown. And now, when he learned that I am sending a few lines to M. D. B., he sends his esteem and reverence. Since time does not permit me to mention one or two things of which I might have written, I will end with a cordial Vale.
Sg
Among the most important questions that came up in the Diet which opened in October 1755, was the unfavorable balance of trade. Imports, including many articles of luxury, far exceeded exports, and the land was slowly being impoverished and its coinage decreasing in value in foreign exchanges.
Inseparably bound up with this question was the matter of the excessive consumption of spirits. The poet von Dalin, writing in 1749, Called alcoholic spirits "the public's pleasure and destruction, our Fatherland's misfortune more than war and pestilence." Distilling was free to every peasant, and drunkenness was a growing evil which, in the forties and early fifties, reached an alarming height. Varying and contradictory were the many laws designed to check it, but in vain. "In vain shall we search for any country save Sweden" (wrote the Swedish Economist Fischerstrm [1697-1764]) "where so many and such strict measures have been taken respecting the use and misuse of spirits.
1 Quoted by Oln, Svenska Brnnvinets Hist., p. 5.
In 1731, heavy taxes were imposed on all distilling, but this failed to check the evil, and in 1734 distilling again became free for all. In June 1740, prohibition was introduced by the Hats, but owing to the opposition of the peasants, it was repealed in the winter of 1741 and distillation was again in active operation.2
2 Ibid., p. 31 seq.; Fryxell, Sv. Hist., 35, p. 165.
The reasons underlying these changing laws were not solely or even mainly moral but economic--high taxation or the farming out of privileges for the enrichment of the State; prohibition for the saving of grain and the securing of greater industry and so an increase in the production of goods for export, etc.
In 1756, the failure of the harvest, not only in Sweden but in all Europe, made the liquor question one of supreme importance. On the 30th of October 1755, the Privy Council, for the sake of saving grain, proposed making distillation a crown monopoly; but some of the Council and also the Commerce College proposed total prohibition as the only true remedy.3 It was in connection with these proposals that Swedenborg, who though now the Revelator still took an active interest in the welfare of his fatherland, prepared a Memorial early in November, in which he offered a proposal as to what steps should be taken. All that is now preserved of this Memorial is an incomplete draft (Codex 56) which contains not the project but the benefits to be expected from it. From this draft it can, however, be inferred that Swedenborg proposed inter alia: (1) That distillation should be a State Monopoly, the State to regulate the amount of grain to be used.4 (2) That the loss caused by the abolition of free distilling, to both the peasants and trade distillers, be compensated by a lowering of taxes. (3) That the price of spirits be such as to make the public content, and also that it be regulated by the output. (4) That the remains after distillation be given free to the farmers for their pigs. The Memorial is dated NOVEMBER 3, 1755:*
3 Malmstrm 4:257; cf. Oln, 45.
4 This had been advocated by the Hats at the previous Diet, 1751-52 (Malmstrm 4:257).
* Dr. Tafel in his Documents reads 1753, but the true reading is 1755; there was no Diet in 1753. That 1755 is the correct date, is evident from the facts of the case. The Diet opened Oct. 13, 1755, and closed Oct. 21, 1756.
[MEMORIAL]
... must be imported which now amount to between three and four million daler s.mt., and from this each and every one can see that the country is thus yearly impoverished in its wealth, and so in its strength; and that inwardly it is poor though outwardly rich so long as foreign lenders on its properties are the cause of all circulation and movement.
The above is my well-intentioned proposal, which aims only at restoring a favorable balance of trade, and at the same time the bringing into the Kingdom sufficient means for the Kingdom's needs. Should this proposal be received and put to proof, it would be reasonable to distribute the so-called drank5 to the public without payment, and also that the price of spirits be adjusted to their enjoyment and its production; and, furthermore, that as compensation, some of their taxes be lightened.
5 That is, the dregs left after the distilling of spirits.
It is indeed known to me that the right worshipful Estates of the Realm6 have had this matter under discussion at their various meetings, and have come to a conclusion with respect to it; but since it is an oeconomiskt (domestic) matter which can be examined, changed, and improved at any meeting of the Diet, and since, as was shown, the welfare of the Kingdom is mainly dependent upon it, I suppose that the most worshipful Estates of the Realm, with their customary complaisance, will consider it and take it up, especially since matters are now brought forward which formerly have not been generally laid bare and thus set forth for examination, and have not been sufficiently looked into. When this is done, I have no doubt but that the welfare of the Kingdom which is wholly founded hereon will have preference over private interests and perhaps will have the opportunity, which is its due, to go far forward.
Stockh. Nov. 3, 1755.
6 That is, the Houses of the Nobles, the Priests, the Burghers, and the Peasants, which constituted the Diet or Parliament.
Whether this Memorial was presented is not known. In the following May (1756), the Diet passed a law prohibiting the distilling of spirits until September 15. This was then extended to October 30, the House of Peasants consenting since no house distilling was done in these months. The Hats worked to make this prohibition permanent but were opposed by the Caps.
7 Oln, 46, 48, 50 seq. Malmstrm, Pol. Hist. 4:257-58 According to a statement made by Samuel Sandels in 1782 in his speech on giving up the Presidency of the Royal Academy of Sciences, Swedenborg, at one of the Diets, advocated that liquor shops should be provided with an opening in the window at which the customer could take his drink without entering into the shop (I Doc. 494).
8 Malmstrm, Smrre Skrifter, 323.
Among the letters received by Swedenborg about this time was one from an English lord or bishop with whom he had apparently become acquainted during his stay in London in 1749-50, requesting him to purchase certain books from the library of his brother-in-law, Lars Benzelstierna, who died June 11, 1755 Swedenborg's answer,9 though undated, was probably written in the AUTUMN or WINTER of 1755:
9 The original letter is in the possession of Consul Kempe of Stockholm.
I have received Y. L's last favor with the enclosed list of the books which Y. L. wishes me to purchase (on Y. L's account) from the library of the lately deceased Mr. L. Benzelstierna.
As Y. L. is in the full conviction that some of these books are of high value (the Paliot, for instance), I can also understand thereby that Y. L. is regardless of the price for which they can be obtained. Tinder these circumstances, I can with pleasure place my services at Your Lordship's disposal, and shall therefore exert myself in fulfilling Your Lordship's wishes, and hope by good management to make the purchase in all points pecuniary and otherwise agreeable to Y. Lp
Sincerely requesting the continuation of the Grace of which I have already received so many flattering proofs, I have the honor to subscribe myself,
Y. L's
most humble and obedient servant,
S-g1
1 This letter seems to be in Swedenborg's handwriting, but the faultless English makes one wonder whether S-g represents Swedenborg or some other man. Though the writing seems to be by Swedenborg, possibly it is not.
In the following "P M" (Pro Memoria) the reference to a payment for the redemption of copies of a work by Assessor Richardsson indicates the date of its writing. Jacob Richardsson (1687-1759) was an Assessor in the College of Antiquities and also an historical writer. He had had some difficulty in receiving from the Chancery payment for his great work Hallandia Antiqua et Hodierna (3 vols., 1752-53). Previously he had published three volumes entitled Inledning till Krigsvetenskapen (Introduction to the Art of War), 1732-48, but in 1756, the Government redeemed this work by a cash payment. The present Pro Memoria may therefore be dated as 1756. The original is in the possession of the Academy of the New Church; only the signature is in Swedenborg's handwriting:
PM
Of the fund for the present year's extra expenditure, there will likely be found enough available from which to draw the 6000 dalers silvermynt which is required for the redemption of all the copies of Assessor Richardsson's book with the copper plates or pltar belonging thereto.
As a useful work and one that contributes to the honor of the kingdom, it is far better that the right worship. Estates of the Realm defray its cost, in and for itself, rather than mingle it with the claim of the Crown uncovered by the above-mentioned Assessor, and better, since the most worship. State Deputation has proposed to take the payment for a literary work from this fund, which yet embraces a wide field.
Many might be disposed to think that this learned work does not have any particular value, and that the Most Worship. Estates of the Realm have advanced this payment because its author has uncovered a claim by the Crown.
Another undated letter is addressed to "The Assessor and Mining master, Well-born Herr Anton von Swab,2 Kornhamn3 no. 16. The letter itself, however, shows that it was written after June 1755, when Dahl, who is mentioned in the letter, became an apprentice in the College of Mines, and before February 1757 when von Swab was advanced from Assessor in the College of Mines to Councillor--probably in the AUTUMN of 1755.
2 Swedenborg's stepbrother; see p. 409.
3 Kornhamn Torget (Place) was at the extreme southeast end of the old city Stockholm, directly facing Sdermalm. In 1740, Swedenborg had his lodgings in this Place.
D. B. [Dear Brother]
Just now I received a message from Madame Sundel,4 who is in the city and wishes to have the books with her when she takes her journey tomorrow afternoon. For this reason I beg that my D. B. be so good as to give them at once to Dahl,5 and if this cannot be done, then they might be sent to me in the morning.
4 Probably the wife of Johan Sundell, an Accountant in the College of Mines stationed in Jmtland. He died in 1755.
5 Per Dahl (1720-1806), who became an Auscultant (Apprentice) in the College of Mines in June 1755.
And now comes still another undated letter. It is addressed to Councillor von Swab, and suggests that von Swab had asked Swedenborg to look out for a young man to assist him. When von Swab was appointed Councillor in the College of Mines in February 1757, he still retained the office to which he had been appointed in the previous November-Director of the Control Office over Gold, Silver and Tin--and it was perhaps in this work that, after his appointment as Councillor, he sought the services of a young man. The letter would therefore be written probably in the SPRING OF SUMMER of 1757:
Well-born Herr Assessor, highly honored Brother:
Since I have now looked around for a capable lad, and have succeeded in finding one in Candidate Hallman, I have the singular pleasure of recommending him. Hoping that he will make himself fully deserving of my brother's favor, I am and will be
my highly honored H. Brother's
most humble servant,
Swedenborg
6 The College of Mines had its office on Jerntorget.
After finishing the Arcana in 1756, Swedenborg wrote five smaller works, namely, Earths in the Universe, Heaven and Hell, Last Judgment, New Jerusalem and its Heavenly Doctrine and White Horse.
He was also busily engaged in writing the Apocalypse Explained. Of this work he made a clean copy from his first draft, and with this copy he journeyed to London apparently with the intention of there publishing it; for on the title-page he wrote: "Londini 1759." Why he did not publish it, is not apparent; but that later he still entertained the idea of publishing it is seen from n. 183 of the Last Judgment posthumous, written in 1761, where he says, "That these things are meant by the dragon and his two witnesses, can be clearly seen from the several things that are written of them there, understood in the spiritual sense, which can be seen to the life if what has been written by me should be given to the public."
While in London, Swedenborg read through the five small works that had been published there, and noted a number of misprints. These he noted down and sent to Mr. Lewis, enclosed in an undated letter7 which was probably written in the AUTUMN of 1758:
7 Now preserved in the Royal Library in Stockholm.
Mr. Lewis in Pater noster
row near Cheapside
I have read over the five treatises lately printed, and found some words to be mended, plaise, to print them in your prints et put them in the traitises to which they belong, pray let Mast.
Marchant8 correct them, that they may be exactly printed.
8 Mr. Marchant was the English translator of volume II of the Arcana; see Hyde no. 619.
De Telluribus in Universe
Errata Typographica
pag: 8, lin. 6 in nurnera, lege innumera.
--- lin:12 Loquela, lege Loquelarn.
pag: 16, lin:10 sunt lege sunt,
pag: 17, lin:26 rerum immaterialium, lege, rerum materialium.
pag: 18 lin:2 esse, lege esset.
pag: 19 1:18 animus lege animum
pag: 201:8 jucundum, lege injucundum
---1: 44 sint, lege, sit.
p: 34 1:8 adeant lege adeunt.
p:381:42 quo dmutationes, lege quod mutationes
pag: 48 lin:2 omnium, lege, omnia.
De Ultimo Judicio
p: 7 1:8 praestat lege praestet
p: 21 1:23 separantur, lege separentur
p: 281:34 faciat lege faciant
p: 33 1:2 Babylonica, lege Babylonia
p:341:2 quia lege qui a
p: 34 1:42 et hircis lege ab hircis;
p: 461:23 repugnatae lege repurgatae
in Nova Hierosolyma
p: 27 1: 29 illae, legre, ille
p: 281:8, g inter inter, lege inter
p: 69 [?68] 1:26 #
p: 781:7 Et lege Ex
p: 156 1:19 ipso lege ipse
# tali, adde, et praecipue consistit in eo quod homo ponat omnem cultum Divinum in sancto cum est in temples
De Coelo et Inferno
pag: 8 lin: 33, 34 Caeum lege coelum
pag: 11 1:11 sint, lege sunt
p: 144 1:30 que lege qui
p: 146 1:4 absconditae lege abscondita
p: 152 1:21 sint lege sunt
p: 156 1: 2 videatur lege videantur
p: 177 1: 2 sin lege sint
p: 196 1:16 voluintatum lege voluptatum
p: 200 1:24 appareat lege pereat
p: 203 1:35 queant lege queat
p: 214 1:14 intelligentiae sapientiae lege intelligentiae et sapientiae
p: 233 lin:3 vita oppositum lege vitam oppositam
p: 237 1: I haec superius sunt clausa lege hae superius sunt clausae
p: 244 1: 32 abducat lege adducat
p: 258 1:39 deus lege dens
p: 267 1:32 cepta lege ceptae
The works here corrected had already been published, and therefore could not be corrected. Following Swedenborg's directions, however, Mr. Lewis had the corrections printed on separate sheets, and these he attached to such of the volumes as were available.9 The White Horse had not yet been published, and the corrections furnished by Swedenborg, now lost, were therefore printed on the last page of the volume.
9 Several of these volumes with the sheet of Errata attached are to be found in the Library of the Academy of the New Church.
Swedenborg left London in July, going to Stockholm via Gothenburg. In the latter city, on July 19, he saw by clairvoyant vision the great fire that was then raging in southern Stockholm in the neighborhood of his own property. A little later he told his fellow guests at a dinner party that the fire had been conquered before reaching his property.
On August 17, soon after his arrival in Stockholm, Swedenborg invested 10,000 d. k.m. with the bankers Jennings and Finlay, from whom he received the following letter, dated AUGUST 17, 1759:
Twelve months after date, the undersigned agree to pay to the Assessor, the well-born Herr Emanuel Swedenborg, or order, the sum of ten thousand dalers in copper, with one-half per cent interest per month.
Value received which is herewith acknowledged.
Stockholm, Aug. 17, 1759 Jennings and Finlay
10,000 in cop. mnt.
with 1/2 per cent interest per month.1
1 On the back of this Note, Swedenborg noted the receipt of 600 d. interest on August 17, 1760, August 19, 1761, and August 22, 1762. The Note was paid in 1763 when Swedenborg wrote at its foot, "This sum with interest as due, was paid in Amsterdam in 1763."
A few days later (August 21), he wrote to his friend Wretman, announcing his safe arrival and telling him of the great fire which had so nearly threatened his property. He also told him about his garden, wherein he had planted Wretman's seeds and bulbs, and which had escaped all injury from the fire. He further acknowledged the safe arrival of the sugar--of which Swedenborg was inordinately fond--sent by Wretman, and he enclosed a draft in settlement of his account.
2 The letter is now lost, but its contents can be gathered from Wretman's reply.
England was engaged in war with France in North America, and both parties sought allies in Europe. France entered into an alliance with Austria against Prussia, and England contracted to subsidize the latter country. Sweden, under the Hats, attracted partly by the hope of regaining the lost portions of Pomerania, and partly by French promises of large subsidies, joined lots with France. Frederick the Great, realizing his danger, made a sudden attack on the French in 1756, and the Seven Years' War commenced.
The entrance of Sweden into the war on the side of France had a bad effect on her relations with Denmark. In 1756 the two countries had entered into an alliance to protect trade in the Baltic Sea, the alliance being directed against Russia. Denmark, moreover, maintained a policy of neutrality in the European war, and when Sweden supported France and in consequence came into alliance with Russia which was also fighting Prussia, there developed a decided coolness between her and Denmark, and in 1759 there was even danger that Denmark would break off diplomatic relations with Sweden--which, however, she did not do. Such were the conditions when Swedenborg wrote to Wretman in August 1759.
Wretman answered in a letter dated SEPTEMBER 1, 1759:
Well-born Herr,
Gracious Patron,
To learn from the gracious letter of August 21 of the well-born Herr Assessor's safe arrival home, and also that the well-born Herr Assessor's box containing the sugar that was sent, arrived in good time, has been a singular pleasure to me. At the same time I received the well-born Herr's remittance of fl. 52: 10, Dutch currency, drawn on Antony and Johan Grill, which was honored and the well-born Herr's account thereby settled. It was also a pleasure to me to know that the well-born Herr's garden and buildings were spared by the last frightful conflagration in Stockholm.
Present conditions are like to be dangerous, especially for Swedish shipping.
the well-born Herr's
my gracious Patron's
humblest servant,
Joachim Wretman
Amsterdam, Sept. 1,
1759
Swedenborg was now engaged in writing drafts of various works. His interests were wholly in theology, and no longer as previously in scientific and philosophical subjects.
This he explained in a letter which he wrote to Count von Hpken,3 a short time after visiting him in April 1760, when the conversation seems to have turned on mining matters and perhaps on the theory of creation set forth by Swedenborg in the first volume of his Regnum Minerale. The letter is dated APRIL 10:
3 Anders Johan von Hpken (1712-1789) was then Kansli-President or Prime Minister.
Your High Countship's Excellency:
When I had the honor of being with your Excellency, I promised to send my Regnnm Minerale, but when I looked for it, I found it was gone, and then remembered that it had been given to the Library in Stockholm. Therefore, in order to fulfill my promise, I now send in its place Swammerdam's Biblia Naturae. This book will be of no use to me hereafter for I have turned my thoughts from natural things to spiritual.
I remain with respect,
Your High Countship Excellency's
humble servant,
Em. Swedenborg
April 10
When Swedenborg published the Arcana Coelestia, he gave strict injunction to the publisher, and presumably to the printer (Mr. Hart) also, that they were by no means to reveal the name of its author. For the purpose of preserving this anonymity, Swedenborg went from London to Aix-la-Chapelle and withheld his address from all save his Swedish friend, Mr. Wretman, in Amsterdam.
Swedenborg's clairvoyant vision of the conflagration in Stockholm may have contributed to revealing his identity as a theological author, but the decisive factor was his application to the Censor for permission to import some of his writings, including De Coelo et Inferno (2 Doc. 397). Permission was granted, but only on condition that he send in a list of the persons receiving a copy of the work. Swedenborg himself then made his authorship known to some of his intimate friends to whom he presented copies of De Coelo et Inferno (ibid. 399), and from them it may have spread to a small circle among the educated, but it was not generally known until March 1760 (ibid. 395).
As indicated above in the letter to von Hpken, Swedenborg was not averse to talking freely about his works. To Count Tessin, who called upon him on Thursday, February 28, 1760, he talked freely about his experiences in the spiritual world, and promised to give him a copy of De Coelo et Inferno. He had already given a copy to v. Hpken, and would have given one to Count Gustaf Bonde, had not the latter already purchased a copy from England. Count Bonde4 had been the President of the College of Mines (1721-27) during Swedenborg's early years as Assessor. Swedenborg had then been in daily and intimate contact with him, and held him in high esteem. During Count Bonde's first year as President of the College Swedenborg was on the Continent, and it was to him that Swedenborg dedicated the first volume of his Miscellaneous Observations. He was one of the first men in Sweden, if not the first, whom Swedenborg informed concerning his intercourse with the spiritual world.
4 Count Gustaf Bonde (1682-1764) was a descendant of one of the most ancient noble families of Sweden. When in 1727 he became a member of the Privy Council, he was the twentieth member of his family in direct line from father to son who had filled that office. He was a supporter of Horn's policy of peace, and when the Hats came into power, he was forced to resign (March 1740). During the next twenty-one pears he retired to his estates and spent his time in study and writing, though during the earlier of these years he continued his office as Chancellor of Upsala University, where he introduced many important educational reforms. He had been elected Chancellor in 1737. In 1761, when the Caps came into power, he again became a Privy Councillor and remained such until his death. Among his papers are some comments on Heaven and Hell and the Last Judgment, which indicate that he did not accept Swedenborg's teaching.
For some years the Count, whose many interests embraced mysticism, had been in correspondence on scientific subjects with Baron d'Hatzell, a German student of mystical philosophy, then resident in Rotterdam.5 In the Spring of 1760, he wrote the Count that he had been reading one or other of the new theologian's works, and, having heard that their author was a Swede, asked if the Count could give him his name so that he might himself write to him and express his delight in reading his works. The Count seems to have informed him that, while he knew the author in question, he was not at liberty to give his name; but he assured the Baron that if he wished to communicate with that author, he would be glad to transmit any letter sent in care of himself.
5 Louis Baron d'Hatzell. Little is known about him beyond the fact that in The Hague in 1750, the bans were published for his marriage, and that in 1754, he was in Holland as Charg d'Affairs for Hamburg. The "Ordre Constantinien," written after his signature, was an Italian order-Neapolitan or Parmesian.
Accepting this offer, the Baron addressed a letter to Swedenborg in German, and Count Bonde duly transmitted it in a covering letter,6 sent from his country estate Hssleby, and dated AUGUST 7, 1760:
6 von Hatzel's letter to Swedenborg, Bonde's covering letter, and a draft of Swedenborg's letter to Bonde are copied in the Bergius Collection. Swedenborg's letter itself is preserved in the archives of the Bonde family, and is printed in Nova Ecclesia 1924, p. 43.
Well-born Herr Assessor:
I hope that the well-born Herr Assessor's old friendship will not take ill the freedom I give myself to recommend to him the request of one of my friends in Holland, contained in the accompanying letter. His name and address is, Mons. d'Hatzel, Baron, Chevalier et Grand Croix de l'Ordre Constantinien, Rotterdam. Since I have corresponded with him for some years concerning what is known in medicine and other sciences, he wrote me again in the Spring that he had had opportunity to read some of the Herr Assessor's rare writings, and came to learn that their author was here in Sweden so he earnestly begged me to procure information as to this and let him know.
I willingly make use of this opportunity to remind the well-born Herr Assessor of the obliging promise to pay me the honor of visiting me and examining my little garden as to how far it deserves the name, when the Herr Assessor can be assured that he will be more than welcome, and I will have the opportunity of giving further assurance of the constant high esteem wherewith I remain,
the well-born Herr Assessor's
most dutiful
servant,
Gustaf Bonde
Hassleby, Aug. 7
1760
[Enclosure]
Well-born Herr:
The extraordinary insight and light with which the Almighty has been pleased to adorn your well-born self, this I began to see and understand, not only at first from my highly honored, pious, and deeply learned friend, his Ex. Herr Count G. Bonde, but later very circumstantially from your writings printed in London, some of which I have read with astonishment. There is aroused in me who, from my youth onward, according to the ability God has given me, have sought truth, and above all, have preferred theosophy, the desire not only to come into acquaintance with your well-born self but also in many things to become a disciple and so, by the same way on which you commenced, and through which you have happily come, to arrive under your fundamental guidance at the same fount of wisdom and intelligence, and to draw therefrom; not thereby to become great, rich or distinguished above others, but solely to become wise. Since now this object will not be displeasing to your well-born self
Your well-born self's
obedient truly devoted Dr.
L. Baron von Hatzel
Chevr of the Grand Cross of the
Constantinien Order of St. George
a propos--Have you ever read Edelman's writings?7 What do you think of them?
7 Johan. Christian Edelmann (1698-1767), a German writer who vigorously opposed orthodox Christianity. He denied the doctrine of the Trinity, and also the New Testament and the Divinity of Christ. He held that the world was the body of God. God is not a person but is the substance in all phenomena.
N.B. To the same--Swedenborg.8
8 This line must have been added by Bengt Bergius, for von Hatzel did not know the name of the author of the Writings.
Immediately on the receipt of this letter, Swedenborg answered it in a letter to Count Bonde dated AUGUST 11:
Your High Countship's Excellency:
I am grateful for the honor of your Excellency's letter, and for the most kind invitation to Hesleby. As to the accompanying letter from Herr Baron Hatzel of Rotterdam, I ought to answer it in accordance with his desire, but since it concerns the Writings which last came out in London, on which my name is not printed, I must not let myself into any literary correspondence with any one in foreign lands, and so myself give my name as the author.9 But not so within my own country.1 Yet those who are in foreign lands can be answered through others, and I humbly beg that your Excellency will be so good as to convey my greetings to him and ask him to excuse my not being able to give him a written answer; yet assure him that it was a great pleasure to me that he found enjoyment and light in the reading of the Writings, this being a sign that he had enlightenment from heaven, for without enlightenment, no one can understand the things written therein since they pertain not to the outer understanding but to the inner.
9 In his first draft, as copied by Bengt Bergius, Swedenborg here adds: "The bookseller who has these writings for sale has also been forbidden to make my name known" (2 Doc. 232 note).
1 This distinction is strictly in accordance with Swedenborg's practice. He was called upon in March by Baron Tilas, and in March and June by Count Tessin; and to both these men he talked of his spiritual experiences without the slightest reservation (2 Doc. 397-98, 401).
As regards the question whether there are any verses in the Books of Moses which have the property and power to bring one into commerce or conversation with spirits, I know of no verses in the Scripture which have this property above other verses;
2 In the draft, Swedenborg here adds: "for this is more dangerous than men suppose" (2 Doc. 232 note).
3 In the draft, Swedenborg here adds: "Unless the Lord Himself bring them into this condition and take them under His care and protect them specially, as is the case with me" (ibid.).
I make bold humbly to request that your Excellency, when writing to Baron Hatzel, convey my respectful greetings and excuse, and as answer, if this is agreeable to your Excellency, give something of that which is now stated; for it is of this that he writes to me in his letter, and he desires information.
I remain, with all reverence and respect,
Your high Countship Excellency's
Stockholm, Aug. 11 most humble servant,
1760 Em. Swedenborg
In the Spring, Swedenborg had written to Wretman in Amsterdam, ordering some box trees for his garden. These trees had arrived in due time, with the request that the bill be paid to Herr Wretman's brother John in Stockholm. On June 21, Swedenborg wrote expressing his satisfaction with them, and stating that he had paid the charges for them as requested. In this letter he also ordered other trees cut into certain shapes, which were to be shipped by Captain Last. He received an answer from Mr. Wretman dated SEPTEMBER 27:
Well-born Herr Assessor,
Kind Patron:
It was with the greatest pleasure that I gathered from the well-b: Herr Assessor's friendly letter of June 21, that the box trees' pyramids4 that were sent over have arrived safely, and that they have given pleasure. I have also received information from my brother that the cost thereof has been paid to him, for which I express my respectful thanks. A better conveyance could hardly have been found at any time than when, according to the well-born Herr's desire, I sent them off with Capt. Johan Fried. Last at the very lowest freight charge.
4 Apparently, box trees trimmed to the shape of pyramids.
4 Box trees' gubbar,5 each in its own basket;
but the cost of each is F. 5: 5 21:--
Baskets, earth, straw, etc. 1:4
Invoice, customs, examination, and putting on board 1:16
Sound dues6 and exchange :10
Total in Dutch currency 24:10
which I pray you, as before, to pay over to my brother, Johan Wretman, in Stockholm, and also to request Herr Peter Hultman,7 in virtue of the bill of lading which I signed, to give a receipt for the goods when received, and to procure the gubbar good quarters.
5 i.e., box trees shaped in the figures of old men. Gubbar means old men.
6 i.e., the dues charged by the Danes for the passage of ships between Helsingr and Helsingborg.
7 Hultman was Swedenborg's banker, and also his business agent as regards his property in Hornsgatan; see p. 503.
The well-born Herr must not think they are dear, for some years growth and attention is necessary before they can be of service in the field, and I hope that, like faithful grenadiers, they may keep watch over their post.8 I will desire nothing more than that they do not become a distraction, and that I may forever enjoy the constant favor of being
the well-born Herr Assessor's
my kind Patron's
humble servant,
Joachim Wretman
Amsterdam, Sept. 27,
1760
8 Robsahm, in his Memoirs, says that in front of his house, Swedenborg had "some of those singular Dutch figures of animals and other objects, shaped out of box trees" (I Doc. 33).
Though now a Revelator, Swedenborg was interested not only in his own garden but in the affairs of his country; and in this he illustrates the teaching in Heaven and Hell concerning the regenerating man, that he will continue to be a man of the world as before--but with an internal difference. Here it may also be noted that, though by this time he had become well known as the author of the theological works, yet, as will be seen later, his contributions to the deliberations of the Diet on the financial condition of the Kingdom were received with high regard.
The war with Prussia, into which the Hats had brought Sweden in 1757, was steadily being lost, and this was a contributing factor in bringing Sweden to a disastrous position in the foreign exchange market. It was not, however, the only factor. An adverse balance of trade also contributed to the same result. To adjust this balance, the Diet, in 1756, had prohibited the importation of over two hundred articles of commerce, including articles of daily consumption such as coffee, chocolate, milk, wine, grapes, pomegranates, olives, chestnuts, nuts, sweets, etc. The result was smuggling on a large scale, and the forbidden articles were openly sold on the streets. For the growing expenses of the war, the Government was compelled to borrow from the State Bank; and the bank, that it might be able to lend, was authorized to issue paper money.
* Sjrstrand, Mynt-och Bankpolitik, 202.
To meet this fall in value, the Government, in June 1758, established an "exchange office" whose function was in effect legalized speculation. Naturally it failed to check the fall in the value of Swedish money. In December 1760, the paper money issued by the bank amounted to more than one hundred and eighteen million dalers, and the rate of exchange had risen to 75.
This brought great distress to the country. Prices steadily rose as the value of the Swedish mark decreased. Creditors were repaid in cheap money. Salaried men were the worst sufferers. Workmen also suffered, for the increase in their wages was far from meeting the increased cost of living.9
9 See Malmstrm, Sveriges Polit. Hist. 4:409 seq.
Such was the situation when the Diet opened on October 15, 1760. Unrest, anxiety, uncertainty occupied all men's thoughts. "Nothing (says Malmstrm), not even the war, troubled every single individual so deeply as the fall of the paper money. There was hardly anything with which men's thoughts, words, and pens were so occupied as the course of exchange" (ibid., 5:46). During November, the House of Nobles was flooded with memorials on the subject. Among these was one by Swedenborg, marked by the Clerk of the House, "no. 36," and dated NOVEMBER 17, 1760:*
* Swedenborg's draft is contained in Codex 56, p. 35 seq.
It is well known that from time immemorial the exchange has been at par with the current coinage, and that such is likewise the case in all kingdoms. From this it can be concluded that it is the coinage itself that alone rules the exchange, as can clearly be seen from the fact that no merchant gives out the current coins which he has in hand, whether it be gold, silver, or copper, to another merchant to receive a bill of exchange costing more than the current rate, since he knows that with those to whom he would make payment, whether in Holland, England or Hamburg, the same coinage is good for more than the exchange broker is willing to give.
1 Pltar (pronounced plotar) were copper plates stamped as being of a certain value.
From this it can plainly be seen that a coin currency has still held and regulated the rate of exchange; and also that the rising of the exchange in later times, that is, within the past twenty years, from its par, which was 35 marks,2 first to 40 marks, then to 50, and at last to from 60 to 70, was caused by the fact that instead of a real coinage there came a currency of bank notes which stand for coins but yet are not coins. Thereby the rate of exchange has lost the base which it formerly had, and has sought another base, this being principally the Swedish iron, not to mention Sweden's other products such as brass-wire, alum, tar, masts, boards, and many other products. These bases, however, as against the base which is afforded by actual coin, could not maintain the rate of exchange in its former true position,3 inasmuch as they are trade wares which are in the hands only of certain persons. These alone have money abroad, and can therefore set the rate of exchange, either by agreement among themselves or by other derice which may be thought out, inasmuch as it is not every merchant that has cash whereby he can himself see the value of the exchange.
2 i.e., 35 marks or 8 dalers 24 re s.m for I Dutch riksdaler. The Swedish Mark was the standard used in the foreign exchange market. It equalled 8 re, that is, 4 marks equalled 1 daler s.m.
3 In the copy sent in, value is substituted for position.
When one knows the cause of the inordinate rise in the rate of exchange to its present height, three points come into consideration: 1. What injury is thereby inflicted upon the kingdom. 2. What is the cause that led to the appearance of representative notes instead of real money. 3. How this can be helped.
I. As to the FIRST: What injury is inflicted [upon the kingdom] by the inordinate rise of the Exchange to its present height. This is likely known to some extent inasmuch as there is general complaint about it. To put it shortly, however, it is: 1 That all necessities which are imported from abroad, such as the raw material for most of the manufactures, grain and food, together with most articles known as wear and tear goods, must be paid for according to the rate of exchange. So likewise with our domestic products such as oxen, cows, calves, sheep, lambs, fowls, fish, butter, tallow, wood, lumber, boards, etc., these follow in price according to the course of exchange, and go still higher. 2 Thereby all that must be bought by the State for the needs of the Royal Court, for the clothing of the army, for fortification, for shipbuilding, for naval armament, for the building and maintenance of forts, for the salaries of ambassadors, must be procured and paid for according to the exchange price, and so at double their former cost. 3 All rates and taxes must be made higher, and yet in time there will be few resources for this, since most property owners have made themselves poor by mortgaging their property to the Bank.4 4 All workmen, and it is from them that the kingdom has its main activity and strength, will become impotent and fewer by reason of the dearness of all that belongs to their nourishment and support, unless their wages are high enough to meet the dearness. As to the injury the public will thus suffer, this can be foreseen but cannot be described in a few words. 5 All the servants of the State, both civil and military, who are not wealthy by inheritance or by acquired property, or who are not indehlning holders,5 will not find their income sufficient for themselves and theirs. Therefore they will be obliged, and as though compelled, to seek some way out wherever they can find it, and in most cases this cannot happen without detriment to righteousness, a detriment which will increase more and more until Sweden becomes a ruined country.
4 The State Bank was very liberal in granting loans, and many persons borrowed from it for the purpose of speculation in the exchange market.
5 An indehlning holder was one who obligated himself to furnish and maintain a cavalryman in wartime, and in return received a grant of crown land, with freedom in whole or in part from taxation.
6 Sweden was then at war with Prussia.
These injuries and losses caused by the rising and height of the exchange, are such as can be seen by each and every man; but those which are not seen save only by those who possess deep insight are the following: 1 That commerce comes more and more into a different state from what it was previously, and because of the uncertainty and rising of the exchange, most men fear its utter destruction. 2 That a favorable balance in the Kingdom's general trade, which would force lowering the exchange rate, cannot be attained or maintained so long as paper money is the general medium of trade; for whatever the balance, the exchange rate can yet be held equally high. 3 That those who make profit from the dearness of the exchange rate, have a chimerical profit, which certainly undergoes changes according to the rate of exchange, and which consumes itself because of the dearness in the country. 4 It may come to pass that the exchange rate will mount still higher, perhaps to 100 marks for one riksdaler, Holland currency; then all the above injuries and needs in the kingdom will become in like degree more severe and more deplorable. 5 That whenever the exchange rate goes over 60 marks, our small coins which correspond to the pltar as 900 to 540, will never reach far enough in the Kingdom; for then, on their copper alone, can a profit be gained equal to the rise in the exchange.
II. As FOR THE SECOND: What is the cause that led to the appearance of representative notes instead of real money. The main cause is that the Worshipful Estates, acting on the proposal and representation of certain persons, gave their consent to a general loan on all fixed and movable property.7
7 This was in 1755, when the Hats were in power. In that year the exchange rate was merely 41 marks for 1 Dutch riksdaler. In a vain attempt to bolster the value of the Swedish paper money, the bank was authorized to lend money on any and every thing, at four per cent. "It was easy to foresee (says Malmstrm) that after this the bank loans would have hardly any other limit than the ability to manufacture bank notes, and the supply of properties or goods to be pawned--any other rule than the judgment and consent of the bank's officials; to which it should be added, that among the latter were the bank's biggest borrowers, Frederick Gyllenborg [the bank's President] and Kiernan [a Director]. With the bank's money, they bought manufactories and real estate, or conducted trade and commerce, and whatever gave them a personal advantage, from the circumstance that the paper money in which they would settle their debts, might fall in value. Another consequence was that while during the years 1751-55 the bank loaned to private persons an average of sixteen million dalers k.m. annually, during the following five years (1755-60) the loans rose to an average of twenty-nine million dalers k.m. per year" (Malmstrm 4: 261 seq.)
These are the main causes why coined money has disappeared, and why all trade and commerce has now become fast bound to notes whose only base is mortgaged properties, in which each and every individual who has these notes in his hands may think he owns some share, yet without leave to assure himself thereof, as in the case of mortgages with private persons if payment is not received in real coin.
From this it can be seen that the permission given to the bank to make loans on all property, fast and loose, has had the effect that the exchange rate is without any check because there is no minted coinage to back it. Besides this, the general granting of loans has resulted in still dearer times in the land; for the majority of borrowers, seeing they had money in their hands, entered into the generally ruling desire to live in style and to give dinners.8
8 This is borne out by the fact that "by the bank loans, a larger sum was in circulation than was needed for trade and manufacture." Sveriges Riksbank 3:259.
III. As FOR THE THIRD: How this can be helped. When one has found the cause of the rising rate of exchange, then best can a remedy be found. Therefore, seeing that I have presented all the foregoing, I take the liberty humbly to present to the Most Wor. Estates of the Realm, the following: 1 That the general loaning on property, fixed and movable, be suspended, and no other loan be made hereafter except to the general treasury for the Kingdom's needs, and also on gold and silver as was the custom formerly, it being by such loans alone that, after King Charles XII's death, the Bank, which was then empty, again came to its strength and wealth.9 When the general loaning on properties ceases,1 then will likely be experienced a change in all the dearness which plagues the land. 2 That those who have received loans on their properties be obligated to pay off a certain percentage in addition to the interest. In this way, after the lapse of a certain period, the greater part of the credit notes now in circulation will be recovered, and in their place notes can be issued which instead of representing money are money.
9 It may be noted that when, in February, a rumor was spread that these bank loans were to be discontinued, the exchange rate fell to 65 marks, but in March, when rumor was spread that this was a chimera, the exchange rose to 76 (Skogman p. 47).
1 This had been proposed by the Banking Committee in 1751, but without effect (Sjstrand, Mynt- o. Bankpolitik, p. 140).
2 i.e., depositors.
3 The Iron Office, originally established in 1738 as a private company of iron manufactures, was finally authorized by the Secret Committee in December 1747, though it continued to be managed as before. It was supported by a tax of 1 dal. k.m., paid by the purchaser on every skeppund (2 tons) of iron. The avowed purpose of the Iron Office was to hold up the high price of iron. Sometimes, when the price was satisfactory, it purchased its iron direct. Most of its iron, however, was acquired on commission. Iron manufacturers, depositing iron with the Office, received seven-eighths of its value as a loan from the bank, and four per cent interest on the loan was paid to the bank by the Office. The large owners of iron, having thus been loaned a considerable part of its value free of interest, could afford to wait for the exchange to rise. Meanwhile the Office held the iron, and did not export it until the exchange rate was high enough to satisfy the owner. Swedenborg's proposal to abolish the Iron Office is noted by Sjstrand in his Mynt- och Bankpolitik p. 205.
The above is what, as a member of the Estates of the Realm, I have found myself in duty bound humbly to submit for consideration; for I am pledged to reflect upon and bring forward, according to my ability, whatever contributes to the good of the Kingdom; and this is a matter of the utmost importance, inasmuch as on it depends the welfare of the Kingdom in general, since the coinage in a kingdom is like blood in a body, from which it has its life, health, strength, and defence.
The most humble servant,
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm
Nov. 17, 1760
This Memorial was characterized by Anders von Hpken, many years later, as "the most solid and the best penned" of the many memorials submitted to the Diet at this time (2 Doc. 408). Together with several other memorials on the same subject, it was read in the House of Nobles on December 4, 1760, and was later referred to the Secret Committee.
Before it went to the Secret Committee, however, objections were directed against it in the House of Nobles. Thus, Swedenborg proposed that borrowers from the bank should pay annually, not only the interest, but also "a certain percentage" of the principal. It was evidently understood that by "a certain percentage" Swedenborg meant considerably more than two per cent; for the contract signed by the borrowers already required the latter to reduce the debt by an annual payment of two per cent. It was objected that borrowers had made their financial commitment on this basis, and that to raise the rate would bring them to ruin. Objection was also raised against Swedenborg's statement that many persons used their borrowed money to indulge in luxuries.
At the end of November 1760, Councillor of Commerce, Anders Nordencrantz4--a distinguished ii somewhat irascible economist, who had been commissioned by the Government in 1754 to Study the subject of the course of exchange, and for this purpose had been given eighteen months' leave of absence from the Commerce College--sent a Memorial to the Diet assembled in 1760 (Malmstrm, 5:47)
4 Anders Nordencrantz (1697-1772) was born Bachmansson, but when ennobled in 1743, he changed his name to Nordencrantz. He spent some time in London, where he devoted himself to the study of business economy. Returning to Sweden, he published, in 1730, his Arcana Oeconomiae et Commercii (Mysteries of Economy and Commerce), the first Swedish work ever to be published on that subject. The next year he became Swedish Consul in Lisbon, a position which he resigned in 1736, when he returned to Sweden where he became wealthy by marriage. After some years devoted to study and writing, he was appointed Councillor in the Commerce College, a position which he retained to the end of his life. He was a man of keen insight, and in many respects was ahead of his time. He advocated freedom of the press, freedom of trade and freedom of workmen from the many restrictions imposed by the government and by trade guilds. He rejected the prevalent view that the rise in the rate of exchange was due to an unfavorable balance of trade, but ascribed it to the flood of bank notes and the selfishness of those who had the direction of the Bank and of exchange, men who had taken great loans with which they bought lands and factories with the expectation of paying for them in depreciated currency, thus having a powerful interest in making the rate of exchange high, and who had succeeded in doing this by means of the Iron Office--which he, like Swedenborg, would abolish. The adverse balance of trade and the war had merely served to close the eyes of the people to the real causes of their distress (Malmstrm, 5:47-48)
In their restless eagerness to find some remedy for the prevailing financial distress, the Diet, towards the middle of December, granted this somewhat irregular request, with the proviso that the Deputation consist of twenty-four Members from the House of Nobles, and twelve each from the House of the Clergy and that of the Burghers. They also granted Nordencrantz's request that, until they reported to the Diet, the members of the Deputation should be bound by an oath of secrecy.
Nordencrantz was wise in asking to nominate the Deputation, for he knew that his enemies would use all manner of bribery to appoint men opposed to him. He chose men who were friendly to him, being mostly Caps, but including also a number of disgruntled Hats. He was also wise in insisting on secrecy, for his views were so opposed to the views then current, and his remedies were so fundamental, that if they became known prematurely, they would likely be distorted and bring Nordencrantz into actual legal prosecution (Malmstrm, 5:47).
About this time, Swedenborg wrote a short note in which he warns the Diet of the financial disaster that threatened the country unless measures are taken to remedy the rate of exchange. Of this note, there are a draft and four clean copies, all in Swedenborg's handwriting.5 The clean copies--and there were probably more of them--suggest that the document was distributed to certain members of the Diet, perhaps members of the Secret Committee. The document may be dated early in DECEMBER. It reads as follows:
5 Codex 56, pp. 45, 50-53. The draft is headed "Nordencrantz's Project. This Project carries with it the following weaknesses."
If at the present Diet, the Estates of the Realm do not lay the ground for the gradual withdrawal by the Bank of the representative notes now in circulation, and the coming into use in their place of real money, it is to be feared that the dearness in the Kingdom will become greater and greater until the country becomes thereby utterly exhausted, and at last there will be no other way out6 for its restoration than a general bankruptcy in respect to all the paper money.
6 The draft and one of the clean copies has remedy.
Many propositions can be devised and presented for the control of the high rate of exchange and for checking the dearness, yet all are of little or no value save only a single one, which is, that real money again come into circulation, as was formerly the case in Sweden, and as is the case in all the kingdoms of the world; for it is in actual coins that the value of exchange lies, and consequently the value of all wares. If a kingdom could he maintained by notes which represent coined money and are not coined money, it would be a kingdom without a match in the world.
Em. Swedenborg
Many memorials were sent to the House of Nobles offering remedial measures in connection with the rate of exchange. In a Memorial dated7 December 13, Swedenborg recites some of these measures and disposes of them in summary fashion. This Memorial is marked "Copy of an Appendix thereto," indicating that it was an appendix to his Memorial of November 17th.
7 Two copies of this Memorial are found in Codex 56, namely, pp. 42-4, and 47-9.
It is dated DECEMBER 13, and reads:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
Since during these times there has been much talk and many projects in respect to the course of exchange, it behooves me, humbly, and for the analyzing of my thoughts previously presented, to add the following to my former Memorial, as a subject for further reflection, as against the errors which creep in and by which well intentioned men might easily be confused, namely:
A special Deputation on the rate of exchange by the Most Worsh: Estates of the Realm was determined on and was afterward appointed by the Most Worsh: Estates of the Realm, and I had the honor to hand in a humble Memorial on this subject which, on request, was remitted to the Secret Committee of the Estates of the Realm, inasmuch as it properly concerned the Bank.8 Now since the same important matter is to be examined in two places,9 I submit to the consideration of the Most Worsh. Estates of the Realm the question as to whether the Deputation above mentioned may not meet with the Secret Committee, and so consider this matter together with the thoughts that have been handed in, jointly; and this likewise for the reason that it very intimately concerns the Bank which is a matter for the special consideration of the Secret Committee; and also because it is one of the most important matters that comes before the Most Worsh. Estates of the Realm.
8 The State Rank was under the jurisdiction of the Secret Committee, and its affairs were kept from the Diet (Skogman, p. 48s).
9 i.e., by the Nordencrantz Deputation and by the Secret Committee.
FURTHER CONCERNING THE COURSE OF EXCHANGE
For the lowering of the course of exchange, many propositions could be presented, all of which are of little or no value save one only. As proof of this, I will present the following propositions:
I. To establish an exchange bank, having its base in pltar and copper. ANSWER: The State bank would thereby be deprived of its base, and would lose all its credit.
II. To establish a large company which shall pay at a price lower than the exchange for all the Kingdom's effects and products which are to be exported. And that for this company, rules be made. ANSWER: This cannot be done without the use of compulsion in trade, and the course of exchange cannot thereby be forced under 50 to 60 marks. Thus the general welfare will receive no help in this way.1
1 This paragraph (Cod. 56, p. 46) was substituted for the following (p. 48): To establish an exchange once consisting of merchants who export iron and other Swedish products. ANSWER: The exchange will be just as high. See note 3 below.
III. That the bank notes be based on iron, and come into circulation together with notes based on pltar. ANSWER: That will have no effect on exchange rates.
IV. That Plt notes2 and representative notes come out separately. ANSWER: That will not do, for all the plt notes would be bought with representative notes, and the bank will become empty.
2 i.e., notes based on the copper pltar.
V. That a price be set on the exchange, and be regulated according to the price of the Kingdom's products which are exported. ANSWER: It cannot be done, for a price cannot be set.
VI. That effort should be directed solely to a favorable balance of trade. ANSWER: That will not avail to lower the exchange which is wholly in the hands of those who deal in iron, etc.
VII. That iron, which has now become the base of the exchange rate instead of coinage in pltar, be held at a lower price. ANSWER: They could not be induced to do this; and the rate of exchange would still depend on the discretion of the few changers.
VIII. That all the bank notes in circulation be cut somewhat in their value. ANSWER: That would cause harm to the Kingdom, and yet could not affect the exchange.
IX. That everything be left in statu quo until the Bank gets back its loans and becomes rich. ANSWER: Twenty years would be needed for that, and meanwhile everything would become worse and worse.3
3 In his second copy (p. 49), Swedenborg adds a tenth paragraph (crossed out) as follows: That a price be set on all the effects and products of the kingdom, and a corresponding price on the exchange; and that a large company be established for which a certain regulation is made. ANSWER: The owners of iron and of the other effects of the Kingdom will not lend themselves to this, nor will they come out with it so long as there is no other money than notes, which, because of their superabundance, are of little value.
Many proposals besides these may be devised and presented to exercise compulsion on the course of exchange and to check the present dearness,4 but all proposals are of little or no value except one only, which is, that real money come again into circulation as it was in Sweden formerly and as it is in all the kingdoms of the world; for the value of the exchange, and consequently the value of all wares, lies in silver coinage.
Humble servant,
Em Swedenborg
Dec. 13 [1760]
4 The words "to exercise compulsion on the course of exchange, and to check the present dearness" are found in the Memorial that was handed in. They are not in the copies in Codex 56.
This Memorial was printed by C. D. Skogman as Appendix no. 7 to his Anteckningar om rikets stnders bank och almnna lerrelsen i Sverige. Of it, he says (p. 48): "One wonders, with reason, at the clearness and the originality with which the future spirit seer treats a subject misunderstood by so many practical men."
The embarrassed financial condition of Sweden was not the most important matter that occupied the Diet of 1760-62. Closely connected with it was the question of the responsibility of the Privy Council in declaring war on Prussia. The Hats were still in power, but they were in a precarious position. Ranged against them was a coalition, calling itself the Patriotic Party, composed of Caps, Royalists, and disgruntled Hats. The latter were largely officers in the army who, insisting on their right as heads of noble families to attend the Diet, had left the army in the field against the orders of the Government, and were promptly cashiered. There was also wide dissatisfaction because the Privy Council had entered into the war and borrowed money for the purpose without summoning a Diet which, according to the Constitution, alone could authorize these steps. Pechlin,5 who had been a prominent Hat, was the prime leader of the disgruntled Hats in the "Patriotic Party," and he succeeded in having the Diet elect a Stora (Large) Deputation (consisting of two hundred members) which was to investigate the reasons which led the Privy Council to declare war.
5 Carl Fredrik Pechlin (1720-96) was born in Holstein, but his parents came to live in Sweden when he was six years old. He devoted himself to the army with great success, and when thirty years old became a colonel. As a member of the House of Nobles, he early distinguished himself as a clever organizer and politician, but crafty, selfish, and corrupt. In 1759, when he was in the field against the Prussians, he left the army for Stockholm, and then indulged in harsh criticism of the Generals and of the conduct of the war by the Government. This led to his being sent back to his regiment, and this in turn served still further to embitter him against the Hat Party, of which he had been an active member but which, in the 1760 Diet, he at first bitterly opposed. In 1760, he again left the army in Germany to attend the Diet. There he acted as the leader of the Caps against the Hats who were fast losing their hold on the Diet owing to the disastrous consequence of the Seven Years' War, the sad effects of which were felt throughout the land. After many years of political intrigue, he was finally suspected of complicity in the plot to murder Gustaf III, and was provisionally imprisoned in Varborg where, after four years, he died.
The Stora Deputation had been appointed in the middle of December, but it could not meet until it had received its instructions from the Diet, and these were not given until January 12th, the first meeting day of the House of Nobles after the Christmas holidays. It was with this Deputation in mind that Swedenborg addressed a Memorial to the Diet on its opening day, pleading for a charitable attitude. It is evident, however, that he had more in mind than the Stora Deputation. By order of the Diet, the whole edition of Nordencrantz's book had been distributed to its members for study.6 In this work, Nordencrantz was in advance of his age. He pleaded for a freer form of government such as existed in England; for a separation of the administrative office from the legislative; for freedom of the press, etc. But he also exposed many weaknesses in the Swedish Government, especially the bribery and corruption by French and Russian gold. It was this, that Swedenborg and many other members of the Diet considered to be an attack on the Swedish form of government. He felt that Nordencrantz dwelt too much upon the faults of his native land.
6 Malstrm, sv. Polit. Hist., 5:14.
Therefore, in his Memorial, he not only pleaded for a charitable judgment of the Privy Council by the Stora Deputation, but also took occasion to defend his country's form of government; see pp. 568, 582. It may be noted also that Swedenborg's friend von Hpken was the responsible head of the Privy Council.
The Memorial (Codex 56, pp. 27-30) was read in the House of Nobles on its opening day, JANUARY 12, 1761:
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
Inasmuch as the Most Worsh: Estates of the Realm are now assembled for the first time this year, and the Stora Deputation will then first commence its work, I have the honor to express herewith my wish for a happy progress to a good and united conclusion.
That the Stora Deputation will deem it well, to take up everything that has been alleged to have been done against Law and Ordinances, and to take all necessary measures of correction, doing this itself in the several matters that concern the Kingdom, and, in the case of private matters, doing it by reference, with a presentation of the cases, to their proper Deputations; and then, that the Stora Deputation, with all prudent wisdom, will deem it well to turn aside, in order that no general complaint be spread around concerning our established law and government because of some faults which in part seem to have, and in part may have been committed; for mistakes are made in all kingdoms and also by every human being; but were a government to be viewed from them alone, it would be like viewing every man from his failings and deficiencies whereby the way would be open for his misfortune, and this would inevitably follow.
The Kingdom's Most Worsh. Estates will kindly not take it unfavorably that I further expatiate on this matter, and this with the following illustrations: 1. If, in the case of a man of honorable intentions, who has love for the welfare of his country, all his failings and defects should be laid bare and spread abroad, would not that man become defamed in his honor, and be considered in the judgment of all people as unworthy and despicable? To throw more light on this, I will take the Councillor of Commerce Herr Nordencrantz and likewise myself.7 If all our weaknesses and faults from lack of understanding were to be investigated and set forth and be bedaubed with black colors, would we not soon be considered by the public as black ravens? even though, in view of our well meaning intentions and the good disposition of our heart toward the Fatherland, we could I presume be considered as white as other well meaning men in the Kingdom.
7 In mentioning Nordencrantz by name, Swedenborg doubtless had in mind the many faults he complained of in the Swedish Government; see Swedenborg's own explanation on p. 585, where he says that he mentioned Nordencrantz in order to "except" him, i.e., to defend him from the bitter criticisms levelled against him.
2. A man is wholly inclined to note the faults of others and to pass harsh judgment upon them, and nothing comes easier to him, and more delightful; for all men are inclined by nature to see the mite in their brother's eye and not the beam in their own eye, and to strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. All proudly contemptuous and devil-minded men set their prudence in finding fault and blaming, and all noble-hearted and Christ-minded men set their prudence in interpreting everything according to the circumstances, that is, in excusing a fault which may be committed from weakness, and denouncing an evil which may be committed from intention.
3. The like is the case in general affairs which concern government. Faults are found in all, yea, faults so countless that volumes could be filled with them. Should I presume to uncover all the faults committed in England and in Holland to the detriment of justice and of the good of the land, which I have heard and of which I have been informed, I think I would be able to write a large book thereon full of lamentations. And yet, next to our own Government in Sweden, their governments are the very best in Europe, because, despite all the mistakes that are made there, every inhabitant is sure of his life and property, and not one of them is a slave, all being free folk.
4. The Kingdom's most Worsh: Estates will permit me to go still higher in this matter. Ii there could be in the world a heavenly kingdom, consisting of men who had angel-minds, it could still not be without the faults and shortcomings of weakness; and if these were to be sought out, reported, and exaggerated, this kingdom also would be undermined by slander, and thereby would gradually be introduced, even with the well intentioned, the desire and inclination to change and destroy it.
5. The best and most wisely established government is our own, firmly established in Sweden;8 for in this government, all--from the first commander to the last citizen--are held in a well knitted bond as in a chain for the advancement of justice.
8 Many Swedes thought the Swedish system of government superior to the English representative system. In a government of representatives appointed by voting, they thought, the king or a ruling class by bribery and other means could influence the voters and thus obtain absolute power. The Swedish government consisted of four Estates, three of which must concur before any law could he passed. 1. The Nobles, consisting of the heads of ennobled families. This was the largest and most influential Estate. 2. The Priests elected by the different dioceses, the Bishops being members ex officio. 3. The Burghers elected by a select number of citizens. 4. The Peasants elected by a certain class of peasants in each district. They were not eligible for the Secret Committee.
9 That is, the Riksrd or Privy Council.
1 At every Diet, Deputations were appointed by the Secret Committee to examine the Minutes of the Colleges.
6. I beg that what is now brought forward may be received as a counterweight on the other scale, since the one scale is filled with accusations of faults.2
2 In the accusations both against the Privy Council and in Nordencratltz's book.
7. Since now the Stora Deputation commences its work this day, so it is my heartfelt desire, by means of the reminders here brought forward, that the errors, small and large, which are thought to have been committed since the last Diet, may be investigated, and a just decision be made; that faults due to weakness may be excused, faults due to lack of understanding, be set right, and intentional faults be punished. Yet, above all, it is my desire that caution be used, that by the reporting of so many faulty deeds, there be not raised up, both in the country in general and in the Estates of the Realm now assembled, a feeling of discontent with our good and firmly established government. Thereby the danger is avoided that, according to the old proverb, one falls into Scylla when wishing to escape Charybdis, and thereby also from an egg wherefrom it is thought to hatch a bird of paradise there may not come forth a basilisk.
The most humble
servant,
Em. Swedenborg3
3 According to Nordencrantz, Swedenborg asked that this Memorial be printed and dedicated to the Stora Deputation It was widely circulated in Stockholm and beyond, but no printed copy has thus far come to light. See p. 574.
When this Memorial was read in the House of Nobles on January 12th, it was allowed to lie on the table "by special request"; but by the enemies of the Privy Council it seems to have been listened to with disfavor. One of them criticized the Memorial because the Deputation was there called "Secret," which it was not, and another because, while "misuse and faults can well be mentioned and looked into, it is not very proper to mention names"--referring presumably to Swedenborg's mention of Nordencrantz.
The Stora Deputation appointed to investigate the actions of the Privy Council met on January 12th, but it is not to be wondered at that Swedenborg's Memorial received little if any serious consideration, for, as will be seen later (p. 578), the Deputation was powerless to act.
At the time, Swedenborg little knew of the underground work that had been going on during the Christmas holidays and which will be spoken of later (p. 578s)
Nordencrantz' book, for the study of which the Nordencrantz Deputation had been appointed, is a lengthy and somewhat tedious work of about seven hundred pages, entitled Til Riksens Hglofl. Stnder Frsamlade wid Riksdagen r 1760 ... en Wrdsam Frestllning ... om Rttegngers Frminskning, Lag. Domare och Folk, samt en Rttskaffens Fri- och Skerhet. (To the Most Worshipful Estates of the Realm assembled at the Diet in the year 1760 . . . . A respectful Presentation . . . concerning the diminishing of Lawsuits, concerning Law, Judge, and People, together with a genuine Freedom and Security.) The book had been passed by the censor and printed, but Nordencrantz had prudently taken all the printed copies to his own home. The Privy Council, however, got hold of the printer's set of proofsheets, and at once forbade Nordencrantz to give out any copy until the meeting of the Diet to which it was addressed;4 for in the book Nordencrantz dealt with matters other than the rate of exchange. By examples he pointed out the danger to the State when, as was the case in Sweden, members of the Colleges which administer the law are also members of the Diet which makes the law; the destructive danger of secret diplomacy and the need of freedom of the press; and, what could not be pleasing to the Hats at that time, he dwelt on the danger of war and the folly of Sweden's striving to regain her lost possessions. He was daring and unsparing, declaring that under the pretense of necessary secrecy, treacherous and selfish plans were made. He boldly declaimed against the prevalent use of bribery and corruption. The book was a criticism of the form of the government, and, prior to the meeting of the Diet, the Privy Council had seriously contemplated prosecuting the author; but this they dared not do since the book had been addressed to the coming Diet (Malmstrm, 4:445-46).
4 Malmstrm, 4:444-45.
The Deputation, authorized by the Diet and appointed by Nordencrantz to examine the work, was called the Nordencrantzska Wexelberedning Deputation (the Nordencrantz Preparatory Exchange Deputation).
The consequence was that in the middle of January, the Deputation asked the Diet either to give it authority to report recommendations, or to take some other step. The Diet, influenced by Pechlin and others, refused to give the necessary authority to the Deputation, and itself appointed a special Deputation, called the Riksens Standers Secreta Wexel Deputation (The Diet's Secret Exchange Deputation). It was first proposed that this Deputation consist of eight members to be chosen by the Nordencrantz Deputation, and eight by the Diet from members who were not involved in exchange speculation. The Hats, however, carried the day with a Deputation composed of sixteen men, eight to be chosen by the Nordencrantz Deputation, and eight by the Secret Committee. This Deputation would then consider the matter and report, not to the Diet, but to the Secret Committee.5 Thus the Hats controlling the Secret Committee would have the last word.
5 Ibid., 5:49 seq.
During these negotiations, Nordencrantz was seriously ill. When he recovered, he was extremely indignant and urged his Deputation to ignore the Secret Exchange Deputation and to consider itself entitled to report to the Diet. As a consequence, there was a bitter feud between the two Deputations.6
6 Ibid., 5:49 seq.
Swedenborg, doubtless because of his two Memorials, was invited by the Secret Committee to be one of the eight members representing that Committee on the Diet's Secret Exchange Deputation. This invitation he refused in a note headed ad protocollet, indicating that it was to be added to the Minutes of the House of Nobles.7 The note is undated, but the reference to the Secret Exchange Deputation fixes the date as TOWARDS THE END OF JANUARY:
7 The translation is made from a draft on page 73 of Codex 56.
FOR THE MINUTES
I am most respectfully grateful for the invitation to a seat in the Secret Exchange Deputation, but the Kingdom's Most Worship. House of Nobles will please excuse me that I cannot join until I have become convinced as to whether the Preparatory Deputation called together by Councillor of Commerce, Herr Nordencrantz, can be authorized, whether in part or as a whole, to be present and thus be incorporated [with the Secret Exchange Deputation], inasmuch as it was not appointed and ordered according to the Government regulations by electors,8 but all its members, to the number of 48, were named from the three Estates by Councillor of Commerce Nordencrantz alone, who bound them by oath not to make known what was discussed there--which also is opposed both to our governmental law and security, and to many of the Herr Commerce Councillor's own utterances and condemnations as set forth in his book.
8 When committees or deputations were to be formed by the House of Nobles, an elector or benchman was appointed by each bench--which held some ten members--and these electors then met together and made up the list of nominees for the committee to be appointed.
Moreover, may the Most Worsh. House of Nobles be pleased to call for and have read, the oath which is made in the so-called Secret Preparatory Deputation, and also, according to the usual practice, to order and prescribe the oath which it finds necessary shall be taken by the coming Committee, and to be taken now by the nominees of Herr Commerce Councillor Nordencrantz's Preparatory Deputation; for it cannot be permitted that an oath shall be prescribed and then taken by a Deputation within itself.
After reading Nordencrantz's book, Swedenborg made some extracts which he distributed to members of the Diet, see p. 582.
9 The original letter is lost, but a copy is preserved in the Bergius Collection, made presumably from the letter actually received by Nordencrantz.
To Councillor of Commerce Nordencrantz
I have the honor to communicate some remarks on the well-born Herr Commerce Councillor's book on which the Herr Councillor of Commerce has labored much with his thoughts, supposing that the Herr Councillor of Commerce will not take it with disfavor that they are made and communicated, because the form of government and its freedom are dear to me. The Herr Councillor of Commerce is not likely to find cause harshly to denounce them, since I have gone the mild way and not the harsh, to wit, in proving with suitable terms that the writing is against our firmly established form of government, pulling down the main foundation pillars of the same, and denouncing what is left, together with all that pertains to autocracy, etc. I am not thinking of proceeding along this line, provided the Herr Councillor of Commerce does not too harshly express himself over these my notes--which I will not suppose. For the rest, I commend myself to the Commerce Councillor's gracious favor, and remain
the well-born Herr Commerce Councillor's
obedient servant,
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Jan. 31
1761
[Enclosure.]1
1 The enclosure is translated from Codex 56, pp. 55-59.
SHORT EXCERPTS FROM COUNCILLOR OF COMMERCE, HERR
NORDENCRANTZ'S BOOK, AND SOME COMMENTS THEREON.
The Main Points concerning the Government in Sweden:
I. That all officials, both high and low, except the ecclesiastical and military, should be changed every year or every third year.
II. That the administrative and legislative power shall not be united in one person; that is, that a civil servant should not have a vote in the Diet, or be a member of any Deputation.
III. Assertions concerning the injustice of judges in general and of one or two in particular; also concerning the inadequacy of our laws.
IV. Assertions against some of the Diet's resolutions.
V. Concerning corruption; also concerning the power of a majority in the Diet, and of an autocrat.
VI. Against promotions to higher offices of honor, and against ranks and titles.
VII. Against the establishment of mining operations in Sweden.
VIII. Against the fact that in Sweden the censor is too greatly restricted; with a stressing of the point that the censor should be dependent only on the Estates of the Realm, and should be given equal rank and honor as the Court Chancellor.
IX. That from the first two points, and from the fifth, an autocratic government would seem to follow.2
2 The meaning is that autocracy would result if Nordencrantz's recommendations in points 1, 2 and 5 be not adopted.
Since the Councillor of Commerce, Herr Nordencrantz, defends all the above nine points with strong expressions and many sallies of reason, I will therefore take them up again and make some short comment on them.
I. As regards the first point: That all officials, both high and low, except the ecclesiastical and military, should be changed every year, or every third year [Nordencrantz pp. 109, 650, 656]. Granting this, every one can reflect: 1. How would it seem with the Swedish Government if all civil servants, such as the Privy Councillors, the Presidents, Councillors and Assessors in the High Court, the Chancery, the Colleges of War, Internal Revenue, Mines and Commerce, and also all Magistrates, Judges, Provincial Governors, Burgomasters, and Aldermen, etc., should now or after their second year be dismissed and new officials be set in their place for two or three years? From where would the new civil servants be obtained? How would they be trained? 2. What should the dismissed officials then do, that they may feed themselves, their wives, and their children? must not the greater part of them go about and beg? 3. Does not each office require its special knowledge and experience, which grow and improve through the whole of one's life? What great wrongs and what confusion would not result merely from the ignorance and inexperience of new officials replaced every two or three years!
II. That the administrative and legislative power shall not be united in one person; that is, that a civil servant should not have a vote in the Diet, or a seat in any Deputation [pp. 92, 93, 109s, 656, 670].3 By the administrative power is meant the officials, and by the legislative, the Estates of the Realm. Here comes for consideration: 1. What would our House of Nobles look like, and what would be its state, if all civil officials, high and low, were separated from it? so likewise with the House of Burghers, if all burgomasters and aldermen were separated? 2. How would the Secret Committee be situated, together with all the other Deputations, if likewise there were no officials who had knowledge or experience in the matters there decided on? 3. It is the law and practice at every Diet that no one from the Colleges or from the High and Low Court, is chosen for any Deputations appointed to examine their operations.4 What more is needed? 4. Moreover, the present proposal is directly opposed to our form of government which decrees that every noble family5 shall have a seat and voice in the House of Nobles, and he is not to be excluded therefrom because he is an official.
3 It may be noted that until 1747 when Swedenborg resigned his Assessorship in the College of Milles, he was a member both of the Administrative and of the Legislative Body. After his resignation, he was a member only of the Legislative Body, though after 1761, he appears to have taken little or no interest in its proceedings.
4 At the commencement of every Diet, deputations were appointed to examine the minutes of the colleges and law courts, to see whether they have acted in accordance with the law and constitution; but no member of the department to be investigated could be a member of the investigating deputation. The reports of these deputations often had the most far-reaching results. Thus, the report of the Deputation appointed by the Secret Committee to examine the minutes of the Privy Council as to why war with Prussia was declared without the consent of the Diet, resulted in the dismissal of two Privy Council members, Palmstjerna and Scheffer. At other Diets, such reports have led to the execution or imprisonment of officials.
5 See note 4 on page 409.
These two are the main points which the Councillor of Commerce, Herr Nordencrantz, emphasizes in the whole of his book, from beginning to end.
III. Assertions concerning the injustice of judges in general and of one or two in particular; also concerning the inadequacy of our laws [pp. 93, 150]. These are assertions such as can be brought forward thousands of times, and, for the most part, they are unjustified; for each and every man who loses his case thinks that injustice has been done him. This, moreover, is likely the case with the particular individual who is here brought forward, and whose case stirs up the Herr Commerce Councillor himself. It is best to report exceptional cases to the Estates of the Realm, and I presume that he who has a right cause will get Justice.
IV. Assertions against some of the Diet's Resolutions [p. 344]. I will not touch upon these, because the Estates are assembled and they can declare themselves in regard to them.
V. Concerning corruption; also concerning the power of a majority in the Diet, and of an autocrat [pp. 266, 628s, 654]. This is spoken of at great length, and by the power of a majority are meant combinations of men at the Diets. But it serves as an answer: 1. That corruption and the resultant power of a majority cannot possibly be prevented in free governments; yet they are shifting, that is, they have their ups and downs at every Diet. In Sweden, however, they are very few as compared with what takes place in England; this, moreover, the author himself admits. Nor can they reach so far as to injure our government; for here there are four Estates equal in power, and each and every individual in each Estate has the same weight. In this way both public and private counterweights are provided against corruptions and the power of a majority. 2. Furthermore, the corruptions in free governments are like small waves as against great billows in autocracies. In autocracies, favorites are corrupted in like manner, and the favorites of favorites, even the autocrats themselves by men finding out their passions and insinuating themselves therein, of which many and frightful examples are furnished in such kingdoms.
The former was corrupted by his own passion for instituting Reduction,6 with its grievous liquidation, and for issuing many Resolutions7 for the extension of the same, whereby, if they so desired, they8 could alienate and take in all estates and taxfree properties9 in the whole kingdom, which were found in the possession of the nobles.
6 The Reduction in Swedish history was the recovery by the king of lands which had been given away by his predecessors. By royal gifts and also by purchase of crown lands, the nobles had acquired great power. They had event acquired the taxing right over some of their lands. This led to complaints by the people. The result was that even as early as the middle of the fifteenth century, steps were taken by the kings to recover gift lands and all taxing rights. These efforts were however, more or less spasmodic until 1680 when Carl XI, after a long regency, took the government into his own hands. Formerly only royal land given after a certain date had been subject to Reduction, i.e., to recovery by the kings; but Carl XI laid it down that all royal gifts of land were subject to Reduction, and a commission was appointed, whose work was to investigate titles of ownership Reduction undoubtedly worked hardship in many cases, but it served the use of breaking the ever growing power of the nobles. On the other hand, it introduced that absolute monarchy which distinguished the reigns of Carl XI and his son Carl XII, and which, after the latter's death in 1718, resulted in that reaction against the power of the king which introduced Frihetstiden (the time of freedom)
7 Carl XI took a very active part in the work of Reduction, and issued many Resolutions or instructions, which the Reduction Commission was obliged to follow.
8 That is, the Members of the Reduction Commission.
9 That is, properties free of tax under the stipulation that the owner contribute certain military personnel and equipment to the Crown.
The latter with his own passion, was corrupted by Baron Goertz, to take possession of the whole Bank; to demand all the silver coinage in the Kingdom, with whomsoever it was found;1 to allow every one to make advances on the properties of others, and, in case the other could not redeem them, to take them in possession; to take by force all who could shoulder a gun, and send them out to face the enemy, etc.
1 From 1715 on, by order of Charles XII, over twenty-seven million dalers were issued in copper coins stamped as of silver value. In 1718, further to provide money for the Norwegian Campaign, he ordered that all silver, including foreign coins and uncoined silver, should be turned in to the Crown in return for paper notes. In the same year he seized the Bank in the sense that he forbade it to pay out aught but the interest on deposits. The deposits themselves could be withdrawn only in notes, called obligations.
From this it is apparent that an autocratic lord can do more harm in a year than the power of a majority at a Diet can bring about in a hundred years; for in the Estates there are counter-balances in general and in particular, but in the other there are none. 3. Since the author expresses himself on the power of a majority, that is, of a combination, as being always more intolerable than autocratic power, I will therefore leave him to reflect, and himself to give a name and title to this, namely, that a single man nominates 48 members from three Estates, and then himself presides and binds them by an oath to keep silent as to what is done and discussed.2
2 The reference is to the Deputation which, at his own request, the Diet permitted Nordencrantz to nominate. See p. 546.
VI. Against promotions to higher offices of honor, and concerning ranks and titles. The writer opposes promotion in one place only [p. 99]. To this, answer is made that without such promotions in a kingdom, there would be no encouragement for industry and merit.
VII. Against the establishment of mining operations in Sweden.3
3 It is inconceivable that Nordencrantz would advise against the establishment of mining works, for Sweden's mineral wealth was universally regarded as her main treasure. It may be that what Nordencrantz says on p. 652 of his book gave this impression to Swedenborg. There Nordencrantz advocates giving the press full freedom "to find out how far mining work is useful for the country," and whether some limitations and rules should be prescribed; for in the time of Gustavus Adolphus, "mining was commenced and encouraged with great privileges, and, in consequence, people in large numbers...rushed in from farm work to mining work....Thus the Kingdom lost more than it gained. Without an exact examination, this cannot be ascertained." From ancient times to the time of Gustavus Adolphus, large quantities of seed and of victuals were exported, "but in the measure that mining was increased, not only was export diminished and finally altogether stopped, but in like measure there was an increase in the importing of all the necessities of life which the Kingdom's own land had formerly produced in overabundance." This is probably one of the two places to which Swedenborg refers. I have not been able to find the other.
4 An extensive ironworks at Skebo, some miles north of Stockholm They had apparently been owned by Nordencrantz, and were perhaps a part of the dowry of the wealthy woman he married in 1737, shortly after resigning his consulship in Lisbon.
VIII. That the censor in Sweden is too greatly restricted, and that the censor5 should be dependent only on the Estates of the Realm, and should be given equal honor with the Court Chancellor [pp. 594s, 616, 618, 665, 667]. This is a point on which I cannot make any comment, either for or against, inasmuch as the Estates of the Realm now assembled can themselves take it into consideration and make such arrangement as is most useful for the Kingdom.
5 The Censor, at this time, was Nils v. Oelreich (1699-1770), an intimate friend of Nordencrantz. Swedenborg had known him for many years (see p. 500), and in 1760 had presented him with a copy of De Coelo et Inferno (2 Doc. 399). The office was under the Chancery and more immediately under the Court Chancellor, a high official of the Chancery who had the power to call the attention of the Justice Department to infractions of the censorship laws. Oelreich had very liberal views in regard to freedom of the press, and his official acts often brought him into conflict with the Chancery. Owing to the spirit of the times, however, no action was taken against him. What Nordencrantz wanted was that the Censor should be independent of the Chancery. He himself was a firm believer in the complete freedom of the press.
IX. That from the first two points and from the fifth, an autocratic government would seem to follow, [pp. 93-94] That this cannot follow from the first two points, or even from the fifth, can be seen from the foregoing answers. I will pass by some expressions on this subject in certain passages, bring under the impression that they have not been taken up in the book.
In conclusion, since this book has come out and has been distributed to the Estates of the Realm, and cannot now be withdrawn, nor is it advisable that it should be, the question is submitted as to whether it may not be, that each and every man be left free to write on the subjects there treated of, pro and con, as he pleases;
If the pages in the book are desired, whereon the nine points are brought up, they shall be given on request, for they are all noted.
Em. Swedenborg
The next day, FEBRUARY 1, Swedenborg sent a copy of this letter and its enclosure enclosed in a letter to Anders von Hpken's brother, Carl Frederick,6 of which the following7 is Swedenborg's draft:
6 Carl Frederick v. Hpken (1713-78). As a young man he had served as Swedish Ambassador to Turkey, and later he was Ambassador to Denmark. At the present time he was President of the Cammar Collegium. He was an ardent member of the Hat Party, and was the agent of d'Havrincourt, the French Ambassador, in the giving of bribes (Malmstrm 5:35).
7 Codex 56, p. 85.
High Well-born Herr Baron and President:
I have the honor to send the enclosed comments on Commerce Councillor Herr Nordencrantz's book, together with a copy of my letter of yesterday to the Herr Commerce Councillor, when I communicated this matter to him. The Herr Baron and President will kindly not allow any one to read the copy of the letter, except only the Herr Excellency's brother.
I remain with
[Enclosures: Letter to Nordencrantz of Jan. 31, and enclosed Memorial]
Owing to a severe illness, Nordencrantz had not been present in the House of Nobles when Swedenborg's Memorial of January 12 was read. He read it for the first time when he was convalescing, a day or two before he received Swedenborg's letter of January 31, and it aroused his indignation--an indignation seemingly due, not to Swedenborg's mention of his name, which though abrupt and, as he thought, uncalled for, was in itself innocent enough, but to the nature of the implied criticism of his book.
It would be to lack in the high esteem which I owe to so worthy and learned a man as the Herr Assessor, were I to leave unanswered the letter with which I was honored on the 31st ult., together with comments on the work which has been distributed to the Most Worsh. Estates of the Realm. For the rest, I have no other answer to give to the contents of both, than-since we both seem to have one purpose, which is to seek truth and the service of the Fatherland, though we can be at odds respecting the way and the means--that the way thus lies open to the Herr Assessor to lay my errors before my eyes, either in print before the public or also in Memorials before the Most Worsh. Estates of the Realm. It is not in my power to deny to the Assessor either way or both, nor, for the sake of mutual enlightenment, would I if I could. On the contrary, in the name of truth and light, I challenge the Herr Assessor thereto since he has sent me his remarks, which yet was hardly necessary.
I shall myself give him occasion to go the way through the Estates of the Realm, by an answer to his written Memorial against me, handed in to the Estates of the Realm some time ago during my continuing illness, but first made known to me some days ago. In zeal so praiseworthy as that by which the Herr Assessor is impelled, namely, to enlighten his fellow citizen concerning errors against fundamental laws, truth, and justice, there can be no better occasion than that which I myself now offer. But, at the same time, I beg that it may not be ascribed to me, if perchance the Herr Assessor should thereby risk his own honor in the degree that he has already sought to tarnish mine in a sufficiently discernible way, even as much at the expense of truth as is the case in the remarks sent to me. But whichever way is chosen for the strife, whether the Estates or the Press, I am prepared for both.
Meanwhile, although I cannot view it otherwise than as an act of politeness that the Herr Assessor has desired to communicate his remarks to me, yet I represent to myself that the accompanying intention cannot be that I should explain myself in like manner.
Meanwhile, the Herr Assessor will please be assured that neither the Censor8 nor I, either in secret or openly, will admit any accusations of having written against the fundamental laws, but will defend ourselves; for that would be an infamy, and can be punished with nothing less than life, honor, and goods.
I remain,
the well-born Herr Assessor's
obedient servant,
Stockholm, Feb. 1, 1761 Nordencrantz
8 The Censor was N. v. Oelreich, a close friend of Nordencrantz; also Swedenborg's friend, see p. 565 n. 5.
It seems probable that before answering Nordencrantz, Swedenborg on FEBRUARY 17, wrote the following9 to be handed in to the House of Nobles:
9 Codex 56, p. 81.
FOR THE MINUTES
In my humble Memorial handed in on January 12th, I did not accuse any one in particular but simply brought out in general that one has no cause for disparaging our fine Government by charging it with shortcomings, and its judges and executives with unrighteousness and injustice, unless these are specifically set forth. Such charges can be reckoned by the thousands, though for the most part they are unjustified; for every man who loses his case thinks injustice has been done him, and from vexation assembles similar injustices in the case of other men. The reason for my humble Memorial was that I had read a book which had been distributed to the Most Worsh, Estates of the Realm, and in that book I found scarcely a single passage where our Government is praised. On the other hand, it is criticized all the way to the end. And yet our Government is not only a fine government but is the best of all. Still, I excuse1 all those who by nature are inclined to make criticisms on everything they see and hear, for they do no other than follow their nature and bent, according to the proverb, Every bird sings according to its bill.
Em. Swedenborg
1 Crossed off: Min Herre [meaning Nordencrantz] who also.
While the Course of Exchange was being discussed, Herr Frederick Muncktell,2 a member of the House of Burghers representing the Fahlun or copper mining district, acting on behalf of the copper smelters, had addressed a Petition to the King asking for permission to export 1,500 skeppunds of copper. Such permission was entirely opposed to Swedenborg's political principles; for he held that copper should be kept in Sweden for the redemption of the unsecured bank notes.
2 Frederick Muncktell (1710-63) had served as Notary to the Mining Court of Stora Kopparbergr, and afterwards (1737-61) as Inspector of Machines. In 1746 and again in 1751, and finally in 1760, he was elected to the House of Burghers as representative of the Fahlun District, which included the great copper mine. In 1761, he was appointed Superintendent of the State Bank in Fahlun (Almqvist).
Muncktell's Memorial was referred to a joint committee, representing the College of Commerce, the College of Mines, and the College of Internal Revenue. It was after this Committee had considered the matter, and soon after his response to the invitation given him by the Secret Committee (p. 558), thus ABOUT THE BEGINNING OF FEBRUARY, that Swedenborg addressed the following Memorial to the King.3
3 Codex 56, pp. 31-34, contains a draft and a clean copy of this Memorial.
HUMBLE MEMORIAL
I have learned that the Representative of the Fahlun Mining District, Herr Muncktell, has made petition to his Royal Majesty for permission to export 1,500 skeppunds of crude copper, and that the opinion of the Cammar-Bergs-Commerce Colleges4 had been asked concerning this petition.
4 The Cammar or Kammar Collegium was the College which had charge of the internal revenue of the country--the crown lands, land taxes, etc.
What the injury to the Kingdom would be, were the export of crude copper to be permitted, may be inferred from a Memorial which I handed in to the Estates of the Realm concerning the Course of Exchange [see p. 537], wherein, among other remedies for the restoration of the coinage, I also stated and set forth that no copper, whether unrefined or in pltar, should be exported until the State Bank becomes a specie bank as it formerly was.
Obediently,
the most loyal servant,
Em. Swedenborg
5 Stora, Kopparberg (Great Copper Mountain) district is another name for the Fahlun Mining District.
6 A tun of gold was equal to 300,000 d. s.mt.
7 Normally, Diets were held every three years. The "next Diet" would be in 1765.
What the outcome of this Memorial was, is not known. Nordencrantz, now fast recovering his health, lost no time in preparing the Memorial promised in his letter to Swedenborg of February first.
The Memorial was presented to the House of Nobles on FEBRUARY 10. Referring to Swedenborg's Memorial of January 12, Nordencrantz says: "Its contents are like their worthy author; for it is full of that tenderness, love, and mild judgment of human frailties to which the Herr Assessor has given witness all his life...." In this sense, it seems also to have been written, if not exactly as Christian instruction, at least as a well meant warning to the recently appointed Store Srskild Deputation8 to take good care, namely, in respect to some heretical expressions destructive of our present form of government which he seems to think would be found in the work which the Worsh. Estates of the Realm gave me permission to give out for their service. If this was not his meaning, I see no reason why he had need to mention my name.
8 The "large special Deputation" consisting of two hundred members, appointed in the middle of December 1760, to investigate the "reasons and causes, how war could be commenced and continued without calling together the Estates of the Realm." See page 551, 578.
"I have still further reason to think that when he wrote the Memorial, the Herr Assessor had not yet read the volume, but possibly had got some erroneous thoughts and opinions about it from hearsay; for had he read the work with attention, without any unfavorable thought concerning it previously embraced or imparted, he would have found me to be, in all respects, of the same manner of thought as himself in regard to human weaknesses" and the imperfections of government, so long as it is carried on by frail human beings.
The only point of difference was "that he seems unwilling to allow that a government's deficiencies and human failing or the corruptions which usually follow, should be touched on, or uncovered and described as a warning to men and to society, though he himself, likewise with good intention, encourages the Stora Deputation to do that very thing....
"What occasion had the Herr Assessor to mingle private persons' 'weaknesses and faults from lack of understanding' with public matters, when he takes me and himself as an example, and says that if these persons should be 'investigated' and taken in hand, and 'be bedaubed with black colors,' the public would consider us as 'black ravens,' although in respect to our 'intentions and the good disposition of our heart toward the fatherland,' we might be 'as white as others,' etc? This I do not understand."
He (Nordencrantz) was just as convinced of his faults as any other men, end when they injured himself only, it was a matter private to himself; but when they injured others and the fatherland, one had a right to set them out in public; after being convinced he would admit them with thankfulness. "It would be as foolish to believe oneself infallible as it would be shameful to put up with empty reproaches, even though uttered in sententious words concerning the beam in one's own eye and the mote in another's, and that the 'proudly contemptuous and devil minded' set their prudence in fault finding, but the 'noble hearted' in interpreting all things according to circumstances--which is a sophistry."
The Herr Assessor was likely himself convinced of the unreasonableness of such manner of speech since, although he had injured no one, but with his "excellent writings" had edified all right-minded men, "yet gets to hear in the whole of Europe, talk of the Swedenborgian dreams, etc., and this with unbecoming ridicule on the part of men lacking understanding. Why has the Herr Assessor given himself all this praiseworthy but so ill-rewarded trouble and expense, if not for the welfare of the human race?" One who had not a commission to lead men to heaven, did not do ill in advancing their welfare on earth; for this also led to heaven.
No one denied that there are many failings in the governments of England and Holland. But the Herr Assessor failed to note that there, men enlightened each other as to the causes and effects of those failings, and labored on remedies. This "the Herr Assessor seems to wish to forbid us," though in view of his chosen mode of life, he should know less of what happened on earth than of what happened in heaven.
His language seemed to imply that no one ought to warn Society against injustice. This would mean an everlasting sleep for law and justice, and everlasting thraldom. "The Herr Assessor seems thus to wish to deny us what God's own words command, namely, to watch and pray that we fall not into temptation; and in fleeting affairs, what is more subjected to temptation than law, justice, and freedom?"
The Herr Assessor also contradicted himself in saying that there is much injustice in England and Holland, and that yet people there are safe in life and property.
Even a heavenly government, he says, would not be without the faults and shortcomings of weakness. A heavenly society on earth would be a Theocracy, and Bible history showed how this had failed, and this simply because there had been so little general reading, that even the kings forgot that there was a Book of Laws.9 People could not be enlightened concerning corruption in government, when all was in the dark, until, as had been the case under Theocracy, God's grace ceased and He left men to a government of their own wild desires.
9 II Kings 22:8.
Although corruptions could admittedly creep into a government, yet, according to the Herr Assessor, they must not be exposed, but be allowed to go on unchecked. While no other interpretation could be put on the Assessor's words, yet "he shows that 'errors both small and large' may be investigated and righted;' faults due to weakness may be excused, faults due to lack of understanding be set right, and intentional faults be punished.' What can one say of such writings? I begin to suspect that a man of such intelligence as is the Herr Assessor cannot be their author."
This suspicion was further strengthened when he read points 5 and 6 of the Herr Assessor's Memorial, "showing the excellence of our form of government, which by me has never been denied, but defended." Yet he could not avoid the "friendly criticism" that this government included frail men. It was monstrous to accuse a man of desiring to change a form of government which he defends, and to change his words directed against the abuse of law and authority to make this apply to the form of government. He was concerned in discovering the motive behind the Herr Assessor's Memorial, and was sure that had the Herr Assessor been left to himself, his motive would have been well intentioned.1
1 Nordencrantz seems to have suspected that his enemies were behind Swedenborg.
But the mingling that had been made of the form of government with the pitiable consequences of the abuse of power, of which the Herr Assessor, for the reasons above given, had little knowledge, was not easily excused; for if the object of the Herr Assessor's Memorial were gained, it would mean lulling men into security. Thus they might unconsciously fall into Scylla or Charybdis, under the pretended fear of a basilisk from an egg, instead of a bird of paradise.
"With uncorrupted zeal, without any selfish view, though subject to all human imperfections and weakness, I have for forty years employed my nights with thought, my days with work, and my little wealth unsparingly. I think so to continue ... though in a sickly old age, even if never so much as thanks should follow.... And this even if more men than the Herr Assessor characterized me as a 'proudly contemptuous and devil-minded man,' setting all my prudence in blaming and fault-finding. If he does not mean me, whom he mentions by name, then he must say whom he does mean; otherwise it would be hitting in secret one who may be innocent."
Since the Herr Assessor had asked that his Memorial be printed and dedicated to the Stora Deputation, he begged that his answer might be printed with it, "since copies of the Herr Assessor's Memorial are being spread around in the city and country."
This Memorial, together with Swedenborg's Memorial of January 12, was read before the House of Clergy on March 5, when the Clergy found it unnecessary to express themselves in regard to "these private disputes."
For a clear understanding of the Memorials that now follow, and of Swedenborg's attitude, it is necessary to understand the political events which were the cause of the Memorials.2
2 What follows is based on Malstrm, 4:289-448, and 5:1-34.
In 1755, France and Austria, who were later joined by Russia, declared war against Prussia for the recovery of Silesia which the Prussians had seized from Austria in 1735, thereby violating the Treaty of Westphalia which she had signed in 1638. This was the commencement of the Seven Years' War. In 1757, France, feeling the need of a Protestant ally, challenged Sweden as one of the signers of the Westphalia Treaty, which guaranteed the status quo in Europe, to declare that she would make it her business to see that the terms of the treaty were observed. At the same time, the French Ambassador d'Havrincourt hinted that the time was at hand when Sweden might recover that part of Pomerania which she had lost to Prussia in 1720. The Privy Council, which was the governing body of Sweden between the Diets, agreed to make the declaration provided France and Austria would guarantee Sweden the restoration of her lost Provinces. This was agreed to, and the declaration was duly made. France then asked Sweden to strengthen the declaration by sending thirty thousand men to Pomerania, the costs to be paid by France and Austria. The whole Council was attracted by the prospect of recovering Pomerania at so cheap a price; but to send thirty thousand men was impossible. The most they could send was fifteen or seventeen thousand. Some of the Council proposed waiting till next year, but they were silenced by the suggestion that Prussia might then have been conquered, and Sweden would lose the advantages now offered. Von Hpken, however, was in grave doubt. On the one hand he saw the advantage of seizing the opportunity of regaining the lost provinces; on the other, he saw the great poverty of the country, and the possibility of Prussia winning the war, and then the possibility or rather probability of censure and even punishment by the Diet for having illegally declared war without the Diet's consent.
In the Fall, France made a new request, namely, that Sweden should send thirty thousand men to attack Stettin, which had formerly belonged to Sweden-France and Austria to pay all costs. Here was a new and extremely dangerous phase of the matter, for according to the Constitution, only the Diet could authorize an aggressive war, or could levy the taxes necessary to carry on a war.
Von Hpken and some others emphasized that, despite the subsidies and the prospect, as the ally of powerful France, of regaining the lost provinces, Sweden could not go to war without the consent of the Diet. Palmstierna and Scheffer, on the other hand, said that while Sweden could not declare an offensive war without the consent of the Diet, the King was fully justified in declaring war as one of the guarantors of the Westphalian Treaty, which Prussia had violated by its attack on Silesia and, in 1755, on Stettin. When the vote was taken, eleven voted for accepting
France's offer, and five voted against. Of the five, however, two joined the majority for the sake of unanimity. while three, including von Hpken, agreed to join provided unanimity was secured. Under such circumstances, unanimity was inevitable, and this was finally secured on June 22.
Von Hpken, however, remained in grave doubt, both as to the legality of this action and as to the prospects of victory. Had he firmly held to his first position, namely, to go no further than a declaration of intention to uphold the Westphalian Treaty, it is possible and even probable that the Council would not have entered upon the disastrous war; but he weakened, hoping against hope that the war would end speedily and happily, and that the regaining of the lost provinces would quiet any reproach on the part of the Diet. For this he has been justly criticized by Swedish historians.
Before troops could be moved, however, the Royal consent must be obtained. The King had warned the Council against sending troops to Pomerania without the consent of the Diet, but he was finally persuaded by being assured that the troops would be used only to assure compliance with the Westphalian Treaty. He could not be told the truth, for then it would come to the ears of the Queen and so to her brother the King of Prussia who would immediately attack the poorly garrisoned Stralsund in Pomerania.
Thus the fatal step was taken, and in June, seventeen thousand men were dispatched to Pomerania. A fatal step indeed, for the only money the Council could use for the support of the Army was a credit authorized by the last Diet for government expenses, plus money that the Diet had provided for the strengthening of the Navy and for certain internal improvements. Beyond this, all they could do was to borrow paper money from the bank. Only a speedy victory could avert disaster and justify the illegal action of the Privy Council. With this in view, von Hpken urged each Commanding General to aggressive and even rashly aggressive attacks. But all was in vain. Three generals were tried, one after the other, but all were incompetent and were recalled. Then, in November 1758, General Lantingshausen was appointed Commander in Chief. He was an extremely able general, but was without the means for victory. The French subsidy was not sufficient for the expenses of the Army, and the Swedish Government, legally prevented from imposing taxes, was utterly unable properly to equip the soldiers. Lantingshausen saw the hopelessness of the struggle and asked to be recalled. This was granted in June 1761, and General Augustin Ehrensvrd was appointed in his place. Ehrensvrd continued the struggle, but it was hopeless, and finally, in May 1762, Austria, France and Sweden made peace with victorious Prussia.
Meanwhile, in November 1760, came the Diet and, for the Privy Council, the day of reckoning. The Diet, and particularly the House of Nobles and the House of Peasants, was seething with hatred of the Government, and this. not only on account of its unlawful entry into an aggressive war, but also because of its arbitrary actions since the Diet of 1756--their extension of the prohibition of distilling beyond the time fixed by the Diet (p. 520), their forbidding of countless imports, including coffee and other foods considered almost as necessities (p. 536), their extravagance, the cashiering of officers who had left the battle field to attend the Diet, etc.
In the House of Nobles, Pechlin (see p. 550n), who had been a leader among the Hats, joined the Caps and the disgruntled Hats, and became the leader in a violent attack on the Government. On December 5, 1760, he presented a memorial ably setting forth the illegal acts of the Privy Council, and on December 19, the Diet appointed the Stora Deputation (large Deputation, namely, two hundred members) already spoken of (p. 551). But no Deputation, not even the Secret Committee, could function until it had received its instructions from the Diet, and here was the difficulty. The Deputation could not be instructed to prosecute the members of the Privy Council--for first it would be necessary to have an investigation. Nor could they be instructed to examine the minutes of the Council, this being the province solely of the Secret Committee. There was a difference of opinion between the different Estates. The House of Nobles wanted the instructions to be How could war be commenced and continued without calling a Diet; but the House of Peasants changed this to Whether war can be commenced, etc.; in other words, an inquiry into what was the law. The House of Nobles had to accept this, and on January 12, 1760, the opening day of the Diet after the holidays, this instruction was given to the Stora Deputation.
The Deputation met on the same day and one or two days later, merely for the purpose of organizing; but it was doomed to failure. Its real purpose was to convict the members of the Privy Council, but it could not do this until it had examined the minutes, access to which could be had only by the Secret Committee which was dominated by the Hats. The Deputation therefore requested the Diet to order the Secret Committee to supply them with these minutes. The Diet did so order, but the Secret Committee pleaded delay, and the Stora Deputation faded away (Malmstrm, V:19-21, 26, 27).
Meanwhile, the Secret Committee, determined to take matters into its own hands, had appointed a special committee of its own to examine the minutes during the Christmas holidays. Seeing from the report of this Committee that it was not possible to save all the members of the Privy Council, the Secret Committee determined to most of them.
3 It may be noted that on this Same day, d'Havrincourt himself took charge of the "party money" which previously he had dispersed through Carl Fredrick von Hpken (Malmstrm, V:25).
On February 4, the special Committee appointed by the Secret Committee reported to that body that the minutes showed that there had been a difference of opinion in the Privy Council, some holding that it was necessary to call a Diet, and others that war could be commenced without calling a Diet. Palmstierna and Scheffer upheld the latter position, and therefore they could no longer retain the Diet's confidence. As to v. Hpken, they had not found (or did not wish to find) anything in the minutes of any improper behavior.
When this report read, Pechlin, then a member of the Secret Committee, true to his secret agreement, immediately made an attack on von Hpken as the real cause of the illegal war, since he had not done his duty as leader; but the Committee refused to pass judgment until von Hpken himself had been heard.
Meanwhile, von Hpken, warned by Fersen, asked the Diet that his resignation be accepted, as he no longer felt able to carry the heavy burden of the premiership, and on February ninth, this resignation was accepted by the Diet with a somewhat unexpected expression of loss.
This led Swedenborg to send to the Diet the following Memorial in defence of his friend von Hpken.
MEMORIAL
I have heard in Pleno3a that his Excellency, Privy Councillor Herr Baron Hpken requested, and then that he obtained, a gracious retirement, as distinguished from the other Councillors; and from what is generally known, I have gathered [1] that he advocated that only 6,000 men should be sent out, and [2] that afterwards, together with the other Councillors, he bestowed care on the Army's sustenance.
3a See Notes, Corrections, etc., p. 777 at 418.
As regards the first point, that he advocated that only 6,000 men be sent out, the most Worsh. Estates of the Realm will likely find that this would be in accordance with alliances; and had this number been held to, the subsidies offered and given would have been sufficient and the Kingdom would thus not have been burdened with so great an expenditure and cost as has been the case. Therefore, ii his Excellency's counsel had been accepted by the majority, all would have happened as it should, and the Kingdom would not have experienced any trouble therefrom.
As to the second point, that afterwards, together with the other Councillors, he bestowed care on the army's sustenance, this was his duty; for to have then held back would have been to eschew good counsel contributing to the welfare of the army and the Kingdom, and this would have been indefensible and might have been turned to his great injury.
That, as Prime Minister, he did not get from all the Councillors counsel in agreement with his own, could not be helped; it is enough that he went before them as an example. That he did what he did from an honorable purpose for the best interests of the Kingdom, this I cannot but be assured of since I have a particular knowledge of his good intentions. Therefore I presume that the Most Worsh. Estates of the Realm will give him their confidence now and hereafter as before.
Em. Swedenborg
4 Malmstrm V: pp. 38-39.
Of the three men thus forced to leave Privy Council, von Hpken, embittered by the treatment he had received from his fellow Hats, commenced to establish connections with the Caps, and when he left Stockholm in the summer, he left behind him many admirers working on his behalf. Palmstierna at once left Stockholm in wrath, while Scheffer remained there as governor to the young princes.5
5 Ibid., pp 77-78.
When Nordencrantz's Memorial was read in the House of Nobles on February 10 (p. 571), Swedenborg was not present and he did not have the opportunity of seeing it until the next meeting of the Diet. His answer (Codex 56, p. 84) was in the form of a Minute which was read in the House on FEBRUARY 16:
When the Councillor of Commerce, Herr Nordencrantz's Memorial against me was read, I was not present. I had, however, the opportunity of reading it at last on the next pleni day, and what caused me astonishment was that the Herr Councillor of Commerce has applied to himself all that was written in my Memorial presented on January 12, and yet it was, in general, for all those, wherever they are, who, by heaped-up charges of faults and shortcomings, seek to stir up among: the people dissatisfaction with our fine Government, and thereby to prepare the way for a change which, all unawares, might result in an autocracy.
The Herr Councillor of Commerce ought not, or may not, make himself part of this.
Em. Swedenborg
[Official Notation] Feb. 16.
Later Swedenborg entered on the Minutes of the House of Nobles a fuller answer:6
6 Two clean copies of this answer are contained in Codex 56, pp. 86-88. Possibly more copies were made to be sent to certain members of the Diet.
ANSWER FOR THE MINUTES
From what has now been lead, I perceive that my Memorial presented on January 12 is thought to militate against the freedom, possessed by each and every member of the Diet, to lodge a complaint against wrongs done by a judge or an official. On the contrary, however, my humble Memorial is a confirming of the position that all such wrongs should be reported, taken up, and decided--in the present case particularly by the special Stora Deputation. But what caused me to present this Memorial was that I might avert in time, the obscuring and blackening of our fine and firmly established form of government by accusations of innumerable faults, and the bringing in thereby of a desire and inclination to overturn it. And since some think that this can result from the Commerce Councillor the well-born Herr Nordencrantz's bookBthough, I am still not of that opinion--therefore since I suppose the matter will likely be presented to the other Estates, I pray that it be permitted me to present some comments on the same. I shall then prove the great unreasonableness of what is put forth there as though it were a reasonable proposition--that all civil servants for life, except the ecclesiastical and military, shall be changed every second or third year.
And since in the three Estates the Councillor of Commerce Herr Nordencrantz, has nominated members of a Deputation of which he is the Chairman, and has bound them by an oath not to make known anything that is there talked of, therefore, with humility, I will then also show what risk and danger such a nomination might carry with it, if the Most Worsh. Estates of the Realm do not have some foresight and awareness, and make sure that this Deputation be not taken as a precedent to authorize like deputations hereafter.
Swedenborg's request to be permitted "to present some comments" refers, of course, to his extracts from Nordencrantz. The Comments under nine heads, submitted to the Diet and a copy of which had been sent to Nordencrantz on January 31, did not include specific references to the pages of Nordencrantz's book, and Swedenborg now felt it was necessary to prove the justice of his comments by actual excerpts together with page numbers.
That military offices should be held for life is found in the book on p. 650; but nothing is said as to their seat in the House of Nobles. Therefore, I do not know what is meant by the statement that judiciary and administrative powers shall not be united in a single person, with legislative and examining powers. It may be that he meant that only landed noblemen without office shall constitute the Estate, and to them, those who are heads of families and are in office, should give warrants7 in the way spoken of on page 238 in regard to civil servants.
7 At this time, only the heads of noble families had a seat in the House of Nobles.
On p. 238, Nordencrantz says that if a nobleman wishes to exercise his "personal right" to sit in the House of Nobles as a legislator, he should give up his office as a civil servant. But this would work great injury to the State, as, for instance, in the case of judges whose absence would prolong lawsuits; for one can give another a warrant to represent him in his "personal right," but not in his office as a civil servant.
These extracts were referred to by Count von Hpken when writing to General Tuxen many years later. After stating that "at the Diet of 1761 the most solid memorials on matters of finance, and the best penned, were presented by Swedenborg," he continues: "in one of these, he refuted a large work in quarto on the same subject, quoted all the corresponding passages of it, and all this in less than one sheet."8
8 But Count von Hpken probably refers to the first Extracts.
After making his extracts, Swedenborg sent them to Carl Fred, von Hpken, enclosed in a covering letter. The letter itself is lost, but a draft thereof is preserved in Codex 56, p. 83. It is undated, but was probably written on FEBRUARY 15 OR 16:
It will not be taken with disfavor that I send these extracts from the Commerce Councillor, Herr Nordencrantz's book, as proof that all that was brought forward in the excerpts previously sent, and the comments made thereon, is justified; for otherwise the author and those who hold with him might give out that the context is quite different.
The High well-born Herr Baron and President will kindly glance through them in haste, if his time so permits. They are merely extracts, and there is no indication to show that the former enclosure pertains to me, and not this latter.
I know not whether I am taking too much liberty, and whether I might venture to ask the Herr Baron and President kindly to allow some one or more of his subordinates to make four copies thereof so that I could have them in my hand to give one to each Estate, inasmuch as they have previously received my former excerpts. Moreover, I will pay for the copies. I beg humbly that this boldness which I have taken will be excused me, since I myself know of no way thereto.
[Em. Swedenborg]
C. F. Von Hpken at once complied with Swedenborg's request, for on February 16 or 17, these extracts were presented to the four EstatesBNobles, Clergymen, Burghers, and Peasants.
Swedenborg then wrote to Nordencrantz--a draft of his letter is contained in Codex 56, p. 7;. It is undated, but since February 18 is the date of Nordencrantz's answer, it was evidently written on FEBRUARY 17:
To Com. Nord.
Since I had the honor to communicate to the Herr Councillor of Commerce the short extract from his book, with some remarks thereon, it also devolves upon me to make it known that I have confirmed the same with some extracts, and have given them out solely as proof that the nine points set forth therein are justified. I found it necessary to do this that I may not incur the charge of making any unwarranted accusations They are merely extracts without any addition. and as they make 10 arks in large handwriting, I cannot enclose them because of the trouble of making a clean copy They will likely, however, come under the Herr Commerce Councillor's examination at the home of some other person.
The Herr Commerce Councillor's Memorial opposing mine which was handed in on January 12, put me in wonderment that the Herr Commerce Councillor applies to himself all that was written therein, when yet it was meant generally for all men wheresoever they are. The reason why I named the Herr Commerce Councillor therein and put him in the same class as myself, was that I might except the Herr Councillor of Commerce, and thus he should not apply to himself anything of what followed later. I look forward when Spring comes that the Herr Commerce Councillor, together with Chancery Councillor Oelreich and his beautiful wife, will be so good as to give himself enjoyment in my garden.
I remain, with great respect,
A copy of Nordencrantz's answer is preserved in the Bergius Collection. It is dated FEBRUARY 18:
Well-born Herr Assessor:
In a new letter, the Herr Assessor has been pleased to inform me that he has made a further Extract from my book, whereby he wishes to prove that I have written against the fundamental laws; and also that I might get a communication thereof through some other person.
Since my last answer, I have waited to see the first nine comments made public either in print or in a memorial to the Estates of the Realm. But since this has not been done, and, meanwhile, copies have been spread secretly in the city, the Herr Assessor must not think ill of me that I never answer such writings unless they are either printed like that which is criticized, or also are reported to the Estates of the Realm, or to his Royal Majesty. But if I do answer, then, seeing that they are spread out in secret, I will characterize them as libelous sheets (pasquiller), and the accusation of having written against the fundamental laws, as a calumny and lie of the most infamous sort, since ignorance of what should be rightly understood by fundamental laws cannot excuse the crime.
I continue
the well-born Herr Assessor's
obedient servant,
Nordencrantz
Stockholm
Feb. 18, 1761
This letter made Swedenborg extremely indignant, and doubtless it was this indignation that led him to make several drafts of his answer before sending it. They are contained in Codex 56, as follows: On page 72:
Well-born Herr Councillor of Commerce:
I have received the Herr Commerce Councillor's answer, written in a state of anger. I desire herewith that it be known that in no place have I mentioned the words "fundamental law." My comments on the Herr Commerce Councillor's book and the proofs, have been transmitted to the Estates of the Realm, and copies of them have come out therefrom. I have thus done no otherwise than the Herr Commerce Councillor himself did with his book, with the difference that the one is printed and the other written. If it pleases the Herr Commerce Councillor that the book, together with my excerpts and proofs, be examined by the Estates of the Realm, that is freely open to the Herr Commerce Councillor.
I do not answer libelous words, well-born Herr Councillor of Commerce, for one is more of a master in this than another; nor do I express myself further on the fact that the Herr Councillor of Commerce has criticized our Government very harshly--more than the extracts and his new book bear witness to. Yet I excuse the Herr Comm. [Councillor's] nature and his inclination to criticize everything, bird and bill.
(obedient servant.
Em. Swedenborg)9
9 The words in parentheses are crossed off.
Another draft on p. 76 reads:
I have done nothing else than that which the Herr Commerce Councillor himself has done. He reported his book to Pleno, and afterwards distributed it. I made excerpts from it and reported them to Pleno and afterwards gave them out. The difference is that the one is printed and the other is written.
I have heard the word Pasquille; and since it is nothing else than excerpts and extracts from Commerce Councillor Herr Nordencrantz's book that is reported and given out, I will therefore submit as to whether it does not follow that it is these that are meant by this word.
Em. Swedenborg
A third draft is contained on p. 77 as follows:
I have done nothing else than that which the Herr Commerce Councillor himself has done. He reported his book to Pleno, and distributed it. I made excerpts from it, and reported them to Pleno, and afterwards gave them out. The difference is that the one is printed and the other written.
Em. Swedenborg
On p. 78 is a fourth draft:
I do not answer libelous words, for one is more of a master in this than another (p. 78).
The letter which he actually sent is preserved only in a copy made by Bengt Bergius. It is dated FEBRUARY 19:
Well-born Herr Councillor of Commerce:
The answer to the last letter is this: I have done nothing else than what the Herr Councillor of Commerce himself has done He reported his book to pleno in the four Estates, and afterwards distributed it; I made excerpts and comments on the same, and then, as proofs, extracted and reported them to pleno in the four Estates, and distributed them. The difference is that the one is printed and the other written. And since I did everything openly and, moreover, communicated with the Herr Councillor of Commerce himself, and informed him and did not spread them out secretly, therefore, the Herr Councillor of Commerce ought to have hesitated with the insulting word Pasquiller.
And since I have not once mentioned the words fundamental law, in either the first or the second extracts, the words calumny and lie of the most infamous sort ought not to have come from his head into his pen; for to write such words belongs rather to an unintelligent man than an intelligent. The Herr Councillor of Commerce thus characterizes my last which consists only of mere extracts from his own book. Meanwhile the words will be standing to his own account.
The Herr Councillor of Commerce is free to turn to the Diet and put his own communication and mine under its adjudication. I suppose, however, that the Herr Councillor of Commerce will not use injurious and abusive words, for the same might fall back on himself, for which sufficient occasion is seen in the book.
the well-born Herr Commerce Councillor's
most obedient servant,
E. S.
Feb. 10
Probably on the same day that Swedenborg wrote to Nordencrantz, he also wrote a note to be entered on the Minutes of the House of Nobles. Of this Note, a draft and nine clean copies are found on pages 60-69 of Codex 56. The existence of nine clean copies indicates that they were intended for distribution in the Diet, or that there were other copies that were actually distributed. The document reads as follows:
FOR THE MINUTES
The answer to Councillor of Commerce Herr Nordencrantz's Memorial is this: I have done no more than the Herr Councillor of Commerce himself has done. He has reported his book to pleno in the four Estates, and later he distributed it. I have made excerpts from it and comments thereon, and extracts in proof thereof, and reported them to pleno in the four Estates, and then I distributed them. The difference is that the one is printed and the other written. Furthermore, I communicated them and made them known to the Herr Councillor of Commerce himself. And since the book is printed and distributed, it is therefore left to every man, and particularly to every Member of the Estates of the Realm, and so to me, to do what I did. Moreover, I did not charge the Herr Councillor of Commerce with the accusation that he has written against the fundamental laws, as he calls them; or that he has sought either openly or by secret plotting to introduce, assist, or advance a form of government other than that which the Estates have firmly established in the Kingdom, according to the words in our law (Misgier. Balcken,1 cap. IV, paragraph 8) that the Lord God protect him, me, and all before us; but I have, in a seemly way, excerpted and made comment on that in the book which concerns our Swedish Government.
1 Missgiernings Balcken (Criminal Code); paragraph .8 of Cap. IV reads as follows: "If any one seeks...to introduce, assist or advance into the kingdom, an unlimited despotic government, or another form of government than that which the Estates of the Realm have established, he is punished as a traitor to the Kingdom, and loses life, hotter, and goods."
2 The last sentence occurs only in two of the clean copies, namely, pp. 62 and 66.
A draft and clean copy of what appears to be the beginning of an intended memorial, for which the above was substituted, is found on p. 80 of Codex 56, as follows:
FOR THE MINUTES
Since the book is found and held in so many hands, the reason why in my first excerpt from Commerce Councillor Nordencrantz's book, I submitted that freedom may be allowed to write pro and con, was that the fire may not lie and conceal itself under the ashes, but that it may he able to come out and be quenched. Therefore it is not my thought that this cannot be done better in some other way; it does not devolve upon me to mention this way and sustain it for the sake of those who hold with him.
About this time, Swedenborg was asked by an army man--perhaps by one of his brother Jesper's two sons, both of whom were in the army, the one, Emanuel, twenty-nine years old who was then an ensign, and the other, Jesper Gustaf, twenty-four years old, who ended life as a major--to use his influence to promote him.
In the interests of his correspondent, Swedenborg saw General Ehrensvrd who was to succeed General Lantingshausen as Commander-in-Chief of the Pomerania Army which was fighting the Prussians in Pomerania. General Ehrensvrd was of course a member of the House of Nobles where he supported Pechlin in his attack on the Privy Council, and it was doubtless here that Swedenborg spoke to him on behalf of his correspondent. The result was satisfactory, and Swedenborg, in assuring his correspondent, wrote him that the desired promotion would be favorably considered. A draft of this letter is found written upside down on page 242 of the first draft of Apocalypsis Explicata, after n. 617d. It is undated, but the date is evident from the facts of the case.
General Lantingshausen was appointed Governor of Stockholm in April 1758, but he could not then take up the duties of the office as he was indispensable as Commander in Chief of the Army in Pomerania--he had succeeded three other Generals, all of whom had been failures, p. 577 In the middle of 1760, General Lantingshausen was anxious to be relieved of his command, for the Army was so poorly supported both in man power and in materials that he saw little prospect of victory. In February 1761, the King finally appointed General Ehrensvrd to succeed him as Commander in Chief.3
3 Malmstrm, Sm. Skrifter, p. 320.
General Lantingshausen left Pomerania in the beginning of June 1761,* and Ehrensvrd took command in Pomerania on July 4.** Swedenborg therefore must have spoken to him at the end of May, and his letter reporting the result of his talk must be dated EARLY IN JUNE 1761.
* Ibid., p. 322.
** Ibid., Pol. Hist., V:122.
Highly honored Brother, of whom I have been thinking as to how I might contribute to my Brother's achievement, I have found a way thereto by a talk with Gen. Lt. Erenswerd, who is now going to command the Army instead of Governor Lantinghusen who now begs to come home, and the above-mentioned General Erensverd has promised that he will advance my Brother as soon as he comes to the place,4 and he confirmed his promise by writing my Brother's name in his book. Moreover, I talked with Captain Armfeldt,5 who promised that he would steadily remind General Erensverd of the matter, and that he himself would do all that lay in his power to advance it.
4 Ehrensvrd did not take charge of the army until July 1761 (Ibid., 322).
5 Karl Gustaf Armfeldt, 1724-1792. At the time of his death he was a Major General and a Provincial Governor.
Therefore I now have the certainty of the matter, so that I can well congratulate my Brother in advance, especially since I know that the two gentlemen entertain good thoughts of my Brother.
The separation of von Hpken, Palmstierna and Scheffer from the Privy Council made six vacancies in that Council, two of its members having previously died and a third having resigned.
* The practice was that the Diet nominated three men from whom the King chose one. Before July 22, five senators had been appointed in this way by the King. On July 22, the list of three nominations for the sixth vacancy was made, though owing to circumstances, the King did not make the appointment until October (Malstrm, V:45). But Swedenborg seems to have assumed that the appointment had been made in July-it was in fact assured.
It was at this time that Swedenborg presented a memorial6 at the end of which he recommended that the Diet recall von Hpken, Palmstierna and Scheffer to the Privy Council. The Memorial is undated, but its reference to the six newly appointed senators, and its plea that Palmstierna and Scheffer he recalled to the Privy Council fixes its date as about the END OF JULY1 for August fourth, the House of Nobles, by a large majority, voted to restore Palmstierna and Scheffer to eligibility to the Privy Council.
6 A draft and two clean copies of this memorial are contained in Codex 56, pp. 15-26.
INOFFENSIVE THOUGHTS CONCERNING THE UPHOLDING AND
STRENGTHENING OF THE KINGDOM IN ITS FREEDOM
There are two main objects for which, from their heart, the Most Worsh. Estates of the Realm should be solicitous, and of which it should be as tenderfully careful as a man is of his own life and welfare. The first is, The retention of noble Government, and thereby our priceless freedom. The second, The retention of our alliances with foreign powers and, in particular, of our alliance with France.
As regards the first: The retention of our noble Government, and thus our priceless freedom.
7 During Luther's life, Saxony had been the cradle of the Reformation.
8 James II (1685-1685). He was followed by William and Mary (13 years), Anne (12 years), and George of the House of Hanover.
9 James the Pretender.
1 Frederick the Great, the brother of Louisa Ulrika, Queen of Sweden.
2 See p. 273.
3 Queen Christina, the daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, after ruling over Sweden for ten years, abdicated the throne in 1654. She had become a Roman Catholic and left Sweden for the Continent. She visited Rome several times, where she was made by the Hierarchy, and died there in 1689.
If in Sweden there were now unlimited power with a king, and if one of his successors suffered this whore, who knows how to represent and adorn herself as a goddess, to come into his closet, may it not be that his mind might be captivated, as were the minds of the above-mentioned kings and princes in Christendom? What resistance is there then? what means to protect oneself when the whole of the kingdom's army, which is established on a permanent footing, stood under obedience to him? What could bishops and priests and the general public do against this force? against the desire which has captivated the sovereign, and against the cunning of the Jesuits? Must they not cast themselves out of the light of heaven into a barbarian darkness? and, if they do not wish to become martyrs, adore images, idols, and Satan? This, with all other kinds of slavery, the enumeration of which would be too prolix, would stand to be feared in the future were our noble Government to be changed, and our priceless freedom transformed. The only counterpoise would be [the King's] oath and conscience; but if an oath were sufficient, and the majority had conscience; all would be well in every kingdom Moreover, by virtue of Peter's keys, the Papal Chair can release all oaths, and absolve all consciences. One and all, they do indeed carry on their lips, and display on the front of their shield, that they cherish no thought of autocracy; but as to what many think in their heart and carry on the other side of their shield, this is known to God, to themselves, and to their secret friends, through whom, at times, what is invisible shines somewhat forth. I shudder when I think of what can happen and likely would happen if private designs which set the general welfare in thick darkness, obtained dominion here. Moreover, I see no difference between a king in Sweden who possesses unlimited power and an idol; for all minds and hearts turn to the one in the same way as to the other, and they steer their course according to his pleasure, and worship what issues from his mouth.
As to the second main object, namely, our alliance with foreign powers and, in particular, with France, it is well known that ever since this our fine Government had its beginning,4 the Most Worsh. Estates of the Realm, and in particular the Secret Committee and, consequently, the Privy Council,5 have considered the bond of alliance with France as most closely agreeing with the interests of the Kingdom and with its defense, in case neighboring kingdoms cause us any uneasiness; and the chief reason for this is, that that Kingdom is situated at a distance from Sweden and so has nothing to share with us in land or province; and therefore, as being to her own advantage and use, sees Sweden's revival and improvement without jealousy. This cannot be expected of England, since that Kingdom and the Electorate of Hanover have become united under one lord and king,6 and, on the ground of what had taken place, he, as Elector of Hanover, came into possession of lands which had belonged to the Kingdom of Sweden.7 This has turned his interests against us, and ours against him; and on both sides it is impossible that this can pass out of thought and vanish; and so long as it does not, there will always remain interests unchangeably opposed. From this it follows, in accordance with the natural interests which are between kingdoms, that so long as the Kingdom of England and the Electorate of Hanover are united under one lord, no such alliance can be entered into and concluded with that Kingdom as with the Kingdom of France.
4 Namely, with the Constitution adopted in 1720 after the death of Charles XII.
5 Literally, the Kingdom's Council. It was formerly the King's Council, but with the introduction of constitutional government in 1720, the name was changed.
6 George I, Elector of Hanover, became King of England in 1714. The two governments were not separated until the death of his descendant, William IV, is 1837.
7 By the Treaty of Westphalia, 1648, Bremen and the Duchy of Verden, both belonging to Hanover, were given to Sweden, but in 1712 they were lost to the Danes from whom they were purchased by Hanover in 1715.
Because of the above-mentioned reasons, the two main objects here described, to wit, our noble Government and our Alliance with France, have been inmostly in the heart of the Realm's Estates ever since the beginning of our fine Government, which is now over forty years; and both have been maintained and guarded by means of the Secret Committee and its watchful deliberations and measures.
The carrying out of these objects has been entrusted to the Privy Council as the authorized representative of the Realm's Estates. But since three Privy Councillors, namely, Herr Baron von Hpken, Herr Baron Palmstierna, and Herr Baron Scheffer, have shown proof of their care for our noble Government within the Kingdom, and for a most noble alliance outside the Kingdom, and thus, together with the other Privy Councillors have held upright the two foundation pillars upon which the true welfare and defense of the Kingdom are founded; and these men are now missed in the Council; therefore, I presume it will not be taken in my disfavor that I venture with good intent to submit as to whether it should not be considered an urgent matter, that the said three Herrar Councillors be recalled; in particular, that Herr Baron von Hpken be solicited in this matter, especially since justice has since turned in their favor, and equity does the same by virtue of the fact that all the other Privy Councillors--who likewise took part in the have been retained. I by no means wish to doubt but that the six newly appointed Privy Councillors have the same zeal as the others, and the same intention to defend and guard our Government, and also the alliances founded on the Kingdom's interests; for they are men of enlightened understanding and of foreseeing reflection; but so also in the case of the above-mentioned three Herrar Councillors, one is in full assurance of this, from the actual proof which in their time they have manifested and displayed in the Council.
Em. Swedenborg
To go back to Nordencrantz: His Preparatory Exchange Deputation, thwarted by powerful men who profited by the rising rate of exchange, had come to powerless inactivity. The joint Deputation, consisting of eight members from the Nordencrantz Deputation and eight from the Secret Committee, was constantly in feud. Moreover, it was more or less helpless since it could not get access to the Bank's papers. Finally, it also became wholly inactive. This was what the Secret Committee desired, for even before the joint Deputation had been appointed, that Committee had secretly appointed a committee of its own members.
More men than Swedenborg were dissatisfied with Nordencrantz's book, and these included speculators and manipulators of the exchange whom Nordencrantz had exposed, and who therefore attacked him with bitter hatred. In April, after the matter of von Hpken, Palmstierna, and Scheffer had been settled, this dissatisfaction and hatred broke out in violent attacks against Nordencrantz in person, and even against the Censor, Oelreich, who had passed his book. Nordencrantz was accused of having slurred his country, and having characterized the whole Swedish nation as blind, stupid, and ignorant; of having attacked the fundamental laws; of having defamed the Diet, and condemned the privileges of the House of Nobles. The House of Burghers wished to have him arrested and tried by a commission, and this wish was shared by the House of Peasants; but the House of Priests and the House of Nobles--the latter by a majority of only four votes--defended him. Thus, with two houses against two, the matter was necessarily dropped (Malmstrm, 4:74s)
Nordencrantz's enemies did succeed in having a commission appointed to examine his book, and the ruling Hats saw to it that this Commission was constituted of haters of Nordencrantz. The Commission was at first very active and very hostile, but, for some reason or other, in October it died out without making any report (ibid., 109).
That Swedenborg disagreed both with the position held by the book and with the spirit of criticism which seemed to him to inspire it, is evident from his letters and memorials. These also indicate that he would be unwilling to support any personal attack, and still less any persecution of its author. Nordencrantz doubtless became aware of this, for despite their differences, they became good friends. This is evidenced by a letter,8 dated DECEMBER 31, 1761, which Swedenborg received from Censor Oelreich:
8 Codex 56, p. 71.
Herr Councillor of Commerce Nordencrantz invites the Herr Assessor and me to come to church tomorrow at 10 o'clock, and afterward to take dinner with him. He is sending us his carriage. At the above-mentioned time, I will then come to the Herr Assessor's with the carriage and fetch him. I greatly desire that you two shall be true friends with each other.
Stockholm, 31 Dec. 1761 N. v. Oelreich
In the latter half of 1762, Swedenborg associated himself with others in a memorial addressed to the College of Commerce, appealing against a decision made by the Customs Society--a private company to which the Government had farmed out the collection of all customs dues (p. 319s)-confiscating some imported mortars. The document is in the possession of Mr. H. C. Fairlie of Glasgow. The official entry on the document shows that it is the actual document that was handed in reason of the fact that the right-hand part of most of the lines has been torn away or otherwise lost. The supplying of necessary words is therefore somewhat doubtful. Yet the reader can be assured of the general correctness of the translation.
As to the circumstances under which Swedenborg was led to take part in this Memorial--this remains in obscurity. The document is dated AUGUST 15, 1762:
The High well-born Herr Baron and President, Commander of the Royal Order of the North Star,9 and also the well-born Herrar Commerce Councillors and Assessors:
Lars von P ----- the Apothecary in bo, has constituted and authorized us to represent him before the High well-born Herr Baron and President and the most worthy Royal Councillors and Assessors, to take charge of the goods retained because of customs and dues, namely, 12 serpentine mortars which have come from abroad for the needs of Apothecaries, but have been held in the Packhouse as being among goods forbidden for import.1 We, being fully authorized, submit in humility that serpentines made of stone are forbidden import into the Kingdom in His Royal Majesty's gracious order dated November 13, 1756, for which reason the above-mentioned mortars are known to be held. But, in consideration of the circumstance referred to, how far they map he released on payment of the custom dues, and may be disposed of, this rests with the high well-born Baron and President's and the Most Worthy Royal College's own gracious inquiry and decision.
9 The reference is to Count Claes Gustaf Rlamb (1705-65), President of the College of Commerce.
1 See p. 484.
We remain ever the High well-born Baron and President's and Commander's of the Royal Order of the North Star, the Most Worship. Royal College's humble servants.
Laurentz Schoen, Emanuel Swedenborg, Albr. Preen, J. Mauritski, Laurents Strm, Oscar Febure.
Stockholm,
5 Aug. 1762
[Notation on the document:]
To the Royal Commerce College respecting
Apothecary von P -- imported 12 mortars.
2 The Generaltullrrendesocietet was the Body to which the Government farmed out the collection of custom dues. It was established in 1726 (see p. 321), and its contract with the Government was continuously renewed until 1766, when the Government took the collection on itself.
Soon after the close of the Diet, on June 21, 1762, Swedenborg received from his publisher in London some unbound copies of the Arcana Coelestia, and with his usual liberality he did not hesitate to give any he could spare to friends who might appreciate the work. Among these was Bishop Mennander3 whom he had met, perhaps for the first time, at the Diet of 1760-62 in which Mennander took an active part. Since Swedenborg was now well known as a theological writer, they had probably talked together about his works, and Swedenborg appears to have had the impression that Mennander was more or less affirmative. So far as is known, however, there is no indication in Mennander's life of this affirmative attitude, though he cherished deep respect for Swedenborg's learning and character.
3 Carl Frederick Mennander (1712-86), a learned scientist as well as theologian. After serving as a pastor and as theological professor, he was appointed in 1757 Bishop of bo, Finland, where he had received his early education. In 1775, he became Archbishop. He had attended the Diet of 1760-62 where, as a bishop, he was ex officio a member of the Secret Committee.
To Mennander then, after he had left Stockholm for bo, Swedenborg sent a bound set (8 vols.) of the Arcana Coelestia, entrusting them for shipment to his friend Stiernman4 to whom he wrote that he was sending these books only to those bishops who were wise and intelligent and, in the present case, only to Bishops Mennander and Halenius.
4 Anders Anton von Stiernman (1695-1765) was the head of the Archives Office, with the title of Chancery Councillor. During the last Diet he had been a member of the Stern Deputation. Swedenborg entrusted him with the sending of the books because the Archivist was sending a number of packages to bo University.
Most Reverend Herr Doctor and Bishop:
Since I have received from England some copies of Arcana Coelestia, I have entrusted one copy to Chancery Councillor, the well-born Herr Stiernman, that he may forward it to the Herr Doctor and Bishop. It is presented, that by this means I may also give assurance of my high regard for the Herr Doctor and Bishop, in which I remain, the most Reverend Herr Doctor's and Bishop's most obedient servant,
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Aug. 25, 1762.
Stiernman at once forwarded the books; and in a letter written to the Bishop on August 31, after informing him of Swedenborg's gift, he added: "This time,5 Herr Swedenborg has not given copies to many Bishops, only to those who are sapientes and intelligentes, that is, Halenius and Mennander--to quote his own words."
5 This suggests that Swedenborg had previously presented Bishop Mennander with one of his theological works--probably De Caelo et Inferno; see 2 Doc. 399.
The Halenius here referred to is Engelbert Halenius (1700-1767). In 1753 he was appointed Bishop of Skara in opposition to Jonas Unge, Swedenborg's brother-in-law. He was a man of great learning, but had a reputation for avarice, and, at the Diets, for political jobbery. In the Diet of 1760-62, he was the leader of the Hats in the House of the Clergy, and together with Mennander, strenuously opposed the action against von Hpken, Palmstierna, and Scheffer. It is said of him that on one occasion, Swedenborg, with whom he had been in controversy, foretold that he would soon suffer a sickness from which he could recover only by a change of heart founded on a diligent reading of Swedenborg's theological works; and that this had actually been the case (Sv. Biog. Lex., p. 31). According to Pernetty, the controversy was about the falsity of Lutheran theology; and after his illness, Halenius became an ardent receiver of the Doctrines (I Doc. 67) If this story is based on fact, then Swedenborg must have first spoken with Halenius at the 1756 Diet. At this Diet, Halenius was one of the Commission which condemned Erik Brahe to death. Indeed, he took a very active part in this condemnation, and for this he was afterwards very sorry (Warholm, Skara Stifts Herd., 1:42).
To this time must be ascribed a document addressed to the Kommerskollegium similar to that on page 597 and which presents the same difficulty of understanding in what connection Swedenborg came to he one of its signatories. The original, which is the document actually received by the College, is in the possession of Director Erik G. Wiren, a Collector of books and MSS., residing near Stockholm, Sweden. It is dated NOVEMBER 15, 1762, and was received by the Kommerskollegium on November 26:
Received Nov. 26, 1762
The high well-born Herr President and Commander of the Royal Order of the North Star.
And also
The well-born, Noble and highly esteemed Gentlemen, the Councillor, Assessors and Commissaries of the College of Commerce:
Having received from the lessee of Stiernarp's Paper-mill, communication of the complaint which the Master, Gabriel Malmgren, laid before the High well-born Herr President and the most worshipful Royal College, concerning the matter that, for two years, duty has been collected in Halmstad for the operation of the said mill, therefore, by virtue of Par. 15 in the Royal Manufacturers Privileges, he asks to receive restitution. In this matter, the Attorneys6 asked an explanation from Halmstad County excise office. There it is set forth that privileges for this paper-mill were indeed granted in 1675, but that the mill lay waste for many years until it was taken on lease by the applicant some years ago, and was put in good condition; but that afterwards no privileges for it were granted, in lack whereof the Excise Office considered itself free to exempt from duty the operation of this mill.
6 Namely, the signers. The word fullmgtig means one who is empowered to act for another in some given matter.
This application depends thus on how far a special privilege can be worked out for the said paper-mill for the enjoyment of the freedom and rights established in the general privileges for manufacturers and craftsmen, in which case the annual tax, as shown in the tax receipts, can be restored.
The Attorneys remain henceforth,
the High well-born Herr President's
and Commander's of the Royal Order of the North Star
and also
The Most worship. Royal College's
obedient servants,
Attorneys at the Gen. Tullarend. Society
C. F. v. Hpken7 Jac. Lantingshausen8 Jac. Joh. Gyllenborg9 Lars Silfverstolpe1 Em. Swedenborg Joh. Palme
Stockholm, 15
November 1762
Axel Kellman
7 Carl Fredrik von Hpken (1713-1778), brother of Anders Joh. v. Hpken and President of the Kammarkollegium.
8 Jacob Albrekt Lantingshausen (1699-1769), Governor of Stockholm. See p. 590.
9 1721-1788. Son-in-law of Count Henning Gyllenborg, Governor of Stockholm County.
1 1723-1804. Councillor in the Kammarkollegium.
To the Royal College of Commerce concerning Lessee Malmgren's application for exemption from duty for his paper production.
Toward the end of December 1762, Anna Dorothea, the daughter of Peter Filenius,2 and the granddaughter of Eric Benzelius and Anna Swedenborg Benzelia, was married to the Latin scholar and poet Samuel lf.3
2 Peter Filenius (1704-1780). After finishing his studies in Lund in 1730, he became tutor to Count Arvid Horn's only son. In 1732, owing to Horn's influence, he became a teacher of philosophy in bo University, and in 1735, Professor of Eastern languages. Later he took an extensive foreign journey. In 1740, at the end of this journey, he married Swedenborg's niece Ulrica (1725-1766), the youngest daughter of Eric Benzelius and Swedenborg's sister Anna. After his return to Finland, he was ordained and became a professor of theology. In 1742, because of the Russian war, he was obliged to leave Abo and take refuge in Sweden where he became professor of Eastern languages in Lund. In 1744 he became Dean of the Cathedral in Linkping, where his father-in-law, who had died the previous year, had been Bishop. In 1761, he himself became Bishop of Linkping. During the Diet of 1760-62, he made one with Bishops Halenius, Mennnnder, and Benzelstierna--son of Swedenborg's sister Hedwig--in defending the members of the Privy Council against the attack led by Pechlin.
3 Since 1757 Samuel lf (1727-99) had been Lector in Latin, with the title of Professor, in the Linkping Gymnasium, of which Bishop Filenius was the head. He was ordained in r766, and became Doctor of Theology in 1772. After the death of his father, his mother, in a second marriage, gave birth to his stepbrother, the learned journalist, historian and traveler, Johan Hendrik Liden (1741-1795), of whom more hereafter.
Most Reverend Herr Doctor and Bishop,
Highly honored Herr Brother:
I had the honor to receive my d. Brother's kind letter wherein I am informed of the intended and now completed marriage between the daughter of my d. Brother and Sister, Anna Dorothea Filenia and the Professor, Lector Herr Magister Samuel lf. From my heart I wish them a prosperity and happiness which shall long and continuously be an inner delight to them both and to their parents, and which, in common with them, will be a delight to me. I continue with reverence and hearty good wishes for a blessed new year,
the most Rev. Herr Doctor's and Bishop's,
my highly honored Herr Brother's
most humble servant,
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm
Jan. 6, 1763
In the summer of 1763, Swedenborg proceeded to Amsterdam for the purpose of publishing his theological works. Here in August he withdrew from Jennings and Finlay the 10,000 dal. which he had deposited with them, together with 600 dal., being the yearly interest (see p. 526). With these funds, he was well able to publish in Amsterdam the Four Doctrines, Continuation of the Last Judgment, Divine Love and Wisdom and, in 1763, Divine Providence.
He returned to Sweden in August 1764, bringing with him several copies of his publications, four of which he intended as gifts to certain libraries, and five for certain bishops. Among the latter, he included Bishop Mennander, to whom he had his friend Stiernman send a copy of Divine Love and Wisdom and Divine Providence.
It is a pleasure to me that I can present the work which is now published in Holland, and I assure myself of the Herr Bishop's approval in all that is truth, since the Herr Bishop is one of our most learned men in Sweden and therefore has better insight than others.
I have brought with me only a few copies, four for the Academy Library, and five for Bishops, among whom the Herr Bishop together with the Archbishop,4 are the foremost to whom I entrust the truths which the Lord has now revealed (Apoc., 21:5, 9).*
4 Magnus Beronius 91692-1775) succeeded Archbishop Troilius who died January 16, 1764.
* "And he that sat upon the throne said, Behold, I make all things new. And he said unto me, Write; for these words are true and faithful. And there came unto me one of the seven angels ... and talked with me, saying, Come hither, I will shew thee the bride, the Lamb's wife."
Chancery Councillor, Herr Stiernman has undertaken to dispatch them--one to the Herr Bishop and one to the Academy Library.
I remain, with reverend respect
the Rt. Rev. Herr Bishop's and
Prochancellor's
most obedient servant
Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm
August 19, 1764
This letter does not specify what books were sent to Bishop Mennander, but most probably they included all the works lately published in Amsterdam. This is confirmed by a letter which the journalist Gjrwell5 sent to his friend Liden.
5 Carl Christophersson Gjrwell (1731-1811) was one of the most brilliant of Swedish journalists who also had a genius for preserving historical testimony, it being this genius that led him to write down an account of his conversation with Swedenborg immediately after he had visited him on August 28, 1764 (2 Doc. 402).
It appears to be in the Spring of 1765 that Immanuel Kant, who was then investigating stories about Swedenborg, wrote to Swedenborg himself inquiring as to the truth of what is called the Queen's Secret. He had the letter delivered to Swedenborg in person by an English merchant, and Swedenborg promised to answer it.
The above is taken from a letter written by Kant in 1768, and is all that is known of the matter. See 2 Dec. 627. His letter to Swedenborg has never come to light. In 1766, as a result of his investigation, Kant published his Dreams of a Spirit Seer.
In July 1765, Swedenborg drove from Stockholm to Gothenburg in his own carriage. From Gothenburg he was to have gone by sea to Amsterdam, where he intended to publish Apocalypsis Revelata. Unfavorable winds, however, prevented his early departure, and it was not till a week after his arrival in Gothenburg that he was able to sail. During this week, he was invited out to meals every day, and it was at one of these meals that he first met Dr. Beyer.6 The Doctor had heard something of Swedenborg, and in common with others supposed he was somewhat of a fanatic. Imagine, therefore, his surprise when at the dinner table he listened to Swedenborg speak of his doctrines with great clearness and evident sincerity. So impressed was Dr. Beyer, and also Dr. Rosen,7 that the latter invited Swedenborg to dine with him the next day, together with Dr. Beyer (2 Doc. 426). They talked about the new doctrine, and Dr. Beyer was again impressed by the rationality of what he heard--indeed, he was so deeply impressed that he asked Swedenborg if he would not write out a summary of his discourse and give it to him the next day when both were to meet at the house of Councillor Sven Wenngren8 (3 Doc. 699). Swedenborg consented, and the next day he brought his summary.
6 Gabriel Andreas Beyer (172I-1779), Lector in Greek at the Gothenburg Gymnasium. He was a learned man, and was the first in the world to enter upon a systematic study of the doctrines of the New Church. He and Dr. Rosen suffered much because of their acceptance of the New Church teachings.
7 John Rosen (1726-1773), Lector in Eloquence and Poetry, a man of great literary ability and wit, who, by the weekly journals which he founded and edited at different times, strove to inspire the worldly minded Gothenburgians with some taste for literature.
8 In 1746 Wenngren was elected a member of the City Council of Gothenburg, but the same year he resigned the office in order to become Secretary of the wealthy and powerful East India Co. (Frding, Gteborgs Hist. under Frihetstiden, pp. 334-35). Yet he continued to be addressed as Councillor Wenngren.
During his stay in Gothenburg, Swedenborg made acquaintance with Bishop Lamberg and Dean Ekebom,9 and such was the friendly conduct of these men that they gave him the impression of being favorable to his theological doctrines; yet the Bishop was indifferent to all doctrines, being interested mainly in courting favor, when favor was profitable, and the Dean developed into a relentless persecutor of "Swedenborgianism."
9 Erik Lamberg (1719-80), Bishop of Gothenburg--a weak, timorous person who, seeking favor with the ruling powers, joined in the attack against Beyer and Rosen as heretics. Olaf Andreas Ekebom (1716-84), Dean of the Consistory--a fantastic boaster, who frequently made himself ridiculous even in the pulpit.
In addition, Swedenborg made friends with some of the leading merchants of the city--Peter Hammarberg, Dr. Beyer's brother-in-law, Gabriel Frederik Beyer, the Doctor's cousin, Sven Wenngren, Gabriel Frederik's uncle, and Burgomaster Daniel Pettersson.1
1 All these men were prosperous merchants who were more or less favorable to the new doctrines. All belonged to the citizen class, i.e., they were not nobles. Daniel Pettersson (1720-1802) became a member of the town council at the early age of twenty-six. Later he was elected Burgomaster, and in 1765, Recorder of the city--offices which he held until shortly before his death. From the improvements which he instituted, he was regarded as the greatest benefactor (Frding, Gteborgs Hist. under nyare tiden, 3:243, 331-32). Gabriel F. Beyer was a banker as well as a merchant; he was also an exporter of iron (ibid., 4:109). Sven Wenngren was his uncle. Petter Hammarberg was the only one of these men openly to ally himself with the Swedenborgians by becoming a member of the Exegetic and Philanthropic Society, founded by C. F. Nordenskjld and C. B. Wadstrm in 1786 (ibid., 4:4).
When after a week's delay favoring winds allowed his ship to sail, Swedenborg resumed his journey to Holland, leaving his carriage behind him since he expected to revisit Gothenburg on his way back to Stockholm.
Arrived in Amsterdam, he at once gave the manuscript of Apocalypsis Revelata to the printer. At the same time, or perhaps a little later, he gave him a small manuscript, being a copy with a few alterations, of his work on Longitude, published in Amsterdam in 1721.
Since I have the opportunity, I avail myself thereof to send the Herr Doctor the beginning of Apocalypsis Revelata, being as much as is now in print. I am sending two copies. In the coming Spring, the rest so far as it has come out, will follow to complete the sets.
I remain, with every affection,
the Rev. Herr Doctor's
obedient servant,
Eman. Swedenborg
Amsterdam
Oct. 1, 1765
And now came evidence that Swedenborg's theological writings hall aroused interest in Germany. In 1762, Friedrich Christoph Oetinger,2 a prominent Lutheran clergyman in Wrtemburg, came across Swedenborg's Principia, and he was so impressed by its teachings that, while still in bed recovering from a severe illness, he wrote a rsum as chapter one of a projected work. Die Irrdischen und Himmlischer Philosophie,3 in which he compares the philosophy of Swedenborg and others with that of Jacob Boehme. He had intended to publish this work, which deals with Earthly Philosophy, preliminary to publishing a second volume concerning Heavenly Philosophy; but in 1763, the Wrtemburg Consistory in Stuttgart forbade its publication either in or out of the country (Herpel, Oetinger 253; Ehmann 659).
2 Oetinger (1702-1782) was a disciple of Jacob Boehme. He was a firm believer in orthodox Lutheran theology, and despite all his reading of Swedenborg's works, never entertained any doubts as to its truth. But he firmly believed that God had commissioned Swedenborg to reveal the nature of life after death. Oetinger had studied Boehme, he cultivated the society of men who claimed to have spiritual visions, and in Swedenborg's works he saw the most complete revelation of the spiritual world. His theology, he rejected, and especially his exegresis of the Scripture which he thought to be destructive of the plain meaning of the Holy Word. "God calls his instruments for one thing only" (Ehmann, Oetingers Leben u. Briefe, p. 772).
3 Earthly and Heavenly Philosophy.
Two years later (1765*) Oetinger was introduced by Professor Kies, Dean of the Philosophical Faculty in Tbingen, to volume I of Swedenborg's Arcana Coelestia.4
* Irrd. U. Him. Phil., I, 2. In 3 Doc. 1027, Dr. Tafel gives 1762, but this is an error.
4 3 Doc. 1030.
He is careful to style Swedenborg's teaching as "philosophy," and instead of submitting the manuscript to the Consistory he submitted it to his friend Professor Kies, head of the Philosophical Faculty, who at once gave it his imprimatur (3 Doc. 1931)
The work was published at the end of the year as volume 1, and the work written in 1762. On Earthly Philosophy as volume 2. Thus the volumes reversed the order of the title Earthly and Heavenly Philosophy, and this manifests the importance Oetinger attached to Swedenborg's revelation of the spiritual world (3 Doc. 1029).
Before the publication, however, namely, on October 13, 1765, Oetinger wrote to "Baron von Swedenborg" in Stockholm, asking for the title of any other works he had written concerning things seen and heard in the spiritual world. In his Selbstbiographie, p. 97, Oetinger intimates that in this letter, which is now lost, he did not accept Swedenborg's exegesis. "I wrote to Baron von Swedenborg" (he says) "in such a way that one could easily see that I have taken nothing from him save what belongs to sacred philosophy; his interpretation-concept I detest."
Not receiving an answer from Swedenborg, who was then in Amsterdam, Oetinger wrote again, but he had to wait a long time before he received an answer, for Swedenborg did not return to Stockholm until September 1766. See pp. 614, 620.
After his meeting with Swedenborg, Dr. Beyer had an ardent desire to read his published theological works. By the help of his cousin, Gabriel Frederik Beyer, a prosperous merchant of Gothenburg, he was able to procure a number of them from England, including several volumes of the Arcana Coelestia, and these he read with eagerness and pleasure. He did not venture to write to their author, however, until he had become somewhat familiar with his writings.
Herewith I have the honor to satisfy a long-felt duty, namely, to express humble thanks for the printed ark of Apocalypsis Revelata so kindly sent me. I am eagerly anxious and pleased at the good hope the Herr Assessor has already been pleased to give in regard to it. When one reflects more carefully, it cannot be otherwise than that a spiritual sense is that which rules in this hitherto so completely sealed Apocalypse.
My desire has long been aroused, and is ever more and more lively, to go through the published writings of the Herr Assessor in theology, and through my cousin's5 goodness, it has fortunately come about that I have secured most of them and have had the opportunity to read a good part of them. I will not speak of the pleasure they have often given me, of how the glorious truths are beginning to shine forth, and how, were not my official duties and daily circumstances in the way, following my desire, I would not stop until I had been through all the writings, and read them over again. In the light of the sound and genuine philosophy of more recent days, it has given me satisfaction to perceive how that the Herr Assessor's theological system not only does not militate against it but seems even to furnish a clearer light.
5 i.e., Gabriel Frederik Beyer.
But it has troubled me for some time that the Herr Assessor nowhere cites the writings of the Apostles as the Divine Word. They likewise had immediate inspiration from God's Spirit ([symbols]) in no less degree than the Prophets. It has also seemed as if the Herr Assessor does not wish to consider their writings and utterances as in every way correct. As to this, several things have occurred to me as some solution, and I respectfully submit them.
Should it be understood that, according to the Herr Assessor's thought, the Apostles were certainly moved by God's spirit, even so far that words also were instilled, and this by virtue of the Lord's clear promise; but that a difference should be made as to doctrine, and the Word from which the doctrine is drawn;
If it could be done without much inconvenience for the Herr Assessor, I should like to have some expression on this matter. In addition, I have another wish--something in detail on marriage, a subject which, with tender persons, arouses troublesome questions of conscience, and in all the darkness is little known and still less explained.
The Herr Assessor's graciousness already shown in abundance, emboldens me to trouble the Herr Assessor with respect to the procuring via Captain Sjgrd,6 of the first, second and eighth volume of the Arcana Coelestia, that is, everything before n. 2760, and everything after n. 9442. On Herr Beyer's assurance, they will be paid for from his account with Messrs. Hasselgren.7
6 Capt. Sjgrd was captain of a ship plying between Gothenburg and Amsterdam.
7 Jan and Karl Hasselgren, Bankers in Amsterdam.
All the other pieces have come from England, but it is said that these cannot be found. To me it is no little loss so long as I do not have access to them, and much opposition is stirring within myself for being so bold as to cause so much trouble.
With respect, I remain
the well-born Herr Assessor's
humble servant,
Gabriel Andersson Beyer
March 18, 1766
Gothenburg
In the beginning of April, very soon after receiving this letter, the printing of Apocalypsis Revelata and also of the little work on Finding the Longitude, was completed, and Swedenborg at once busied himself with sending out presentation copies of the works to the Universities in Holland, Germany, Denmark and France, as well as copies to various individuals.
* The original of this letter is lost, and the translation is based on the text published in Samlingar fr philantroper no. 1, 1787, "Andra brefwet" the second in a number of letters by Swedenborg. The Samlingar omits the superscription, and represents the usual polished ending by "etc."
I have now come to an end with the Revelation-book, and am sending to the Herr Doctor 8 copies thereof--a stitched and 6 unstitched. These the Herr Doctor will dispose of as follows: 1 for himself; 1 for the Bishop, 1 for the Dean,8 1 for Dr. Rosen, 1 for the Burgomaster, Herr Petterson, 1 for the Library; the 2 remaining copies the Herr Doctor can hand out to his friends.
8 Bishop Lamberg and Dean Ekebom.
At the end of every chapter are Memorabilia separated from the text by asterisks. The Herr Doctor will be so good as to read these first. From them one gets a fundamental knowledge of the miserable state into which Faith Alone has brought the churches of the Reformed.
From here I am now going to England, where some noise is likely to be made, because in the Memorabilia, the Bishops in England are referred to in somewhat strong terms--but necessity demanded this.*
Amsterdam
April 8, 1766
I remain, etc.
[Em. Swedenborg]
* See Apocalypse Revealed nos. 341, 675, 716.
About the same time, Swedenborg wrote to the Secretary of State in Sweden, and to the Swedish Ambassador in Paris.9 Both letters are undated, but their contents show that they were written on or about APRIL 8:
9 The original text of these letters is lost, and they are found only in English translation as published in the Appendix to Dr. Hartley's English translation of the work on Influx published in London 1784.
To the Secretary of State:
I have at last finished the Explication of St. John's Revelations, circulated them round to all the Universities in Holland, Germany, France, and England; and am going to send seventy copies to Stockholm, of which your honor will please to take 10, and give 5 to the following Senators: Senator Hpken, Senator Scheffer,1 and Nordencrantz, Councillor of Commerce; Bishop Mennander, and Bishop Serenius;2 the other five you will be pleased to dispose of amongst your friends.